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ADVERTISEMENT
The work of the Bureau of American Ethnology is conducted under act of Con-
gress ‘‘for continuing ethnologic researches among the American Indians under the
direction of the Smithsonian Institution.”
Two series of publications have been issued by the Bureau under authority of Con-
gress, Viz, annual reports and bulletins. The annual reports were hitherto author-
ized by concurrent resolution from time to time, and were published for the use of
Congress and the Bureau. The present report is published hy authority of section 73
of the act of Congress approved January 12, 1895, entitled ‘‘An act providing for the
public printing and binding and the distribution of public documents.” The publi-
cation of the series of bulletins was authorized by concurrent resolution first in 1886,
and more definitely in 1888, and twenty-four numbers of this series have been issued
for the use of Congress and the Bureau. In addition, the Bureau has supervised the
publication of a series of quarto volumes bearing the title, ‘Contributions to North
American Ethnology,” begun in 1877 by the United States Geographical Survey of
the Rocky Mountain Region. This series comprises Volumes I to VII and IX.
The above publications are distributed primarily by Congress, and the portions of
the editions printed for the Bureau are used for exchange with libraries and scien-
tific and educational institutions and with special investigators in anthropology who
send their own publications regularly to the Bureau.
The exchange list of the Bureau is large, and the product of the exchange forms
a valuable ethnologic library independent of the general library of the Smithsonian
Institution, This library is in constant use by the Bureau collaborators, as well as
by other anthropologists resident in or visiting Washington.
Most of the volumes of the annual reports and all of the volumes of the ‘“ Contri-
butions to North American Ethnology” are out of print.
Exchanges and other contributions to the Bureau should be addressed,
Bureau of American Ethnology,
Washington, D. C.,
U.S. A.
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FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
SECRETARY OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
hoo = OE
ALE ARs JEOy en sh Dew
DIRECTOR
ASSN i) TT
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WASHINGTON
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
1897
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LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL
SMITHSONIAN InstITUTION, BuREAU oF ETHNOLOGY,
Washington, D. C., July 1, 1894.
Str: I have the honor to submit my fifteenth annual report
as Director of the Bureau of Ethnology.
The first part consists of an explanation of the plan of the
Bureau and its operations during the fiscal year 1893-94; the
second part comprises a series of special papers setting forth
certain results of the work of the Bureau relating to arche-
ology and the social organization of the American Indians.
I desire to express my thanks for your earnest support and
your wise counsel relating to the work under my charge.
I am, with respect, your obedient servant,
Director.
Honorable S. P. Laneuey,
Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution.
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CONTENTS
REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR
Page
1h CCINOHOM ac eco pkesed taecec naob adeess Haoons cone SasoEsEs bose pepeee sede XVII
MOMMY TENCE), soe cee coe saeebac ee soebsHe gegose ode SaeE eee saenebe Se cene XX
Operations during Wi ulye ase te eer sa ewe alec ee se ese eee seca sa = XX
Operations unin ONO CUS be eee ame aaa een ee = ane eae sees aa XXIV
Operations urine 56 p LOM De lees aa ne see ee eel eee ere XXVII
(OperAiOns Gites OO OWES o-Ssco cosas cosede SSanes sece sacocspeSDEees XXXII
Operations a urin oy NOOMD Oleee sate alseaa as aee mace = Sama ener een aa XXXVI
Operations durine December cess = -aiaae= = see see a ae ee XLII
OPOLA EONS TT Oy) aN eee ee alae aah ale ie ae eel oe XLVI
OperabionsiGurin ee DTU Any; eas 22 ee eaten sete ae = ncaa L
Operationsiduring, Marches 2.2. sae2 sore - cos 2-2 eects ecsececee sss LIV
Oncmminona dining JAA, a s<c5 pocec none Beanonsen codons sand cemeceoaas LVIII
Operatlons c Uim Oy Ma yor meee er el eel aie ian nano clans malar LXII
Openings Ghosts Nb. a= oSaecock oSa5 Shep CSehoauous Hoses osaEsenoce LXV
Sim RETO Nhs ca sAas hess og RaSo SEES RO SenS Heso05 BESS Hp enae seebes cseceare LXIX
@lagsiticationvotuthe) wot keeee. ae semen eee = a eee ee eee yaae= LXIX
Explorabiony <-- 2s -ce tees eens sss. sense cee nese asec eeiseeeet = -eecsece LEO.
NRO NGIOEN, S sacabobocoReso anos pbes aS60 aS ao abo p aepeeopuveaseecamsaase LXXIII
MeScriptive Gunn ol OM yseeeen eee eee sae eee ine eee eee aaa ae LXXIX
SOGGY -cbassetecbs eeu dcoos pebbe Sas Saor Sasa seep oadeocEesepS SeOC LXXX
Pictopraphy-andisiomMlanomaces se. e522 a. sos] ea ees saeee LXXXI
MIN PuIsticsss -ssc=o 22s es seseee soe oe oo ee sane sss. see eehibeasieeas- LXXXII
IMvjtholo Siysesece cos cosas ce Seana ee aah ante aa esane See Sere a LXXXV
IRS y CHOlO Pyge eras ioe enna, Nee sie sees oe e ree ated oa aan a ears ose eae LXXXVII
Bibliography? =.s2j2< see senses see Soc een se soso same ee Ane LXXXVIL
TET ONCE OO) aos coca aE SO BESS SENS Gees nor Sn H ees aan rane s Aareeerset LXXXVIII
Miscellaneouseessee ses ce ea eee eee econ ae sere scece XCI
Hinanciali statement sscer sees sass saa eens eae ees aoe en ene al XCIl
Characterization of accompanying papers -..---.------.-----.-=--------- XCIIL
IDS SHU DATO TA. CME Shell oy Cis sk cong cons ose Sse Sos sea ates cosdsoceeaseue XCIII
Stone implements of the Potomac-Chesapeake tidewater province ---. XClV
MherSiouan Indians —.. 22-2. seeps< s/n scess se eeciise so eess Soe e ee XCVIL
Si@ienm Soen@loya7 seas caosen cee seSoassso secs > Gs00 seen ses ssasas epee XCIX
ORAM Ein KOTO IME sae aaac cosnco peloee Sons Sas Sone Sano eses Seco esBEeoee c
iomepalwors Gasca Grand eyruines sa -mlesee sels ies eae a= cul
Olin Reina NIRINON . <52 560 agconesopene Aron a5ostoc0 poe Gor soosce Bese Sena ceae CIV
ACCOMPANYING PAPERS
STONE IMPLEMENTS OF THE POTOMAC-CHESAPEAKE TIDEWATER PROVINCE,
BY WILLIAM HENRY HOLMES
IPREMIGINY MOOS < se sed eodnbocos. uABAGaeHe RSs a AONE R bess Snaeaocacoss soosem Eonar 13
Clievaiign T= liiniiGhine Wis) cteacneces sess Codes See bn asses peeees coeece eseSeeEc 19
shemiel dkotumv.estigatlon as eas ese se ete ea ea at iala = = == 19
Ta coh ReneS BENG oS Se Se encone sosee de ececs SaSeed Bese HeSeeoeso> 20
VI REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
Chapter I—Introductory—Continued. Page
Characteriof thestoneimpiements 2. = = ate le = ee eee eee 21
Materials(and their/distribution= --=225-—- = -- = ee ee a eee 21
QW EMA bN® pace sacsos asos Socnse cseecbeS to roes sar eses sass osse sos ese 23
WPA REO WN) 65 Semen snot ono oeD SSHoeeeSed oaub Su sons cots Soke Stoo oeeSee 24
Livan USVEREES) ese o8 toes Sade sano caso cee Sobre Seass eso sso see 24
Slapin Pup LOC CSS OS ere emt eet ee ee eee 25
Chapter II—Manufacture of flaked stone implements -----.--..---.---.------ 29
Thinmafeho te geyay hie irs WG aes oo ae oos Hoss SSeS See a eSSsee Sees eseses sas sS: 29
Quarry-workshops of the District of Columbia ...-..........-..-.-..---- 30
History ofsthe researc hiee seeteere see ees eee see eee 30
Geologyrofathellocalityee sce eeee eee == eee eee ee 31
Letbihys [PVM EC LEY AY Cisne o moooon sess oasetone Sods esse edee HSS seeseesonee 33
Location of the quarries ses-.sssse en ete eanee te nee ee eee 33
Operations son (te (Sit Cease ene eee ee ate eee 35
Discovery: and Teconnolssance=s-- === jae ae eee ase eee ee 35
The first tren chixs- 3-2 ac) = ns ones sees ee eee eee eee 36
Theitree pits. 25-2 oe~ eae se eee eee oe eee 44
The.second trench: 52 -.2- --je-moee ee ee ee eeaee eee ee 45
Theitihird trench) 2 -ees eases see ae see eee eee ere eee 45,
he fourthrand fitth trent hes eee 49
The sixth trench) 222. saicceee ee eee ese eee eee ee ee ae eee 50
Other Piny branchi sites: eae ae see eee eee 51
Biny, branch) sh0 pS eee aees= a= eae ee eee eee 52
General features, -- =o eer eee eee Shao ase =H Se Shes ceaae 52
Special features eam rce omens ee ee ates ee ee aes 53
The quarry-shop product. - =< <= oo pee = ee ae see eee ee 53
Toolsused'in flakin gee 2 2.2 epee a-eeyeee eee eee eee ee eee 58
Processesiof manufacture 22 .(c 2 22s ais soe ee eee eee eee 58
Destiny ofitheiquarty bladesa---as- see = seaee eee eee eee eee 62
The Dumbarton heights quarry-shops-..-..--.-.---.---.---.---.-------- 62
POCRtHUON oo mnie os tri ne Olsens Sales ae ae ee ree 62
Geology of the (site cae ee meee ee eee 63
Distributionio faquaxnya pits see ase eee eee eee ete 64
AUS NO MTP 5 3555 oaoS cone cos SooS espe cso ber She eer AGaS rence eEdae 64
Other Rock icreekisites::5-2-- tos s2,c2so 5 =e see sania nie ee eee re eee eee 66
Shop sites of the middle Potomac valley - .---...--.-.---...-.-..----.---- 66
Falls;sectioniof the: Potomac) ---2-sass.e-- 62a eee eee eee eee 66
Anacostia valley )3-.- 2.22 s- sersse a-.e nis ee eee eee eee 69
The tidewater Potomac. -.. 2... 22 sa sean eee ee ee eee eee 71
Sites in: James Tivervalley: <-- ~~. .- a. = = a5 see ee eee eee 72
Quarries‘of thevhighland .--_.\-=.- 5-2-2 --2ssecceqaseece eee eee eee eee 72
Materials: quarried). --2--.-s25..02csesososes samen eee aoe eee Pee ee 72
ocation;and) producto o- --coc ces s-- eh a<-fea ee eee eee 73
Rhy oliteiquarries: 2... oo-- see se ane = eee ee eee ee eee 73
lint quarries: 2. 2¢<--~s2s-e- Sscc 52-45-56 eae Bee nee eee 77
Jaspersand-arcillite quarries <25--- =-----2- eee =e eee eee 7
Cacheste ncn cet cerca se eecre aaa san eae eee ee a ee 78
Chapter Li[—Blaked’ stone implements \------->----.- - 22 =o eno eee eee eee 80
Goneralifeaturess=- on ose onan a= aloo eee eae ee ne ee ee ee 86
implementsiof leat-blade eenesisia-—-aaes— === ele |e eee eee 82
Mypical characters). ccre- cess sere aoc ewe ate ee Oe eee ee 82
Blades—blanks, cutting implements ...-..........----.-----.-------- 84
Specialized blades—projectile points, etc ..........-----.------.----- 84
Narrow-shafted blades—perforators or drills-....-.-...---.---.-----. 85
Specialized blades, etc—scrapera)---- -- 2-22 - o 2 ns eee eee 85
Relation of clay and steatite pottery
Various articles of steatite
Chapter VI—Distribution of stone implements ---............-..--..--------
The area investigated
Distribution of materials
CONTENTS
Chapter III—Flaked stone implements—Continned.
Leaf-blade implements grouped by material -.......-..-..-----..--------
@uartzitenmplements esas ease cence ee eine ee elem inane ns ciciela) sintalal<te =
AimnenN iy IN GOES oS ca ccesoe oeeescasaoss deonee code Saeber sess beesee
Ing @lbie) they GN Shae Sooo oobese Soneee a coco sodeee SeeeoeEpebe
Hiimtandyjasperpmplements! seca a-mer= -seseasa seem aoe seen oe
Nera tbh) shiny) Gyms. - 56 S29 coon se bo eab a eceeueSo Sse sae eae sane
Rnigenialxedennp] ementseeee ee etre seeae ee aiaem neater eee erere elas a
Chapter IV—Battered and abraded stone implements ---------.---- .---------
General processes of manufacture -........-.....---.--------------------
Sas ONES oc oo eee Coos noboon cone Ssebodee Sono Jose Bee saa oepess asesee
CHEERS OF diya Day 3 86608 eeoeoss aap ches a seo e sop seeea5 Soro eases
Warherial sius@dlesmat ser anicissero accom. ao secieinee cee see ciie siete ser isieless cis
Dre ESOF TAS wid HOM ees Goose sseeon esocbescecces ade eco Dsee
NETTIE OEMS TINO) Vl aossechon cen cone case Hone Sasa asec cess song csseoe
Comparison of celt making with blade making. ......-....-..------------
MIscellANGoUs! pec Keds p LOM OT US ete etal telete lade rete a aetealale = eee
Chapter V—Incised or cut stone utensils. ...._..---...--.---.---=------------
SOMA OH TING WOK <2 6s sosco sssogn dene sone Soest 654 S555 osaSheoses<oeese
TERETE EG LE MENS) comaae son bese a HocraAsoAe6es Podees GSSSen Seen aeee
MWseofpmicayj aces cseacee ee ee see as aol seme eae eins ee ssec eee Ae ainiemaciccs
Steatitelutenssiccn-cccmes cee sieee sence saben c teem secnisjoce se eee cites cce
Character, use, and distribution of the material -..-........---.-----
Surfaceindicationsvof quarrying <--2.s--.-2e=-22. 22 = eo === aon
Specialunvestl OC atiOnsaseen ses a eeatae aaa aaa eens wee ee pinla ei ne or
Harlyiknowledgevot steatiteens-enccsesseee seer melecises <a
Development of the quarrying industry ....-.-...---.-.-.-------
Mining/and/shaping operations..-.-------2------ --22=------=<---
Qramnynprodu Chea etaa ss ese ee seal oe ae erin =e ae salen =
Implements used in quarrying and cutting ......---..----.-----.----
(Gharacterofethetoolssseereeee enero erence n eer ease eae
IMamrverio fai sim outhe) tO OLS tema eee ete a relate ae
Steatitenquarries:)..2as2:eeese ss anacias cco ayaals = ciowroie Sac seiscres aes es
Phe Clifton quarry - acts ois ose seivece saci c sles sitclere wielcicice
Mhe\Connecticutavenue\qualriessesseo-- eee eee secs eee ee a=
Miberaturemens mec cee scoe ee nee Hoe Me eee eee Me eecienieiiscecss
Sitevand surfacelindications. ------2s-22s6-2s-s52 === 2122-2 s=-2-- ===
Hxcavanlons:mad Cieeeaectece eee eee eres asececeeceninetere
Moolsnecovered esas cee =~ sas Hea sees eee ae ey maleate yee see
Correlation with bowlder quarries ......--......----------------
TheShoemaker quarty2223s- 202 oS ssccc-c2 25sec h csceccseescscecnccce
MhepWittlestalll sis ites\qe asec serene eee ores ies se tereetrere se
Mhe bryant) qualry;. =a. << sse. cessor. ce et eee aee ete ec sone see 2 see eee
Quarries of the Patuxent valley
@uarries\near'Olneyy ss... os-s ose n es sere eee aos eo eeae Ge acieenis se
Halls'Churchiand Holmes:run quarries)s--- 522-2222 42.222 se -ee2 eaca==
AmelrarcounttyQUaTTles jeer sa eens aes see ae ceniese eases seca se ete seis
Madisonicounty, quarries... = ose. snes cece sees seas see tascacee ees
Culpepercountygquartlesiesscesee anor emee ee eee eee ee nee eee eee
Brunswick county quarries
Geologic distribution of stone
Geology and art
VIII
REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
Chapter VI—Distribution of stone implements—Continued.
Comparative distribution of implements ..-.---..------.-----------.----
MiIstrib WLIO PD ysClasses ssa = eae mls a a ye ee ee
Distribution bysparticularjsites)- pe. sees = ee eee. =H RE Rene ee
Distribution by, genesis and function. ----2 22 s.2 2o.= wos os eee a
I RGSS a pon apse sno cee as CspdcecaS ean ueenoaGwaSre cabustaososececteces sescstc
Supplementany; MOLOS sees alate aia
THE SIOUAN INDIANS: A PRELIMINARY SKETCH, BY W J MCGEE
The Siouan
BbOCK 2.2. <22s seus s5a,e05i2 Sasisctesio oe nele marys oe tease teen nee seem
I SHNIUGION 2 se cel - siete sieht os So eea eae a ete ee tet ae ee sae ena tet eee
Extentiof ithe stock. ss-soacscema eee eee eee teesose eeee eee
Tribal nomenclature. os.- cece renee eee oe eee ners eee eee
Princ palicharachers reais sa aes eee eee ae eee
Habitat
Bhonetichan dv pra phe abs eee eee ee) eee ee eet
Industrialiandsestheticanisa--eemea eee e eee eee eee eee eee
IOrTHARNONO) Se caso cosmo a Sees bees srocas coSSed eseees Sasa aoe
IME 5 soo oeeeon soca neSbos caters soso coscasaceses sesesssecesese
Thedevelopment) of mythology assesses eee ee eae
‘Dhe'Siouan™m yuholopyeeeee = serena See eee ee eee
Shonen ia) loytA 755 cescce Scan Soe CoSeas Sens const oobOsoSS Shed SHdindS =
Oe IVAN) ooo 55c5es sess cose osc none sano boos Coss cose dee cease sscsze
History
Dakota-Asiniboin:. 25-2222 secs sess senso cenie dee aan cae eee
TIM HOS ooo cop ene sosco acer S SarSeiss ones csSe nes sees odoose mee soos
AWE E88) BAe Sec eae pesos ceases ose eces5. Jenn asso poco sees secoasees
WINE, Sapper poecaces cost saocea noe smacasg aesn césosa doscerckuase ste
ISGGENKE) coor cmon Scr pecc sacs oncose HSop esse seco erse dy gone seadoooses
The
eastern: and southern) eroups.—-- 2. ee n-ne alee
General movements <= 2-2 =. seme sremiate oo eee eee eae eee ease
Some)featuresiof Indiansociolopy esse eee ee = eee eee eee eee eee
SIOUA
N SOCIOLOGY: A POSTHUMOUS PAPER, BY JAMES OWEN DORSEY
General! features: of organizations. -s*- 3 s-4- ee en oo eee eee eee eee eee
The Dakota
tribes: 23.22 logs wae. Sa ee See oe cane oe Oe eae aes
Designation and mode: of camping =.= o-oo eee
The Mdewaka"to" wa"
The Waqpe-kute 22:2 <6. 22/5025 se eins ocislssncos cos soso eek seen eer ee eee
The Waqpe-to™ wat or swWiabpebom ccs = seals ata ete eee eeeeeee
The Sisito"wa» or Sisseton: === 24s ~~<2.26 se isc setinieee eee ceccieeeee elena
TheWhankto twat ior Yankton: = 15 seers selec ae seine ieee ere tee nate areas
Thehankto"watnayor Wanktonal. se -- --2 se ee eee eee eee eee eee
The jLitotwator /Peton: =. 52 Ascsss aaesic hens sees eee Meee ee eee
Tribal divisions: =222- 1 <.-.c-<.5hc soe che cea. s See eee eee eos
ThreSitceatxulsieeac ccc soe. sees cheats cee oe ae nee eee eee
The ltazipteo): 32 ase ses tow. c onl seeeetsecae Jose ea ee oe eee eee
The Siha-sapa ior) Blackfeet’ -..0o522,.c..a=0 a5seee5 gacceeee eens Ae eee
The Minikooju2s2--- 2 ssses2= shee cers ese nce coe see eee PEE Perea ee
The Oohe-no"'pa for Two Kettlesi=-- as... see oe eee eee ne ee eee
AUC OYRIEY EY eG paon oss 9004 sense Jooane aaaust uses cane sascecsosace-
Phe Munk papa qacq) a1 cet- else wie nee eferelase etnies) eae toe ee ere
Dakotarsocialiicustoms*-sc-- ose nse eee eee = aoe == eee eee
The: Asiniboin:. qe. 2a sc eve wine ce owe coo Seeman SUS aE Sine Cala e see eee
CONTENTS IX
Page
The) Onn Sac] sqeosaasan enone SaS5 S505 555555 sacsonanececeeaesnnens Seen aeas 226
TAR IRR os 6 ssc oce sso sap occees asSsoa tose aceds Jo oo aees See seen saseSeSea5 228
The @ wa paw OL Wap a eee = lala lem leat le a ee w= lm 229
UDG IAs) Oe UES sass ssocce os oeea ne eee Sa50 pose necces eseerseses saan esse 230
“NG ORGY) eS Seen se sneacse5 6258 Se - $e seese so6n Gene Sees a SoS os SS ae esse reo acer 23%
TS), HOM Ss SeScs qossee senrias soeceisiccos cone sonead sanace Sanssdeessecers sce eseee 238
ADs) OWS ascaesasee. pueseso ooos Soop oes oes g> Soee Sees tens so Soeeens Ssseesqccee 240,
FHag MOU Ket One WOW ons eno s noone coos Boesoo oe snes cee se ssenuesegseede= 240
Mhe Hotcan gars om Wane Dae Oem mien ale pare ial eee eal oe 240
The Mandan ------ Be eo Jee eiasee aa a SSeS testo? qascecise-ceeseseces: wall
GN) EDGR GE aoe cooo cena ogusae ooSsee Sas Sooncomccecs cecegs creasaeces Secnecds 242
4Mave (Chita (re JNITERO Gh = 5.655066 a5 5850000 codecs ESoe Sees Sars psec asa cece sooc 243
TAD LENS sc sie See ae Sees hoop esp sbe Cooe cose Peed Been cone Seee habe hes eae aiosicis 243
sMhewbutel Oe seca cays a se cient easisees eens se eces<Aspse ceases gete eos. «© 244.
THRO (CME) coos cocoon eatabaseAdse deep condne dapone Hess pes pres dates asda epuor 244
TUSAYAN KATCINAS, BY JESSE WALTER FEWKES
Iba RNC Mie S-eoeoeeeeoses san os5e combos oSenes coodee beep Pecaca pee eaeio Does 251
Tabular view of the sequence of Tusayan celebrations. ....-..----.-.-------- 255
Names of months and corresponding ceremonials.....-..----- -- yao etesee te ecee 256
Means of determining the time for ceremonials 258
Olaseun cai ONwOTICOLe MONT als meer ere ee Sei enia = sient eee iene 260
Discussion of previous descriptions of Katcinas....--..---.-.-..----.-------- 264
CHA SIIRK TIONG CVO. oS Seco casase of sa Sp Ben ooBS Saas BSseee Seeees Ses55aKs 265
JOD Non) MCeNTOMS\ = Soo oseese cea oo SaEn oSerES semSeo sp SeoS seeesacSos So0> 268
SOWING. comp etosdes sogoue Hone Sooe Soeanesdeesy case ace seeecssGEcee 268
Kateimarsmetvuim. oo. ccmcm.ccececcrc sce cies cess Seeciccteessse: sooeesee 273
IRON = 5086 ce ose reacsose Boca co0e Hees codgeocL SanubecupSceED DeSean 274
IPA oN NS Se isocaenos Sone 356 Sono ebb o ecoD bo aa oo osSo deousu nes os 291
INA ROONEY) as Sarees oRgean Abas Sbob Dobe no0s eons Seep ease ae Se S56 292
IND brevis bed gna b Cin as seats o seers teeters sate aoe oa avalos aeta see aa 292
(MnO ENG oS soeacs qecene aaa nolo pause epson ssbbSos sea seeeocoeed 292
StocSlakomessssceectcass cae, 22cm 52th cee ccivae oe eee eee erases 296
Rawikkateinas seco sesces, cco cccs cece s2s ceceesceeassc= SUseee se eeceee 299
Mnakatcinaver see te een cea cice toes see ce ctenie eee sso glebiere ae 303
Comparative study of Kateina dances in Cibola and Tusayan-------.---.---- 304
THE REPAIR OF CASA GRANDE RUIN, ARIZONA, BY COSMOS MINDELEFF
Mt rod UC tONa2s< 4 aec1e = wis soe se cisions Seee sae cele se ees cio Sae wie eeeee coe eeeeee tess. 321
DESO MON OE WES NUN E555 ope SoSscdossoee seSs6sos050n aes ses esene csasgec 321
ConditiomomCasa Grandenn Sol ie eae eee ee eee ee eaee seem ee eee cee == 323
IPI GINS, Wore WN) SEN 655 Comoe ne -eadmosee specs Seon aeeobES pos paso seeups DaSkeS 325
TSCOM WOM Ol TING Os sonbas BA SSSoSaossR osor coh obad neo coSsedcsSs Be coSaESSS5R 326
Reserva tloncot thei an dleeeeec vee claire decieis aisle) seit sata = = sient eee cere oe 330
Specimens found in the excavations.......--.---.---------------------/------ 330
PR Dts eee cate rea tacya ree Saysistalelcisin sisinteteiSie we wine wie iee ey severing artiscne 12 He sels eee 333
I. Contract for repairing and preserving Casa Grande ruin, Arizona.... 333
Il. Plans and specifications for the preservation of the Casa Grande ruin,
Iara, We ils « seeco oe Sboae Jae eOSnsOne conn adecec cade Senbarecose ser 335
Generaliprequirements sesso sae ae eee at ee areal 335
@learinpioutjthedébris=s24- 2-2. ostelescisa= oe safes a sees =e 335
Wing Girone: Walle eee Seog ekeae soeess seeeceeses ese cuceeese 336
LOU ioe TING) Newnes io Be Re Oe Ren Be coos} aoe seeenoBeeees Boca oees 336
[BRENIG tent + cdocostede Soe cone Se SaecH astra enodac -saSEECoSeeceass 336
WARNING, «aan econ ee seas nee ose no ace tbs eeecccnene sae acseneoe 337
IROOL sas seer eee iene ne oe eeecios co aceeas se ec cece cavsisteesdeceeoees 337
x
REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
Exhibits—Continued.
M1: Plansiand sections: « .2.--<2 -2=se)32 Gees cc ose eee ade eee eee
IVE Oath-ofi@isinterestednesss 52 .5-2c2sa-cicnesaecceine resem eee Sener eee
Wi wBlds 2s. coeds cece ssc a sas cose sce eee pee aaron ce eeretoete
Viz, Indorsements:~. 2.25. oe ese nace, Ses eseeceee wae See eee aes
Vill Reportof/MribiiCRizere—- 2 -\-ossee. aes sees eee ee eee
Supplement
Correspondence and report relating to the condition of Casa Crande in 1895,
with recommendations concerning its further protection. -...--.....--.
I.
Il.
Ill.
LiVe
VI.
Letter of Reverend Isaac T. Whittemore, custodian of Casa Grande,
to the Secretary of the Interior, recommending an appropriation
for further protecting the moins assesses eee eee eae
Indorsement of Mr Whittemore’s letter by the Acting Secretary of
the Interior’. 2. ssc,<2 ssn eae eee oad eee pee eee ee ee eee
Letter of the Acting Director of the Bureau of American Ethnol-
ogy to the Secretary of the Interior suggesting an examination
of Casa Grande with a view of its further protection..........-.
Letter of the Acting Secretary of the Interior to the Director of
the Bureau of American Ethnology approving the suggestion that
Casa Grande be visited with a view of determining the desirabil-
ityof tts further protec ylOnees==—eeese es eeeetee eee eae
. Letter of the Director of the Bureau of American Ethnology to
the Secretary of the Interior regarding the examination of Casa
Grande by Mr WJ MeGeecss-5 22 oo. es eee ea seee ease cee ees
Report of the Director of the Bureau of American Ethnology to
the Secretary of the Interior on the examination of the condition
of Casa Grande by Mr W J McGee, with a recommendation con-
cerning its further protection... --. SSosad sacCuaonNoSU oDoSee on ae
Page
337
338
338
339
340
B44
ddd
B44
344
344
347
dAT
348
ILLUSTRATIONS
FRONTISPIECE. Group in plaster illustrating quarry-shop work.---.-----------
Puate I.
10
Ill.
IV.
sovile
XVII.
XVIII.
XIX.
XXII.
XXIII.
XXIV.
XXV.
XXVI.
XXVII.
XXVIII.
XXIX.
XXX.
XXXI.
XXXII.
XXXITI.
XXXIV.
XXXYV.
Map of the Potomac-Chesapeake tidewater province. .-..------------
Map iomthe Piny branch) quarries... =o. =] = eaneseeeas = - a=
Quarry-shop refuse exposed in the bank of the rivulet...---..---.--
View looking north up the rivulet at the foot of the quarry slope-- -
. View from the bed of the rivulet, showing exploitation pits ---.-.---
. Section of quarry exposed by the first trench ...--...-.--.---------
. Section of ancient pit filled with quarry-shop refuse from aboye-.--
. Portion of an extensive deposit of shop refuse near the quarry face-.
. Section showing the irregnlar quarry face ...-..--------------------
. Roots of a chestnut tree growing in a bed of shop refuse---.-....----
7, Section showing deposits filling the quarry exposed by the third
(RON a oon Seeass roggse dee Soe eee bs SEE Sor penoSy SSobeo cooEeererse
Section showing the quarry face exposed by the fifth trench ---. ----
Quarry-shop rejects—progressive series -......--.------------------
Blade-like rejects from the quarry-shop refuse. ....-.--...----------
Rejected blades of most advanced form found in the quarry-shop
GHC s cece pane ee saabou So SsEy Snes chobos bosoanose ste ceeeao seaone
. Rejected blades of most advanced form found in the quarry-shop
TOLUBOMS See ta eign aaa was stam nic cia Pee win rcs cla steelers Sew area tee
. Broken blades representing the most highly elaborated forms made
OM YS. CER SAO NS sacs Sope AOR SpO Gao. seen Sseaue og SSussosS
Fragments of blades representing the most highly elaborated forms
made in theiquarry-shopsaa.--. = sse- a eeeeaiee § ies 22 eee ee eee
Relation of the flaked blade to the parent bowlder ...--.-.----------
Two specimens of flaked stone found in a single cluster--..---------
Core-like forms from which flakes have been taken....-...-.-.------
Site of the Dumbarton quarry, showing refuse-covered slopes. ----. -
Potomac bowlder bed exposed in grading U street...-.-..--.--.-----
Series of rejects from the South mountain rhyolite quarry -.-..-----
Rhyolite cache blades from a garden on Frogmore creek, near Balti-
Rhyolite blades from various caches-.-...-...--..--------------------
Quartzite cache blades from Anacostia and Bennings sites ---.-.-----
Relation of specialized leaf-blade implements to the original blade-.
Scraping implements of quartz and quartzite. ........--------------
Series of flaked forms illustrating progressive steps in the manufac-
ture of projectile points from quartzite bowlders -....-...---.----
Quartzite blades of varying size and outline, mainly unspecialized,
from Potomac village-sites
or
ot
ot
or
or OL
oot
lor or)
or
©
for)
i)
XII
PLATE XXXVI.
XXXVII.
XXXVIII.
XXXIX.
XL.
XLI.
XLII.
XLIII.
XLIV.
XLV.
XLVI.
XLVII.
XLVIII.
XLIX.
L.
LI.
LII.
LIII.
LIV.
1G
LVI.
LVII.
LVIII.
LIX.
LX.
LXI.
LXIl.
LXIIT.
LXIV.
LXV.
LXVI.
LXVII.
LXVIII.
LXIX.
LXX.
LXXI.
LXXII.
LXXIII.
LXXIV.
LXXy.
LXXVI.
LXXVII.
REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF
ETHNOLOGY
Specialized quartzite blades, probably in the main projectile
points, from Potomac village-sites..........--...-.-.......
Specialized quartzite blades, probably in the main arrow-
points, from Potomac Village-sites _........-:-..------.-.-
Series of forms illustrating progressive steps in the manufac-
ture of arrowpoints from quartz pebbles..................
Quartz blades showing slight traces of specialization. ...._--
Specialized quartz blades, probably in the main arrowpoints- -
Specialized quartz blades, probably in the main arrowpoints. .
Quartz arrowpoints of eccentric shapes.............-..-.---
Selected forms illustrating progressive steps in shaping rhyo-
lite implements: 6:\.- mis eees= seseeeri os eae soe eee
Unspecialized rhyolite blades, mainly from Anacostia viJlage-
GUC mane Gere eee L Oa na USHa So a6e on Sede Hoa eacesees AaEB eR SeS
Specialized rhyolite blades, probably largely knives and
spearpoints, mainly from Anacostia village-sites...........
Specialized rhyolite blades, probably largely projectile points,
mainly from Potomac village-sites....................---.-
Rhyolite arrowpoints, mainly from Potomac village-sites. -...
Selected forms illustrating progressive steps in the shaping
of leaf-blade implements from argillite................-.--
Sharpened bowlders from Potomac village-sites............-.
Sharpened and battered bowlders from Potomac shell heaps...
Rude axes made by sharpening and notching quartzite bowl-
ders by flaking, from Potomac village-sites..............-.
Rude ax-like implements from Potomac village-sites.-....-_.
Rude axes or picks made of quartzite bowlders sharpened and
notched by flaking, from Potomac village-sites.............
Slightly modified quartzite bowlders used as Lcanglaatant Bae
Series of specimens illustrating progressive stages in the
shaping of celts by fracturing, battering, and abrading----
Group of celt-axes from the Hag aia TOPO eee ee eee
Series of specimens illustrating progressive stages in the
shaping of thei sTooved| asc. seen ee ee ae
Outlines of grooved axes illustrating range of form. ....---..
Group of grooved axes from Potomae-Chesapeake village-sites .
Flaked specimens illustrating the rejectage of celt making -
Flaked specimens illustrating the rejectage of celt making -
Specimens illustrating advanced step in celt making...---.-.
Specimens illustrating advanced step in celt making. -..._-_.
Specimens illustrating breakage in celt making.........--..
Specimen illustrating roughed-ont celt, very thick at lowerend
Specimen from celt shop, probably rejected on account of
defective works. 22222. a. et aan eee ee Ee
Specimens illustrating the manufacture of grooved axes_....
Hammerstones from the celt shop near Luray... --
Hammerstones from the celt shop near Luray
Rerforated tabletsofjslaterce.-- 94.20) ee ee nese eee ee
Winged ceremonial stones from the vicinity of Washington...
Pitted stones and mortar from tidewater village-sites........
Mortars, pestles, and sinker(?) from the tidewater province-.
Abrading stones from the vicinity of Washington.
Hammerstones from Potomac village-sites...........-.-.----
Surface of soapstone quarry, showing various phases of the
CHULIN oyop eral ONG eee ee ene ee oe a
Incipient vessels broken during the shaping operations .-...-
Page
PLaTE LXXVIII.
LXXIX.
LXXX.
LXXXI.
LXXXII.
LXXXIII.
LXXXIV.
LXXXYV.
LXXXVI.
LXXXVII.
LXXXVIII.
LXXXIX.
KC.
XCI.
XCIl.
XCIII.
XCIV.
XCV.
XCVI.
XCVII.
XCVIII.
XCIX.
. Specialized and partially specialized objects of steatite ---.
I. Graded series of flaked implements ...--....-......-..----.
. Quarry
. Results of experimental flaking by percussion and pressure.
. A, Shield with star symbol;
CIX.
CX.
CXI.
CXII.
CXIII.
CXIV.
CXV.
CXVI.
CXVII.
CXVIII.
CXIX.
CXX.
CXXI.
CXXII. §
CXXIII.
CXXIV.
CXXV.
ILLUSTRATIONS
Series of forms showing steps in the steatite-shaping process -
Quarry-shop rejects showing early stages of the steatite
Bapin MOL ke ee ae aa ae haa a oale nie mints eral aia er
Examples of unfinished steatite vessels
View of the Clifton quarry after clearing out ...-.....-----
Implements used in cutting steatite......--..-....----.----
Map and sections of the Connecticut avenue steatite quarries.
Map showing trenching of the ancient steatite quarries on the
northern hill
Surface of ancient steatite quarry exposed by trenching ----
Chisei-like implements used in cutting steatite
Steatite-cutting implements of eruptive rock.......--.-.---
Fragment of a steatite quarry implement
Implements used in cutting steatite.........-...----.---.--
Implements used in cutting steatite......-....----.--------
Mass of steatite partially cut out by means of stone chisels--
Grooved axes used in soapstone quarries ..---.-----------
Rude grooved pick used in quarrying steatite.-......--.----
Implements used in cutting steatite............--..---.----
Pointed implements used in cutting steatite...-.....-..----
Steatite pick made by sharpening a grooved ax...--.-..----
Grooved ax used and broken in asteatite quarry. -.-....-----
Grooved axes sharpened by flaking for usein quarrying steatite
Small articles made of steatite.......-..-.--...-.-.-.------
group in plaster set up on the Piny branch site. ----
B, Soydluta shield with star
and unknown symbol; C, Symbolic sun shield_.-.---- ace
eLnerNatackaceremonyrat Walples-. 2-22-5225 s2se20\-222--
I. Hahaiwiiqti, Natdcka, and Soy6kmana..-.....--.--.-..---.-
eb ollvoree slakomanasecnaseere sete sccees see eee emcee eee aay
. Katcina mask with squash-blossom appendage
and rain-
cloudisymbolism 22.2 2222 cesiswts soo oe eee een se eacies sacs
Doll of Cailakomana (mistakenly given on the plate as Cala-
kotaka)
Head-dressoteall oso ka saseee ete eerie ie eens eae eal eees
ASPowdmiimaskys tesco soos ates so o= soso ete eont es eno ees
Maprof the\ Casa Grandelgroup;------------ -----=-=-=---=--
Ground plan of Casa Grande ruin.......---..--.-------.~---
Generaliviewior Casal Grand cesses scenes see enee see ese >
Interior wallisurface 2. < ese ss ockee eo =< ses se eiaciose = ==
West front of Casa Grande, showing blocks of masonry----
Plan showing ground-level erosion, tie-rods, limits of work,
andylines:on eround Sections =- nee. -1-=se> === - -)= = = 1) ==
Jast-and-west ground sections
North-and-south ground sections
South front of the ruin, showing underpinning and ends of
tie-rods
Section! through A-B of roof ies showing suggested roof
SUP POLL oes oe sae eee a see estes oe idee Secic ene ane =
Section through C-D of roof plan, showing suggested roof
support
Map showing location of Casa Grande reservation and ruin.
XIV
FIGURE 1.
to
42,
46.
. Implement used in entting steatite; from the Olney quarry
. Implement used in cutting steatite; from Sandyspring quarry ..---
. Gouge-like implement grooved for hafting ..--....--....-.....----
. Map showing distribution of rejects of manufacture ..........-.--
. Map showing distribution of implements.-..-....--.....-.--...---
. Cross section illustrating successive removal of flakes from bowlders.
. Sisseton and Wahpeton camping circle..........--..---.---..-----
FP SISSELON CANIN 1 C IEC] Onsen setae ee ae ae eee
PSiiCaBx( CaM PIN oO CINClO seems ee ase dese ae seasons ee Chee ene ne
Oplalaicampineicire] tice a pecs se eee aae ee eee eee meee Enero
7 Omaharcampin oycire] 6 cn-em nese sess sei = a ee eee oe eee ne
* Inke-sabeygentile}assembly assess ee eee eer eee see eee ees
subonikaicam piney Circleyn = =e ce. = eae eae ee eee eee eee ee
. Kansa camping circle
. Osage camping circle
. Tablet of the Palahikomana mask
REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
General section across Rock creek and Piny branch valleys. .....-.
. Section of the ravine, showing formations and position of quarries.
. Panoramic view of Piny branch quarry-sites, looking north ...-.--.
. Section across bed of rivulet at base of quarries .....-....---......
Cross section at beginning of the first trench.........-.....--..---
» Crossisection at the) twentieth toote----eeceses scence eaaeaeieeee tees
sACLOSsisection at the nortiet a do00tene=-see-e se eeme cee seen eee ere
. Supposed anvil stone and cluster of slightly shaped bits of rhyolite-
7 Mlaikin py by@press UT sane ena ne le ears esate oe ee ee eee ae
a laking byspressure) =. sesermsete eee = eee eee ee eee
. Probable manner of hafting the smaller chisels.---..-...-......--.
. Probable manner of hafting the single-pointed and the two-pointed
Chisels Or PiCkss sec chs scepter pee oes
= sketchimaplof thelClittonqnartys sense seee eer eee ee ee
. Rude pick of quartz, slightly sharpened by flaking..---.-.--..----
20. Rude pick of quartz, slightly sharpened by flaking....--.---.. etcs
21. Rude pick made by sharpening quartzite bowlder...--. ....-..---
. Rude pick made by sharpening quartzite bowlder. ...-_..--......-
. Implement used in cntting steatite; from quarry in Howard county,
Maryland! 2s2-0cse > ce scsrceeies coats se ee ao ae ee eee eee
. Implement used in cutting steatite; from quarry in Howard county,
Maryland) :2 0c jo8- season = soot eee ae see eeeerse ee eee meer
7 Maskvotebawikkatcmar(sideiview) 2s) eee e ce cen ee ceeeeee eee eee
. Mask of Pawikkateinamana
ceremony .-.-.-
8. Symbolism of the helmet of Himiskatcina (tablet removed) .....--
NW
LOT Noa Si OS
~1 bh 6
(o-2)
or)
NHOwWNWNNNWW Wh
oOo NUDawWw wd wv
Sar N WS
hiPORL OF TE; DIRECTOR
FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT
OF THE
Dw hee OH HEN OLOGY
By J. W. Powe ., Director
INTRODUCTION
Researches relating to the American Indians were continued
throughout the fiscal year ending June 30, 1894, in conformity
with act of Congress.
As set forth in previous reports, ethnic relations, or the rela-
tions existing among races, peoples, and tribes, are measureably
unlike those recognized by naturalists in the classification of
orders, genera, and species of animals and plants. In biology
the primary unit recognized by investigators is an individual
organism, and the secondary unit is a norm or type (perhaps
represented by an individual organism of average character-
istics) standing for the species, genus, or order; hence biology
is the science of organic things, considered as saieadivells and
types of individuals. From one point of view, mankind, like
other living things, may be regarded as an assemblage of indi-
vidual organisms conforming to certain types, and from this
standpoint the races of men may be regarded as species of the
genus Homo, or as varieties of the species Homo sapiens; but
from a more elevated point of view mankind may be seen to
display distinctive characteristics of great importance by which
the class is clearly set off from that including the plants and
the beasts. Viewed from this higher standpoint, the races and
peoples and tribes of the earth are assemblages of interrelated
XVIL
15h THT
XVIII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
and more or less intelligent groups; the primary unit of the
investigator of mankind from this standpoint is not the indi-
vidual, but the group—the pair, family, clan, gens, tribe, or
confederacy among primitive men, the family, body-corporate,
municipality, body-politic, state, nation, or alliance among civi-
lized peoples—while the secondary units are not biotic norms or
types, but the normal products of collective activity in the vari-
ous groups, comprising languages, arts of welfare and pleasure,
institutions, and opinions. Accordingly the science of man,
defined from this standpoint, is primarily and in every essential
respect superorganic, and is clearly set apart from biology as
from all other sciences.
There are thus two essentially distinct points of view from
which the science of man may be regarded: From one stand-
point man is an animal, and his kind is an assemblage of indi-
vidual organisms susceptible of arrangement by type into
varieties, and the science of man, regarded from this standpoint,
is closely akin to biology; while, from the higher standpoint,
mankind must be regarded as an assemblage of superorganic
and essentially collective groups, and may be classified by the
products of collective activity; and from this standpoint the
science of man is fundamentally distinct. For certain purposes
it is desirable, and indeed necessary, to regard man alterna-
tively from the two poits of view, and to connect the two
widely diverse branches of the science of man, and this is com-
monly done under the general term Anthropology. Sometimes
it is desirable to study mankind with special reference to racial
and tribal characteristics, and in such manner as to weigh the
varietal features of the genus and species, and such studies are
combined under Ethnology; but it has been found that, after
the primary division into three, four, or five races, the varietal
features afford little or no aid in defining and classifying tribes,
so that ethnologic researches on any given continent are neces-
sarily carried forward in accordance with the superorganic
science of man. For most purposes it is found best to study
both primitive and civilized peoples as superorganic groups, in
which each individual reflects and is molded by the character-
istics of his associates, and this is the function of Demology
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XIX
or Demonomy (67/405, people; Adyos, discourse; véjos, law).
Accordingly, demonomy may be considered as the science of
humanity, or the science of those attributes which distinguish
mankind from the lower organisms; and these attributes may
be classed as demotic, in contradistinetion from the biotic char-
acteristics of animals and plants.
Thus far in the researches relating to the American Indians
it has not been found necessary to consider in detail the essen-
tially biotic features which have led systematists to regard
’ the American aborigines as a distinct race, since these features
are in large measure common to all of the aborigines of both
American continents; but it has been found necessary to con-
sider in detail many of the essentially demotic features displayed
by the various tribes. Proceeding with the study of demotic
characteristics, it was ascertained that all of the native tribes,
so far as known, are grouped or regimented in similar fashion,
so that it is inexpedient to discriminate and classify the Indians
on the basis of their mode of grouping; for classified in this
way all the known tribes are essentially alike, and collectively
form but a single category. Further research showed that,
while the primary demotic units are essentially alike, the
secondary units, representing the products of collective activity,
are diverse; and accordingly the researches concerning the
relations of the Indian tribes were directed chiefly toward the
products of intellectual activity among the tribes. In this way
the researches were gradually divided into five principal lines,
with their various subdivisions and ramifications, viz: (1) arts,
or esthetology; (2) industries, or technology; (3) institutions,
or sociology; (4) language, or linguistics; (5) opinions and
beliefs, or sophiology. Practical considerations from time to
time have led to special activity in certain lines or branches
and to temporary inactivity in other lines and branches; yet,
so far as seemed feasible, the work of the Bureau has been so
conducted as to develop alike the five categories of secondary
demotic characteristics.
The plans and personnel of the Bureau have remained prac-
tically unchanged, except that, at the beginning of the fiscal
year, Mr W J McGee was added to the corps and appointed
xx REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
Ethnologist in Charge, and entrusted with many administra-
tive details.
With the beginning of the fiscal year the method of prepar-
ing administrative reports was modified. In lieu of oral monthly
reports of progress, with more extended annual reports, formal
monthly reports have been required, and these have been sum-
marized periodically for transmittal to the Secretary of the
Smithsonian Institution. The current operations of the Bureau
are set forth fully in these reports; and the periodical summa-
ries are incorporated herein as a detailed exhibit of work and
progress.
MONTHLY REPORTS
OPERATIONS DURING JULY
Work in sign language and pictography—Colonel Garrick Mal-
lery was occupied throughout the month in correcting and
revising the proofs of a memoir on the ‘ Picture-writing of the
American Indians,” which forms the greater part of the Tenth
Annual Report of the Bureau. This memoir, which will occupy
about 800 octavo pages and will contain about 1,500 figures m
the text, besides 54 full-page plates, is at this date all in type,
and the correction, as well as the preparation of lists of contents
and illustrations, index, etc, is well advanced.
Work in mounds and earthworks—During the first part of the
month Professor Cyrus Thomas was engaged in preparing the
index to his ‘Report on Mound Explorations,” which accom-
panies the Twelfth Annual Report of the Bureau. The greater
part of the proofs of this volume have been revised, but some
time was devoted to fimal proof correction.
During the month Professor Thomas gave some time to the
study of the Maya codices, with the view of settling, if possible,
the question of the phoneticism of the writing therein, the set-
tlement of this question being of great importance to American
archeology. In the course of the work the investigation on
the “Time Periods of the Mayas” was continued; and it was
shown from the Dresden codex that the civil year used therein
comprised 365 days, divided into 18 months of 20 days each,
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XxI
with 5 supplemental days, this usage coinciding with the calen-
dar found in vogue at the time of the Spanish conquest. Other
collateral results of interest were obtained.
Jastern archeology—Protessor W. H. Holmes spent the earlier
part of the month in organizing the work for the year. Later
he proceeded to different points in Delaware valley for the pur-
pose of continuing studies of ancient quarries and quarry-shop
rejects in that highly interesting archeologic region. A new
quarry-shop was discovered within 15 miles of Trenton, yield-
ing abundant rejects corresponding precisely with the supposed
paleolithic objects found in that locality. Subsequently Pro-
fessor Holmes proceeded to Chicago for duty in connection
with the final arrangement of certain groups in the World’s
Columbian Exposition under the immediate supervision of the
Director. In the closing days of the month he visited a num-
ber of interesting archeologic localities in Ohio, extending in
particular his detailed observations of the Newcomerstown
gravels—the only case now strongly held to indicate the exist-
ence of man during the glacial period in this country.
Mr Gerard Fowke, under Professor Holmes’ general super-
vision and under the immediate direction of the Ethnologist in
Charge, proceeded to the valley of the Tennessee for the pur-
pose of making collections from the litthe known but highly
interesting interior shell mounds found in that region. His
work has been successful, several cases of materials have been
obtained, and Mr Henry Walther is now engaged in preparing
and marking them for deposit in the National Museum for
purposes of ethnologic study.
My William Dinwiddie, under Professor Holmes’ immediate
direction, spent the greater part of the month in collecting
materials representing the arts and customs of the Indians
along the shores of Chesapeake bay. While the results of his
work hardly equal expectations in point of quantity, much of
the material is of exceptional interest, and his negative determi-
nations are of value to the Bureau.
Western archeology—Mr Cosmos Mindeleff was occupied
during the earlier part of the month in outfitting for several
months’ work in the Pueblo country; afterward he proceeded
XXII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
to Holbrook, Arizona, and preliminary reports indicate that his
work is now organized and beginning to yield valuable results
in the form of material for reports, as well as in the form of
valuable and sometimes unique collections.
Work in synonymy—Myr James Mooney spent the earlier
portion of the month partly in collecting and revising material
for the Synonymy, partly in preparing for a trip to Oklahoma
for the purpose of collec ‘ting additional material from various
Indian tribes, notably the Kiowa. Subsequently Ma Mooney
enjoved a short vacation.
Mr F. W. Hodge continued work on the Synonymy, making
a careful examination of Bandelier’s monographs of southwest-
ern history and archeology, by which considerable progress
was made in the location of Pueblo settlements not previously
identified. Final descriptions of the Tiwa and Piro tribes
(including their history from 1540) were prepared, and several
minor and collateral subjects were elaborated.
Work in mythology—During the earlier part of the month
Mrs Matilda CG. Stevenson continued the elaboration of mate-
rial relating to the Zuni for early publication. During the
later half hie began revision of the proofs of a memoir on the
Sia Indians, which constitutes the le: ading “accompanying
paper” of the Twelfth Annual Report of the Bureau. The
illustrations of this memoir are completed, and a third of the
text has been composed.
Throughout the month Mr Frank Hamilton Cushing has
been oce upied in the arrangement of exhibits for the W ‘orld’s
Columbian Exposition, under the immediate supervision of the
Director.
Work in linguistics—Mr J. Owen Dorsey continued the
arrangement of Biloxi texts, with interlinear and free English
translations and notes, adding many pages of Biloxi phrases,
making a total of 245 typewritten foolscap pages, which are
substantially ready for the printer. Progress was also made
in the preparation of slips for the Biloxi-E nglish dictionary.
In addition, Mr Dorsey corrected considerable portions of the
galley-proof and second- -page revise of Riges’ “ Dakota Gram-
mar, ‘Texts and Ethnography,” forming volume rx of Contri-
butions to North American Ethnology.
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXIII
Dr Albert 8. Gatschet spent the month in the elaboration
of field materials pertaining to the Peoria language. About
2,000 words were extracted from the notes and placed on slips.
Progress was made also in extracting the grammatic elements
and in analyzing prefixes, suffixes, and alterations and_per-
mutations of consonants and vowels within the same word,
classifiers of the adjective, reduplication of the root, ete. All
of the grammatic matter also was recorded on slips and in
books for use in the preparation of a Peoria dictionary and
grammar. On the whole, satisfactory progress has been made
in determining the structure of the Peoria language.
Mr J. N. B. Hewitt temporarily discontinued his work on the
lexicography and grammar of the Tuskarora-Iroquoian dialect
during June, and throughout the last month has been occupied
in preparing a special description of the sociology of the
Iroquoian peoples. This study has already led to valuable
results, not only directly, but indirectly through the elucida-
tion of the meaning of terms determined or modified by social
relations. Mr Hewitt’s kinship with the Iroquoian peoples
gives him special advantages in the work. He has been able
to formulate the rights, duties, privileges, and obligations of the
two phases of the family group, as well as that pertaining to
the gens. Collateral results of importance have flowed trom
Mr Hewitt’s studies.
Work in bibliography—TVhe bibliographic work of Mr James
C. Pilling has been seriously interrupted by ill health; but a
part of the month was occupied in a careful examination of
the Bibliography of the Chinookan Languages recently issued
from the press, with the purpose of providing for the correc-
tion of supposed errors due to the illness of the author at the
time of proof revision. It was found, however, that the con-
dition of the publication is satisfactory, and it will at once be
distributed.
Work in sociology—During the earlier part of the month Dr
W. J. Hoffman was occupied in arranging and classifying data
and material relating to the Menomini Indians of Wisconsin.
Subsequently, under instructions of July 15, he set out on a
trip for research and collection among these Indians.
XXIV REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
The time of the Ethnologist in Charge has been occupied
chiefly in administrative work and in examining sociologic mate-
rial in the archives of the Bureau and in organizing study
thereof.
Publication—TVhe Eighth Annual Report was received from
the bindery during the month, and other reports are advancing
satisfactorily.
Columbian Exposition—Vhe Director, with Professor Holmes,
Mr Cushing, and Mrs Stevenson, has been engaged during part
of the month in arranging the Bureau exhibit in the World’s
Columbian Exposition at Chicago.
OPERATIONS DURING AUGUST
Work in sign language and pictography—Colonel Garrick Mal-
lery has continued, and during the month completed, the revi-
sion of proofs of his memoir on the ‘ Picture-writing of the
American Indians.” He has also completed the preparation of
table of contents, bibliography, and general index, and these
have been composed, and he has revised the proofs thereof.
The stereotype plates were also examined and corrected. This
work is now on the press as the body of the Tenth Annual
Report of the Bureau.
Work in mounds and earthworks—Professor Cyrus Thomas
has continued the revision of proofs of the closing portions of his
“Report on the Mound Explorations of the Bureau of Ethnol-
ogy.” During the month the lists of contents and illustrations,
and also the general index, have been revised in proof, and all
are now stereotyped. The monograph, which is the most vol-
uminous ever prepared on this subject, considerably exceeding
in this respect the classic work of Squier and Davis, comprises
730 pages, including 344 cuts in text and 42 plates. It forms
the body of the Twelfth Annual Report, the introductory mat-
ter of which will shortly be printed.
A part of the month was spent by Professor Thomas in con-
tinuing his researches concerning the Maya codices. He also
completed the preparation of a paper relating to certain objects
found in mounds, designed for publication as a bulletin and to
supplement the above-described report.
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXV
Eastern archeology—Protessor W. H. Holmes, together with
his assistants and collaborators, continued work in eastern arche-
ology. Mr William Dinwiddie made an extended collecting
trip over the country about the head of Chesapeake bay, pro-
curing considerable new material and obtaining valuable infor-
mation concerning the distribution of aboriginal art products
with respect to waterways and other geographic features. Mr
Gerard Fowke continued the collection of material from the
interior shell mounds of Tennessee and forwarded considerable
quantities of interesting material, which is now beine cleaned
and labeled by Mr Henry Walther. Professor Holmes himself
spent a part of the month in special studies concerning the
development of the shaping arts. His ideas were formulated
in a preliminary paper, and it is expected that the matter will
be expanded and suitably illustrated, and that it will then be
incorporated in a final report on the aboriginal stone art of the
territory now forming eastern United States.
Western archeology—My Cosmos Mindeletf remains in the
field engaged in surveys of the Pueblo country of northern
Arizona, and his reports indicate satisfactory progress in the
surveys as well as in the collection of material.
Work in synonymy—In the absence of Mr James Mooney
on field duty, and in the absence of Mr F. W. Hodge on leave,
little progress was made in this work during the month.
Work in mythology—Mrs Matilda Coxe Stevenson has been
occupied in revising proofs of her memoir on “The Sia,” which
forms the leading paper accompanying the Eleventh Annual
Report of the Bureau. The revision of galley proofs was com-
pleted, and most of the page proofs, together with the proofs
of illustrations, have now been revised.
Work in linguistics—Reverend J. Owen Dorsey continued
the correction of the proofs of Riggs’ * Dakota Grammar, Texts
and Ethnography,” forming volume 1x of the Contributions to
North American Ethnology. The page proofs of the body of
this work have now all been revised, and proofs of the list
of illustrations, index, etc, are in hand. In view of the time
which has elapsed since the commencement and even since
the completion of the original compilation, it has seemed wise
XXV1 REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
to supplement the work by a brief chapter setting forth the
results of recent investigations concerning the Dakota lan-
guages, and Mr Dorsey has begun the preparation of this
chapter. He spent a part of the month in an examination of
the dictionary slips of the various Siouan languages, for the
purpose of formulating a series of characters absolutely neces-
sary tor recording the words of Indian languages.
Dr A. 8. Gatschet has continued researches on the Peoria
language, chiefly in extracting grammatic elements and in
studying: the permutations of vowels and consonants, in which
direction interesting results have been obtained. Certain terms
in the vocabulary have also been found of exceptional interest
as suggesting, and in some cases explaining, steps in the devel-
opment of mythic concepts.
Mr J. N. B. Hewitt has continued work on the Iroquoian-
English dictionary, making satisfactory progress therein.
Work in bibliography—Mr James C. Pilling was occupied
throughout the month in preparing cards taken from the Chi-
nookan and Salishan bibliographies for imcorporation in the
final works on those subjects. In addition, he has critically
examined plate proofs of the Salishan bibliography for the
purpose of eliminating minor errors; and some progress has
been made in the preparation of manuscript for the next num-
ber of the bibliographic series.
Work in sociology—Dr W..J. Hoffman reports from Keshena,
Wisconsin, the successful commencement of the season’s re-
searches into the ceremonials of the Menomini, Ottawa, and
Ojibwa Indians; he has in addition already sent in certain
collections of importance representing the aboriginal arts of
the Indians of the Lake Superior region. One of these, a
birchbark canoe, typical for that region, has been transmitted
to the National Museum.
The Ethnologist in Charge has been occupied chiefly in
administrative work, in examining matter designed for publica-
tion, and in continuing the arrangement of sociologic material
in the archives of the Bureau.
Miscellaneous—As incidentally set forth above, publication
is proceeding satisfactorily. The distribution of the Eighth
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXVIL
Annual Report and the Bibliography of the Salishan Languages
has been commenced. The stereotyping of the Tenth Annual
Report has been completed, and the plates are on the press.
The body of the Twelfth Annual Report has been stereotyped,
and the Eleventh Annual Report is rapidly passing through
the printer’s hands, the first of the three papers bemg now in
page proof, the second well advanced in galleys, and the third
just coming in.
Work in the preparation of illustrations has been continued,
and a number of remarkably fine plates designed to illustrate
reports by Mrs Stevenson on Zuni ceremonials, and by Mr
James Mooney on the Ghost dance, have been completed.
The Bureau has assumed possession of its new quarters in
the Adams building, but the transfer of persons and property
has been unexpectedly delayed and is not yet completed.
The Director has continued the installation and arrangement
of the Bureau exhibit at the World’s Columbian Exposition,
and has been aided therem by Mr Cushing, and for a part of
the month by Professor Holmes and Mrs Stevenson.
OPERATIONS DURING SEPTEMBER
Work in mounds and other antiquities—Dr Cyrus Thomas was
occupied during a part of the month in final critical examina-
tion of proofs of texts and illustrations of his monograph on
the Indian mounds of eastern United States. The remaining
portion of the month was spent in carrying forward the re-
searches concerning the Maya codices and in work relating
thereto. The investigation is laborious and slow by reason of
the large number of historic, linguistic, and other comparisons
required at every step. Some time has been occupied in exam-
ining the literature relating to Central American deities and
mythology, with special reference to the Maya Pantheon, with
the object of identifying the glyphs describing such deities. A
new study has also been made of the symbols representing
days and months, in order to utilize these names in the inter-
pretation of other characters. The recent work indicates that
the Maya writing is in some measure phonetic, but also com-
prises the use of the rebus, or what Brinton characterizes as
the ikonographic method of writing.
XXVIII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
Eastern archeology—Protessor W. H. Holmes has continued
his researches concerning the aboriginal arts of eastern United
States, interrupted only by duty in Chicago installing exhibits
of the Bureau at the World's F air, from the 1st to the 19th of
the month. During the closing part of the month substantial
progress was made in the digestion of field notes and prepara-
tion of reports for the press. A monograph on aboriginal pot-
tery, begun a year or two since and temporarily laid aside, has
been again taken up with a view to completion for publication
as volume vit of Contributions to North American Ethnology.
Satisfactory progress has been made in the rearrangement of
text and in the preparation of the drawings and photographs,
which the text is designed to elucidate.
Mr William Dinwiddie, under Professor Holmes’ supervision,
was occupied during the greater part of the month in collect-
ing trips along the shores and tributaries of Chesapeake bay,
with the object of demarking more exactly, by means of art
products, the territory belonging respectively to the different
aboriginal peoples; while Mr Gerard Fowke continued collec-
tion of material from the interior shell mounds of Tennessee
and Kentucky. This material, together with that sent in by
Mr Dinw iddie, is now being cleaned and labeled 1 oy Mr Henry
Walther preparatory to transfer to the National Museum.
Western archeology—My Cosmos Mindeletf has continued
operations in the Pueblo country. On August 28 he left
Winslow for the Rio Verde by way of Sunset and Chaves
passes, Stoneman lake, and Rattlesnake tanks. The road was
difficult, but was traversed without loss. On reaching the
Verde he withdrew his field outfit, which had been stored for
two years. Progress southward was delayed by mishaps, and
at Flagstaff for repairs. He left Flagstaff on September ils.
soon reaching the Little Colorado at the mouth of San Fran-
cisco wash, where the condition of the roads was such as to
delay progress, so that he reached Winslow only on the 20th
and Holbrook on the 24th. While this journey, necessary to
obtain the outfit, was tedious, no time was lost, for the course
pursued described a great circle, and Mr Mindeleff was able to
examine the country on both sides of the Little Colorado from
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXIX
the mouth of the Puerco, and in two lines across the Mogollon
mountains. The closing days of the month were spent at
Holbrook, outfitting for further work; but progress in this
direction was slow by reason of exceptional rain storms and
floods.
Work in sign language and pictography— Having practically
completed the proof revision of his memoir on the Picture-
writing of the American Indians, Colonel Garrick Mallery
has taken up the material relating to sign language, gesture
speech, pantomime, ete, with a view of monographing this sub-
ject also, and satisfactory progress has been made in the
arrangement of the matter. A part of the month was, how-
ever, spent in field work in the Lake Superior region for the
purpose of obtaining more precise information concerning cer-
tain points on which the data at hand are obscure.
His memoir on Picture-writing, forming the body of the
Tenth Annual Report, is stereotyped; and it is reported to be
on the press.
Work on the Synonymy of Indian tribes—Myr F. W. Hodge
continued the preparation of material for the Synonymy.
During the month the Jumanos (a formerly important tribe
occupying an extensive area in what are now the states of
Chihuahua, in Mexico, and New Mexico, in the United States)
were described as completely as the material obtainable will
permit, the work leading to a tentative identification of this
little-known tribe of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries
with the Comanche of a later period. Work was carried for-
ward also on the Pueblos and on the synonymy of the tribes of
the Piman stock, much valuable information relating to the po ’p-
wation, mission names, etymology, ete, of the latter tribe being
obtained from rare publications. Extended correspondence
in relation to the Pima and other peoples was also conducted.
Mr James Mooney remains in the field. During the month
of September he was occupied on the Kiowa reservation in
Oklahoma, making additions to Kiowa linguisties and ethno-
logic materials, particularly in collecting mystic songs, which
were recorded by means of the graphophone. Some material
for synonymy was obtained.
XXX REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
Work in mythology—Mrs Matilda Coxe Stevenson was occu-
pied in part throughout the month in revising the page proofs
and illustrations of her memoir on “The Sia,” forming part of the
Eleventh Annual Report. In addition, she was engaged in the
examination of anthropologic material at the World’s Fair in
Chicago, serving for a time as an honorary judge of exhibits.
Having completed his work in arranging the exhibits of the
Bureau of Ethnology at the World’s Fair, Mr Frank Hamilton
Cushing returned to Washington and resumed researches in
mythology about the middle of September. Since that time
he has carried forward a study of the origin of aboriginal
games, which are largely divinatory. The arrows, dice, and
other objects used in the games, and the symbolism (often
highly esoteric and significant) employed therein have received
special attention. Curious coincidences or identities between
certain divinatory games of this country and those of the
Orient have been brought to light. With the collaboration of
Mr Stewart Culin, of the University of Pennsylvania, Mr Cush-
ing has made good progress in the preparation of a bulletin on
this subject. In addition, Mr Cushing has made researches
concerning the significance of the Swastika or Fylfot cross,
long known in the Orient, though its meaning was not inter-
preted; and by study of various forms of this object from
different American localities, in connection with legend and
myth, he has ascertained that the American swastika is a wide-
spread wind symbol, and plays an important part in occidental
mythology. Finally Mr Cushing has prepared an elaborate
report on the collections of the Bureau at the World’s Colum-
bian Exposition, particularly those conneeted with aboriginal
mythology.
Work in linguistics—Mr J. Owen Dorsey has continued and
completed the revision of page proofs, illustrations, ete, for
Riges’ “Dakota Grammar, Texts, and Ethnography.” He has
also prepared a supplement thereto in the form of an introduc-
tory chapter, and of this also the proofs have been revised.
In addition to this literary work, Mr Dorsey has continued the
elaboration of linguistic material, especially that of the Biloxi
Indians of Louisiana. He has given attention also to Indian
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXXI
phonetics, with the view of devising a complete alphabet
adapted to the representation of the various obscure and deca-
dent vocatives of primitive languages.
Dr A. 8. Gatschet continued his researches concerning the
Peoria language along lines already laid down. Over two
thousand Peoria words are now recorded on cards. In addition,
he made during the month a careful examination of an elabo-
rate English-Nez Percé dictionary and Nez Pereé grammar,
representing the work of the late Miss 8. L. MeBeth, who was
for many years a missionary teacher among the Nez Percé
Indians of Idaho. This voluminous manuscript work was
conveyed to the Bureau early in the month by Miss Kate C.
McBeth.
Mr Hewitt continued the preparation of linguistic material
already described, and was engaged also for a considerable part
of the month in the elaboration of the system of government
of the Iroquois, the modes of acquiring and conveying infor-
mation of a political character, and also the primitive methods
of agriculture.
Work in bibliography—Mr James ©. Pilling continued biblio-
graphic work, completing the portion of his catalog pertaining
to the Chinookan and Salishan languages, by preparing cards
taken from the bibliographies of these stocks.
Work in sociology—Dr W. J. Hoffman continued field work,
spending the greater part of the month among the Menomini
fo)
Indians of Wisconsin, with a view to completing a report on abo-
riginal cult societies, mythology, ancient customs, and linguis-
tics. Satisfactory progress was made in this work. In addition,
he continued the collection of valuable material representing
the pristine habits and domestic life of the Lake Superior
Indians, sending in a typical dug-out canoe and also a very old
mortar and pestle used originally for the grinding of grain and
latterly for the preparation of medicinal and magic compounds.
This objective material has been received, and will shortly be
transferred to the National Museum.
The Ethnologist in Charge has been occupied chiefly in
administrative work. In addition, a definite arrangement was
effected with Senor Manuel Antonio Muniz, M. D., surgeon-
XXXII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
general of the Peruvian army, for the publication of a memoir
on prehistoric trephining, the memoir being based on the finest
collection of trephined crania (numbering nineteen examples)
ever brought together. The condition of the material and the
nature of Doctor Muniz’s work were such as to require consid-
erable study.
Publication—An advance copy of the Ninth Annual Report
was received during the month, and the edition of the report
is now in the bindery. The Tenth Annual Report is still on
the press. All galley proofs and most of the page proofs of the
body of the Eleventh Annual Report have been revised, while
the Twelfth Annual Report is practically ready to be put on
the press. A concurrent resolution authorizing the publication
of the Thirteenth Annual Report has been introduced in the
House of Representatives, and, as already stated incidentally,
volume 1x of the Contributions to North American Ethnology
has been completed during the month, and is now stereotyped.
Removal of office—During the month the Bureau was trans-
ferred to its new quarters on the sixth floor of the Adams
building, 1333 and 1335 F street.
Exposition work—The Director remained in Chicago com-
pleting the final details of arrangement of the Bureau collec-
tion at the World’s Columbian Exposition.
OPERATIONS DURING OCTOBER
Work in sign language—Colonel Garrick Mallery has con-
tinued the work of assembling
3)
voluminous materials on sign language which he has gathered
collecting, and arranging the
in connection with other work from time to time during sey-
eral years. The work has progressed satisfactorily and the
preparation of the final report on the subject is under way.
Work in mounds and other antiquitiee—Dr Cyrus Thomas
has continued researches concerning the Maya codices, together
with collateral studies relating to this special investigation as
well as to the investigation of mounds and other earthworks.
Certain results of special interest in the Maya research were
reached about the end of the month, and will be reported
later.
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXXII
Work in eastern archeology—Protessor W. H. Holmes has
continued his researches concerning art in stone and the art of
pottery making, particularly in eastern United States. In
addition, he made during the month a field trip to an island in
Potomac river near Point of Rocks, recently invaded by a
freshet in such manner as to lay bare an ancient village site
and aboriginal workshop. The association of objects in the
workshop proved of special significance, and Professor Holmes
calls attention to the fact that here for the first time indications
were found that blocks of stone were used as anvils in the
production of certain classes of stone implements and weapons.
This indication will be followed sedulously with the view of
comparing methods of manufacture in different sections and
among different peoples, and possibly of correcting earlier
inferences concerning these methods. Professor Holmes’ office
work has yielded satisfactory results in the preparation of
manuscript and illustrations for reports of the nature already
indicated.
The collections made by Messrs Fowke and Dinwiddie con-
tinue to come in, and are proving of interest and importance.
Mr Fowke’s connection with the Bureau has now been severed;
and, with the completion of Mr Dinwiddie’s field work during
the month, he was transferred to work in connection with the
Synonymy, under the direction of Mr Hodge.
Work in western archeology— Mr Cosmos Mindeleff remained
in the field. His formal report of the month’s operations has
not yet been received, but correspondence during the month
indicates fairly satisfactory progress in surveys and in making
collections, though especially bad weather, including heavy
rains and destructive freshets, has interfered with his move-
ments.
Work in synonymy—Mr James Mooney remained in the field
collecting information among the Kiowa, Arapaho, Caddo,
and associated tribes of Oklahoma. In the early part of the
month he had an opportunity of witnessing the great tribal
ceremony of the Arapaho, the Sun dance, and succeeded in
making a number of photographs illustrating it. Mr Mooney
was also so fortunate as to observe other primitive ceremonials
15 ErH— III
XXXIV REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
now dropping into disuse. Extended data connected with the
Ghost dance were collected, together with songs and myths
bearing thereon, as well a vocabularies and notes on the tribal
organization of the Caddo and other tribes.
Mr F. W. Hodge, who has been placed in charge of the
library, in addition to his work on the Tribal Synonymy,
has been occupied chiefly in the transfer and arrangement of
books and pamphlets from the old quarters of the Bureau to
its present domicile. In addition, he prepared a catalog of and
general index to publications of the Bureau, which has been
sent to the printer as a bulletin. Also, he completed the
Piman synonymy and described the Concho tribe or division
with its various settlements formerly in the Concho valley of
eastern Chihuahua. The relations of this people are obscure;
of their language nothing is known to literature; and it is
uncertain whether they were connected linguistically with the
Piman or neighboring tribes, or whether their relations were
with the peoples of Texas and the interior.
Work in mythology—Mrs Matilda Coxe Stevenson has con-
tinued the work of preparing a report on certain myths and
ceremonials of the Zuni, and has made satisfactory progress.
Mr Frank Hamilton Cushing has been occupied chiefly in
the study of gaming apparatus from Mexico and Indian Terri-
tory, and in comparing these occidental games with certain
analogous games of the Orient, as well as various other games
of divinatory origin or character from different sources. Sat-
isfactory progress was made in the preparation, by Ma Cushing
jointly with Mr Stewart Culin, of a memoir on ‘Arrow Games
and their Variants in America and the Orient.” Many signifi-
cant facts and relations bearing on the concepts have been
brought to light in the course of Mr Cushing’s investigations.
Collateral lines of study have been pursued by Mr Cushing
with success.
Work in linguistics—Mr J. Owen Dorsey continued the
revision of proofs of his ‘Study of Siouan Cults,” forming part
of the Eleventh Annual Report of the Bureau, and also
revised the galley proofs of Riggs’ “Dakota Grammar, Texts
and Ethnography,” forming volume 1x of the Contributions to
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXXV
North American Ethnology. In addition, he has been occupied
largely in the rearrangement of the linguistic material of the
Bureau, cataloguing the manuscripts and storing them in rae
proof vaults in the Bureau office. During the later half «
the month he was occupied in part in collecting W ee
texts as dictated by Philip Longtail, an intelligent representa-
tive of that tribe, and in this way has been able to close a
serious hiatus in knowledge concerning the Siouan tribes.
Dr A. 8. Gatschet has continued his work on the Peoria
language. He now has more than three thousand Peoria
words arranged on slips. In addition, he has a large body
information relating to the grammatic structure of the lan-
guage under not fewer than forty captions, the whole being
systematically arranged with a view first to reference and
later to publication.
Mr J. N. B. Hewitt has been steadily employed in the office,
chiefly in describing little-known customs of the Troquoian
people, special attention being given to food products, notably
maize. The etymologic elements of certain geographic terms
were also investigated. Toward the close of the month Mr
Hewitt was employed, under the supervision of Mr Dorsey,
in arranging the linguistic and other manuscripts of the Bureau
in fireproof vaults, and in preparing a card catalog to these
archives
Work in bibliography—My Pilling has been actively engaged
o his
in bibliographic work. An opportunity for comparing
elaborate collections with those of other students has just been
afforded through the publication of a “Bibliografia Espanola
de Lenguas Indigenas de América” by Count Vinaza. The
result of the comparison tends to establish the substantial
completeness of the Pilling collection. After making this
comparison, Mr Pilling continued the preparation of the main
bibliographic catalog, adding titles taken from the Chinookan
and Salishan bibliographies, and has introduced certain modi-
fications in the arrangement of the catalog with the view of
facilitating reference.
Work in sociology—TVhe Ethnologist in Charge has been
occupied largely in administrative work and in the editing and
proof revision of the publications of the Bureau.
XXXVI REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
Dr W. J. Hoffman was occupied throughout the month im
the elaboration of the material gathered among the Menomini
Indians during the last four years, and especially during the
last season, and satisfactory progress has been made in the
preparation of this material as a monograph of that tribe among
reports of the Bureau.
Publication—Vhe Ninth Annual Report has been received
and the distribution has been commenced. The Tenth Annual
Report is leaving the press. The greater part of the Kleventh
Annual Report has been stereotyped, and the remaining portion
is passing rapidly through the printer’s hands. The Twelfth
Annual Report will be put on the press so soon as conditions in
the printing office permit. Volume 1x of the Contributions to
North American Ethnology also is practically ready for print-
ing. <A bulletin devoted to the Pamunkey Indians of Virginia,
by Mr J. Garland Pollard, has been edited during the month,
and is just going to the printer.
Removal of office—While the transfer of the office was practi-
cally completed during September, the removal and rearrange-
ment of the library have occupied attention durmg the present
month.
OPERATIONS DURING NOVEMBER
Work in sign language—Colonel Garrick Mallery has con-
tinued the preparation of a monograph on gesture signs and
signals, which will embrace the material gathered since the
publication of the preliminary essay on this subject in 1881
in the First Annual Report of the Bureau. In addition, some
time was spent in work on the administrative portion of the
Eleventh and Twelfth annual reports, now in press.
Work in mounds and other antiquities—Dr Cyrus Thomas has
been occupied chiefly in researches concerning the Maya hiero-
glyphs and calendars, and a paper designed for publication as
a bulletin was prepared. This essay deals with the time series
recorded in the Dresden codex. In it Dr Thomas is able to
give what would appear to be the first positive evidence that
the year used in the Maya codices consisted of 365 days and
that a four-year series was recognized. The Maya year was
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXXVII
made up of 18 months of 20 days each, but these days were
used in series or groups of 13, thus forming a highly complex
calendar system, involving many interesting relations.
Work in eastern archeology—Protessor W. H. Holmes has
remained in the oftice, busily employed in the preparation of
papers relating to stone implements and ceramics. Among the
special subjects dealt with during the month are (1) an exam-
ination and comparative study of the use of animal forms and
symbols in the development of pottery ornamentation; (2) a
study of certain aberrant forms of ornamentation of pottery in
southeastern United States, by which a prehistoric invasion of
the Caribs may be demonstrated; and (3) a study of mortuary
utensils, including pots, etc, which, after breaking, were buried
with the dead, as well as similar utensils manufactured either
as fragments or as pierced kettles, ete, made in similitude of the
utensils destroyed by piercing before burial. The last-named
study is of especial significance, in that it would indicate unex-
pected recency of many arts and structures hitherto regarded
as prehistoric, if not of remote antiquity.
Work in western archeology—The report of Mr Cosmos Min-
delett, covering the period from October 20 to November 25,
indicates that he has actively continued surveys and collec-
tions among the cliff ruins of Arizona. Thirty-five ruins were
visited, ground plans procured of all but two or three, and
photographs and notes were freely taken. The work is yield-
ing results beyond anticipation, and Mr Mindeleff is now of
opinion that it will be possible to classify the ruins and estab-
lish a chronologic sequence throughout a series commencing
perhaps in pre-Columbian time, certainly in pre-Spanish time,
in this region, and extending thence well into the time of
definite history. One of the ruins seemed to record in its
structure and characteristics a transition between measurably
distinct culture stages. Again the work was somewhat re-
tarded, though less seriously than earlier in the season, by bad
weather.
Work in synonymy—Mr James Mooney continued field work
throughout the month. The early days were spent with the
Caddo and affiliated tribes north of the Washita in Oklahoma,
X XXVIII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
investigating the Ghost dance and collecting the songs used
therein by means of a graphophone. Ghost-dance songs,
together with songs of war and games, were obtained also
from the Kiowa and Wichita Indians, and from all of the
tribes other songs were collected by means of the grapho-
phone, both in single voice and chorus effects. The mescal
ceremony of the Comanche was studied, and a large quantity
of the interesting drug used therein was procured for chemical
analysis and physiologic experiment, the mescal acting appar-
ently as a stimulant or paratriptic of remarkable potency.
A number of photographs illustrating ceremonials, as well as
individual characteristics, customs, costumery, etc, were pro-
cured, and Mr Mooney was able to obtain a considerable and
highly interesting collection of objective material for office
study and preservation in the National Museum. Some data
for the Tribal Synonymy were also gathered.
Mr F. W. Hodge has been able to give a portion only of his
time during the month to work on the Synonymy, his energies
being expended chiefly in the arrangement of the library and
in enlarging the scientific exchange list of the Bureau. The
work in the latter direction has met with gratifying success, the
regular accessions of the library being largely increased. Mr
Dinwiddie has aided in the work pertaining to the library.
Work in mythology—Myr F. H. Cushing has continued the
study of primitive games, divinatory and ceremonial, and his
report on the subject, prepared in conjunction with Mr Stewart
Culin, is nearly ready for publication. Meantime he has carried
forward his more general studies in mythology, giving special
attention to the origin and primitive use of fire. Fire myths
are nearly universal and fire worship common among primitive
peoples; and it is the possession of the art of fire making which,
perhaps more than any other characteristic, distinguishes man-
kind from the lower animals. The beginning of human con-
quest of fire has not yet been traced clearly, but Mr Cushing’s
researches are contributing materially to knowledge of the
subject.
During the earlier part of the month Mrs Matilda Coxe
Stevenson continued the preparation of an important paper
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXXIX
on Zuni ceremonials, making satisfactory progress therein.
Throughout the later portion of the mouth her work was
unfortunately interrupted by serious illness.
Work in linguistics—During the earlier half of the month
Mr J. Owen Dorsey was occupied chiefly in recording the Win-
nebago myths dictated by Philip Longtail, who has been found
to possess a wealth of information relating to the language,
beliefs, and customs of his tribe. Eight important texts and
many explanatory notes were acquired through his aid. Dur-
ing the later portion of the month Mr Dorsey completed proof
revision of his “Study of Siouan Cults,” forming part of the
Eleventh Annual Report, and began the preparation of the
index. He also completed the correction of the final proof
of the preface to volume 1x of the Contributions to North
American Ethnology, and brought to substantial completion
the index to this volume. Meantime he continued arranging
and supervising the arrangement of linguistic and other manu-
scripts in the fireproof vaults in the office. More than half of
these manuscripts, most of which are unique and invaluable
to ethnologie students, are now arranged in the vaults and
a systematic catalog thereof prepared with a view of future
publication.
Dr Albert 8. Gatschet continued work on the Peoria lan-
guage, giving special attention to its grammar. A large amount
of material has been extracted from manuscript notes and ar-
ranged in categories based on the animate and inanimate forms
of adjective and verb; on the modes of forming plurals in the
substantive, adjective, and pronoun; on the differences in inflee-
tion of transitive verbs without object, with object in the sin-
gular, and with object in the plural; on comparisons of Peoria
inflection with parallel forms in other Algonquian languages,
ete. During the last fiscal year Dr Gatschet began the com-
pilation of a comprehensive table of Algonquian dialects, em-
bracing a series of terms in twenty-five tribal branches of that
stock. Important contributions to this comparative list have
been made during the last two months. These comprise names
for parts of the human and animal body, for a number of ani-
mals, plants, and implements, for meteoric phenomena and
XL REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
elementary concepts, for color adjectives, and for divisions of
time. With great zeal Dr Gatschet also continued at home
the preparation of vocabularies of the Natchez language of
Mississippi, being efficiently aided by Mrs Gatschet. His
Natchez vocabulary, combined with that of the late Albert
Pike (which is in need of correction as to phonetics), comprises
about 4,000 vocables.
Mr J. N. B. Hewitt was engaged during the earlier part of
the month with Mr Dorsey in the classification of linguistic
manuscripts with a view to arrangement in the vaults. The
later portion of the month was occupied largely in transcribing
on cards the Cayuse (Umatilla) vocabulary of Reverend J. B.
Brouillet. At the same time a comparative study of this lan-
guage with that of the Nez Percé was carried forward with
interesting results. Among other relations, it was found that
at least six of the numeral digits are formed from apparently
common bases.
Work in bibliography—My James C. Pilling carried forward
with energy his work on linguistic bibliography. Finding it
necessary to consult rare works not to be found elsewhere, he
visited the Lenox and Astor libraries during the month, thereby
verifying references relating to different numbers of the series
and enabling him to complete the Wakashan bibliography,
which is now practically ready for the press. After his return
he was engaged continuously in completing this bulletin and
in preliminary work on other numbers of the series.
Work in sociology—The chiet sociologic work during the
month was that conducted by Dr W. J. Hoffman, who has been
engaged on the ethnography of the Menomini Indians. He
has completed a detailed description of the ritual and drama-
tized ceremonials of the several cult societies of this tribe, and
he has also arranged in form for publication a number of myths
and folk-tales.
Publication—The publications in press in various stages and
for the greater part nearly ready for issue are the following: The
Tenth, Eleventh, and Twelfth Annual reports, volume 1x of
the Contributions to North American Ethnology, and the bul-
letin, by J. Garland Pollard, on the Pamunkey Indians of
Virginia.
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XLI
There are in hand and nearly or quite ready for the press
the Thirteenth Annual Report and material for the Fourteenth
Annual; Mr Pilling’s Bibliography of the Wakashan Lan-
guages; amonograph on Aboriginal Pottery of Hastern United
States, by Professor Holmes; and a paper on Prehistoric
Trephining in Peru, by Dr Manuel Antonio Muniz; a bulletin
on the Maya Calendar System deduced from the Dresden
Codex, by Dr Cyrus Thomas; and a bulletin on Primitive
Gaming, by Mr F. TH. Cushing and Mr Stewart Culin. In addi-
tion, various other reports are approaching completion.
Résumé of field work—Field work was continued during the
month in Oklahoma and Arizona; in the former Mr Mooney
was engaged in studies and collections pertaining to the Kiowa,
Comanche, and Caddo Indians; in the latter Mr Cosmos
Mindeletf made important surveys and researches among the
Pueblos.
Resumé of office work—A large part of the energies of the
Bureau have been devoted to work in linguistics and sign lan-
guage. Colonel Mallery has continued the preparation of the
report on the latter subject; Mr Dorsey, Dr Gatschet, and Mr
Hewitt have been engaged in linguistics and have made prog-
ress in recording vocabularies and grammars of the rapidly
passing peoples native to this countr Wie Contributions to the
same subject have been made by Mr Moc mey and Dr Hoffman.
Mr Pilling’s bibliographies of Indian linguistics have already
come to be rec ‘ognized as the standard throughout the world,
and his work thereon has been continued with increased.
energy.
The arts of our aborigines continue to receive attention.
Professor Holmes has continued researches and the prepara-
tion of reports on the arts of eastern United States, while Dr
Thomas has been occupied with reports relating to various
arts of the interior and the southwest. Mr Cushing, Mr Din-
widdie, and others have contributed to this subject.
The beliefs of the aborigines remain under investigation,
from which fruitful results have already flowed, though the
richest product has yet to be garnered. Mrs Stevenson, Mr
Cushing, Mr Mooney, and Dr Hoffman have all contributed to
the stock of knowledge concerning these primitive beliefs.
XLII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
The institutions of the Indians, including tribal organiza-
tions, ete, have received some attention. The chief work on
this subject has been that relating to the synonymy or cyclo-
pedia of tribal names, which must form one of the bases for the
researches in sociology. Mr Hodge has given much energy,
and Dr Hoffman a part of his time to researches relating to
primitive institutions.
The administrative work of the Bureau has been carried
forward in such manner as to minimize expenditure of time
and energy on the part of the scientific collaborators.
OPERATIONS DURING DECEMBER
Work in sign language—Colonel Garrick Mallery has con-
tinued the arrangement for publication of material collected
during several years past relating to gesture signs and signals.
His progress in the preparation of text and illustrations for the
monograph on this subject has been highly satisfactory.
Work in mounds and related antiquities—Dyr Cyrus Thomas
early in the month critically read the introductory character-
ization of his monograph on mounds, which was prepared by
the Director. The greater part of the month was occupied in
examining the various calendar systems of Central America and
in making comparative studies of these calendars in connec-
tion with those of Polynesia, and especially of Hawaii. His
recent work has enabled him to revise and make important
additions to his memoir on “The Maya Year,” just going to
press as a bulletin.
Work in eastern archeology—Protessor W. H. Holmes has
continued work in the office on his monograph relating to
aboriginal ceramics, and satisfactory progress has been made
in preparing the text and illustrations for the press. His re-
searches are conducted in a comprehensive manner and serve
to indicate significant relations between the development and
ethnic relations of different peoples and arts, both indigenous
and derived from neighboring tribes. His previous discovery
of the influence of Carib art on the natives of the southeastern
portion of the country proves only a forerunner of a series of
discoveries in ethno-technic relations. This important subject
will be discussed at length in Professor Holmes’ report.
« ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XLIII
Work in western archeology—W riting under date of Decem-
ber 24, Mr Cosmos Mindeleff reports satisfactory progress in
the investigations of the cliff ruins of Canyon de Chelly and
Canyon del Muerto. During the month a number of ruins were
visited and examined, and several new points were developed.
Special attention was given to the tillable lands in the canyon,
and Mi Mindeletf believes that the data thus obtaimed will
throw light on the character, mode of life, and developmental
history of the cliff-house peoples.
Although the operations in this region have been retarded
by snow storms, sand storms, and the partly-frozen condition
of the streams, rendering them impassable to animals, the
progress of these researches has been satisfactory. Mr Min-
deleff has now so planned his work that during the worst
weather he remains in camp engaged in mapping and in the
elaboration of his notes, with a view to their publication on his
return.
Work in synonymy—Myr James Mooney, having returned
from the field, was occupied throughout the month in office
work in the process of digesting field records relating espe-
cially to the Ghost dance and the Messiah religion. He has con-
stantly borne in mind the needs of the work on synonymy
and has taken out and carded tribal names, definitions, ete.
In this way material progress has been made in this branch of
work. At the same time substantial progress has been made
in the preparation of the memoir on the Ghost dance.
Mr I. W. Hodge has remained at work in the office, dividing
his energies between the library and the synonymy. Tirougth
his efforts the exchange list of the librar y continues to increase;
the regular accessions have been augmented nearly 50 per
cent; the additions to the library since installation in the pres-
ent quarters fill three large cases. Mr Dinwiddie aided in the
library work during a part of the month, a part being oceu-
pied in photographing ceramics for Professor Holmes. Mr
Hodge was able to carry forward to some extent the prepara-
tion of material for the Synonymy; and some progress in the
same direction was made also by Mr Dorsey and Dr Gatschet.
Work in mythology——Mr Frank Hamilton Cushing was en-
gaged in the office continuing the preparation of his paper on
XLIV REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
“Arrow Games and their Variants in America and the Orient.”
Many curious and presumptively significant relations are
brought to light by means of this study. Mr Stewart Culin,
who is engaged jointly with Mr Cushing in this work, has
obtained additional data relative to early Chinese games of
similar character. Ma Cushing says: ‘fA study of these games
reveals the fact that they were actually played with arrows or
were still recognized as arrow games by the players them-
selves as late as during the eleventh and twelfth centuries B. C.,
and thus a historic evidence of the arrow origin of lot and
dice games in the Orient, confirming conclusively, in Mr Culin’s
estimation, my hypothesis, founded on a study of specimens
only, as to the identical origin of such games in America and
as to their extremely archaic character, has been secured.”
Just before the end of the month Mr Cushing was so fortunate
as to come in contact with an educated young Aztec-Spanish
Mexican, Louis O. Moctezuma, from whom he will doubtless
be able to obtain much additional information in relation to
the primitive games of southwestern United States and Mexico.
This study by Messrs Cushing and Culin is yielding results of
unexpected, and it would appear remarkably high, ethnic value.
Mrs M. C. Stevenson’s work has unfortunately suffered inter-
ference through serious illness, but progress has been made in
the arrangement of illustrative material and text for a report
on Zuni ceremonials.
Work in linguistics—During the earlier part of the month
Mr Dorsey continued the arrangement of manuscripts in the
fireproof vault. He also made progress in the preparation of
the index to volume rx of the Contributions to North American
Ethnology, and was occupied for some time in transcribing
Kwapa material for use in the field in January and February.
Some time was spent also in indexing his memoir on “A Study
of Siouan Cults,” now in press in the Eleventh Annual Re-
port. Some days were spent also in preparing for a field trip.
Dr Albert 8. Gatschet continued work on his notes relating
to the Peoria language, and practically completed the extrac-
tion of terms for the vocabulary, and nearly completed the
extraction of grammatic elements. His work on this language
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XLV
will, it is thought, form a standard treatise on aboriginal Ameri-
can linguistics.
Mr J. N. B. Hewitt was occupied a part of the month in
arranging manuscripts in the fireproof vault, under the direc-
tion of Mr Dorsey. The later part of the month was spent in
the study of the “Old Cayuse” language, the affinities of which
have not hitherto been understood The results of his study
tend to indicate that the Waiilatpuan family is really a branch
of the Shahaptian. Should further research indicate this to be
true, it will be an important addition to knowledge of the dis-
tribution of linguistic stocks in northwestern United States.
Work in bibliography—During the earlier part of December
Mr Pilling was engaged in completing for the press the manu-
script of his Bibliography of the Wakashan Languages. This
treatise was transmitted for publication on the 8th and is now
in press, and proofs of the earlier portion have been received.
The remainder of the month was occupied in correspondence
and in researches relating to the literature of several linguistic
families not yet completed, and progress was made in the
preparation for the press of the manuscript of the Bibhography
of the Shahaptian Languages.
Work in sociology—Vhe chief work in this direction during
the month was that of Dr W. J. Hoffman, who has continued
the preparation of his report on the Menomini Indians. Dur-
ing the month the chapters relating to the cult ceremonials and
mythology have been prepared, and illustrative material has
been brought together.
Resumé of field work—Field work was continued in only one
region, namely, in the Pueblo country of the southwest, where
Mr Cosmos Mindeleff has been engaged in surveys and re-
searches pertaining to the cliff ruins.
Résumé of office work—The researches in the office have per-
tained chiefly to linguistics, including gesture language. A
monograph on gesture speech among the Indians is approach-
ing completion; three linguists have made substantial progress
in researches relating to the languages of tribes in different
parts of the country, and two other students, engaged in related
work, have elaborated the linguistic material of other tribes;
XLVI REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
and Mr Pilling has carried forward his researches relating to
the bibliography of aboriginal linguistics and has sent another
memoir to press.
The arts of the American Indians have remained under inves-
tigation by Professor Holmes and Dr Thomas, and incidentally
by other collaborators of the Bureau, and a large number of
facts have been arranged and systemized for publication.
The beliefs of the aborigines have been studied by Mrs
Stevenson, Mr Cushing, Mr Mooney, and Dr Hoffman, and
thereby knowledge concerning this interesting subject has been
extended and classified.
The institutions of the American Indians, have continued to
receive attention chiefly by the Ethnologist in Charge, and the
synonymy of Indian tribes, which must form a basis of definite
research relating to this subject, has been advanced and is in
part practically ready for publication.
The administrative work of the Bureau has been conducted,
as heretofore, with the aim of facilitating to the fullest extent
the scientific researches. The library is arranged in such man-
ner that the books, pamphlets, and manuscripts are readily
accessible. All the linguistic manuscripts and a part of the
other manuscript documents are systematically arranged in
fireproof vaults and a reference catalog is in preparation, and a
simple and definite system of time records has been introduced.
Publications—N 0 reports have been issued during the month,
though the printing of the Tenth Annual was advanced and the
administrative portions of the Eleventh and Twelfth were com-
posed. The bulletin on the “ Pamunkey Indians,” by J. Gar-
land Pollard, is in proof, and Mr Pilling’s Bibliography of the
Wakashan Languages was sent to the printer and a batch of
galley proots has been received. Two bulletins were prepared
for the press during the month, viz, “Chinook Texts,” by Dr
Franz Boas, and ‘“‘The Maya Year,” by Dr Cyrus Thomas.
OPERATIONS DURING JANUARY
Work in sign language—Colonel Garrick Mallery has con-
tinued the collation of material relating to gesture signs and
signals collected by him and other officers of the Bureau dur-
ing the last decade. The arrangement of this matter is now
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XLVII
so far completed as to render definite the plan for the mono-
eraph on the subject, and the writing daily produced will
serve as copy for the printer. Meantime progress has been
made in the preparation of the drawings required to illustrate
the text, for from the nature of the case graphic illustration
must constitute a large and essential part of the work. The
discussion of the subject includes comparison with gestures
and pantomimes of other peoples in different parts of the world,
including instructed and noninstructed deat mutes.
Work in Indian hieroglyphs—Dr Cyrus Thomas was em-
ployed throughout the month in examining and comparing
the various Central American and Mexican calendars and
calendaric inscriptions, and in studying the relations of these
to the Polynesian calendars. This comparative work is yield-
ing results of interest and suggestiveness. A part of the work
included the preparation of supplementary matter for and
revision of proofs of a memoir on “The Maya Year,” now in
press as a bulletin. The linguistic data bearing on the sub-
ject have been placed in the hands of Dr Gatschet for critical
examination.
Work in eastern archeology—Protessor W. H. Holmes has
continued the preparation of texts and illustrations for his
monographs on ceramics and stone art, and has made satisfac-
tory progress. As collateral to the last-named research he
has during the month arranged for publication a bulletin
relating to an aboriginal quarry, the product of which was
used for the manutacture of stone implements, on the Peoria
reservation, Indian Territory.
Work in western archeology—Myr Cosmos Mindelett remains
in the field continuing researches relating to the cliff ruins of
Arizona. Progress in exploration was in some measure re-
tarded, but the plan of work was such that no time was lost,
the hours and days of storm being occupied in arrangement
of notes, execution of plans, and other office work in camp.
Work in synonymy—My James Mooney was occupied in the
office in the preparation of his final report on the Ghost dance
and, in connection therewith, in the accumulation of material
relating to the tribal synonymy of the eastern division of the
Siouan stock.
XLVIII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
Mr F. W. Hodge has continued to divide his attention
between work on the Synonymy and the arrangement of the
contents of the library. A considerable amount of manuseript
of the Synonymy has been made ready for publication. The
accessions to the library continue to increase at a highly
satisfactory rate.
Work in mythology—Mr Frank Hamilton Cushing has contin-
ued the preparation of his monograph on ‘Arrow Games and
their Variants in America and the Orient,” in the preparation
of which he has had the collaboration of Mr Stewart Culin. Mr
Cushing has received great benefit from information relating
to Mexican games derived from Mr Louis O. Moctezuma, a
well-educated young Aztec-Spanish Mexican, well acquainted
with the native Indian games of his country. The importance
of this study of games becomes more apparent as the work
progresses, for among the aborigines games were played not
for amusement, as among civilized people, but chiefly for
divination, which was practiced im connection with industries
and enterprises of all sorts; so that divinatory games occupied
a large place in the thought and exercised an important influ-
ence in the daily life of these people.
Mrs M. C. Stevenson, though not completely restored to
health, has continued work on her monograph on the Zuni, and
good progress has been made in the preparation of both text
and illustrations.
Work in linguistics—The month was spent by Reverend J.
Owen Dorsey in the field, chiefly at the Kwapa Mission in
Indian Territory. The trip, which was a hasty one, ending
with Mr Dorsey’s return about the end of the month, yielded
important results, including (1) the revision of Kwapa lin-
guistics previously recorded; (2) partial revision of the list of
Kwapa gentes; (3) an important list of local geographic
names; (4) alist of 254 personal names; (5) detailed informa-
tion respecting the wapina", or chief deity of the Kwapa
tribe; (6) a list of Kwapa dances; (7) a revision of the
Kwapa words and phrases recorded by Lewis F. Hadley; (8)
ten Kwapa texts, accompanied by explanatory notes; (9) a
series of distinctions in pronunciation uot previously known;
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XLIX
and (10) a good series of photographs of the survivors of the
Kwapa tribe.
Dr Albert 8. Gatschet pushed forward practically to comple-
tion, so far as present data will permit, his work on the Peoria
language, and after comparison with certain rare or unique
vocabularies and grammars of related languages the matter will
be ready for the press. In the later portion of the month he
utilized an opportunity for collecting additional material per-
taining to the Algonquian languages among the youth of the
Indian school in Philadelphia.
Mr J. N. B. Hewitt was occupied during the greater part of
the month in the preparation of a report on the linguistic rela-
tions of the Shahaptian and Waiilatpuan families and in exam-
ining the affinities of these groups with the Lutuamian. This
study was undertaken for the especial use of the Director in
determining fundamental relations among linguistic stocks of
the northwest, and the research was conducted in an eminently
satisfactory manner.
Work in bibliography—During the month Mr James C. Pil-
ling’s energy was divided between the collection of material
for the Shahaptian bibliography and the revision of proofs of
the Bibliography of the Wakashan Languages. The proof
>
revision of bibliographic matter is especially laborious and nee-
essarily proceeds slowly. Galley proofs of nearly all of the
matter, with page proofs of a considerable portion and page
revises of a quarter of the volume, were examined, corrected,
and returned to the printing office during the month.
Publications—The printing of the Tenth Annual Report is
announced to be substantially completed and the sheets practi-
eally ready for the binder. The Twelfth Annual Report is
ready to go on the press immediately, and the Eleventh is ready,
except the index, which will be completed within a few days.
The revision of proofs of the bulletin on the Pamunkey Indians,
by J. Garland Pollard, was completed during the month, and
the document has been directed to go on the press. The bul-
letin comprising Mr Pilling’s Bibliography of the Wakashan
Languages is well advanced in composition. All of the bulle-
tin on “The Maya Year,” by Dr Thomas, is in type, and most of
15 ETH——1IV
L REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
the galley proofs and a part of the page proofs have been revised.
The bulletin on Chinook Texts, by Dr Franz Boas, is partly
composed, and the earlier galley proofs have been revised.
The text and illustrations for the Thirteenth Annual Report
were examined and in great part “prepared” during the month,
and the bulletin on ‘‘An Aboriginal Quarry in Indian Terri-
tory” was also made ready for transmittal to the printer.
OPERATIONS DURING FEBRUARY
The field operations for the month were limited to the work
of two parties, viz, that of Mr Cosmos Mindeleff in the Pueblo
country and that of Mr William Dinwiddie, under the direction
of Professor Holmes, in Virginia, the work of the former being
part of a systematic exploration and that of the latter being of
a special character designed chiefly to yield material for addi-
tion to the collections in the National Museum.
Work in sign language—Colonel Garrick Mallery has con-
tinued the preparation of a monograph on this subject. During
the month substantial progress was made not only in the prep-
aration of copy for the text, but also in the execution of draw-
ings required to illustrate the text, the subject being one which
can be presented in satisfactory manner only by the free em-
ployment of the graphic method.
Work in Indian hieroglyphs—Dr Cyrus Thomas has con-
tinued researches relating to the Maya codices. During the
month especial attention was given to the symbols and names
for days and months of the Maya calendar, with the view of
preparing a bulletin on the subject, and during the later portion
of the month satisfactory progress was made in the preparation
of this bulletin. Meantime the proofs of the bulletin on “The
Maya Year” were revised. Hitherto there has been some dis-
crepancy between the aboriginal Maya codices on the one
hand, and the post-Columbian Maya books and the Spanish
chronicles on the other, as to the duration of the year in the
calendar of these people and concerning certain other matters;
but Dr Thomas’ researches are resulting in the explanation and
clearing away of these discrepancies and thus in establishing
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LI
more Clearly than ever before the authenticity and trustworthy
character of the codices.
Work in eastern archeology—PVProtessor W. H. Holmes has
been fully oecupied in the preparation of reports embodying
the results of his researches in the field and museum extend-
ing over several years. In seeking to discover the methods
employed in aboriginal manufacture he has not been content
with inferences from the form, structure, and markings of the
art products, but has tested these inferences by repeating the
process and with his own hands manufacturing utensils and
implements in imitation of aboriginal objects, and in this way
he has in many cases obtained more exact knowledge of the
methods employed than would be possible by other means.
The general tendency of this study is toward simplification of
the processes represented in the products—e. ¢., he has shown
that pottery, formerly supposed to have been molded in bas-
kets or bags, was really wrought in much simpler fashion, the
markings supposed to indicate the texture of baskets or bags
being produced by beating or pressing with simple sticks or
paddles wrapped with cord, and he finds that this beating or
pressing greatly improves the texture of the clay and was thus
a useful adjunct to pottery making. This discovery suggests
that the supposed ornamentation was really incidental rather
than primary in the minds of the potters. During the month
the bulletin by Professor Holmes on “An Aboriginal Quarry in
Indian Territory,” with the requisite illustrations, was com-
pleted and transmitted to the Public Printer.
Early in the month intelligence came to this office to the
effect that an aboriginal soapstone quarry of remarkable extent
had been discovered at Clifton, Virginia, and that the owners
of the quarry were willing to have the site examined and the
material found therein conveyed to the National Museum.
Mr William Dinwiddie was immediately dispatched to the
locality, under the direction of the Ethnologist in Charge and,
being impressed with the promise of a rich reward in relics of
the soapstone implement makers, promptly made au arrange-
ment with the owners, Messrs Hunter Brothers, for detailed
examination and for the removal of specimens. The contract
LIL REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
proved timely, for within an hour representatives from another
institution appeared on the ground, prepared to arrange for
the removal of the material. Work was at once begun and
was continued throughout the month. The quarry has been
largely cleared of débris and refuse and has been found to be
the finest example of aboriginal soapstone quarry known in
eastern United States. A large amount of material, including
some eighty partly complete soapstone pots, a number of
implements used in the work, and many of the pits or depres-
sions from which pots have been removed have already been
collected, and a good series of photographs and drawings
representing the quarry and the mode of operation has been
made. The work is still under way. The indications are that
the Clifton soapstone quarry will come to form the type for
eastern United States, and that the collection therefrom in the
National Museum will become the standard for that class of
aborigial industry.
Work in western archeology—Myr Cosmos Mindeleff remains
im the field and reports satisfactory progress in working up
the results of explorations and surveys. Inclement weather
during most of the month prevented field operations, so that
the explorer’s time was spent chiefly in camp, arranging notes,
executing plans, ete.
Work in synonymy—Myr James Mooney spent the month in
elaborating the material for the synonymy of the eastern
Siouan peoples and in arranging copy for text and illustrations
of his report on the Ghost-dance religion of the plains tribes
In connection with the work on synonymy he brought together
a considerable amount of collateral material unsuitable for in-
troduction in the condensed work, and this was put in the form
of a paper on the Siouan Tribes of the East, which was par-
tially completed.
Mr F. W. Hodge continued to divide his energies between
the work on synonymy and his duties as librarian. He, too,
in his researches for the synonymy, found collateral material
which he brought together in the form of a separate paper
on the Jumano Indians, which was nearly completed during
the month.
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LIII
The growth of the library during the month has been quite
satisfactory, and a large number of publications of standard
character, including several complete series, have been obtained.
Work in mythology—Mrs Matilda C. Stevenson has, so far as
the state of her health permitted, continued the preparation of
her report on the Zuni. Most of the illustrations for this mono-
graph are now completed, and the final revision of the copy for
text is well advanced.
Mr Frank Hamilton Cushing has continued the preparation
of text and illustrations relating to the arrow games of Amer-
ica; and Mr Stewart Culin, who is writing on the arrow games
of the Orient with the view to joint publication, has also made
satisfactory progress. Mr Cushing has not allowed his re-
searches relating to divinatory games completely to interrupt
his more general studies relating to Zuni mythology; his work
in this direction, being stimulated anew by the appearance of
Nordenskiéld’s magnificent work on the Cliff-dwellers of Mesa
Verde, is yielding valuable results, which will be set forth in
subsequent reports.
Work in linguistics—During the greater part of the month
Mr J. Owen Dorsey was engaged in arranging the Kwapa
texts collected in January and in writing the interlinear trans-
lations therefor. The material proves quite rich and is sufti-
ciently complete for publication in case it be found inexpedient
to collect additional data; the texts, with interlinear and free
translations, would form a volume of fair size. Some days were
spent by Mr Dorsey in the arrangement of the Winnebago
texts collected earlier in the winter.
Dr A. 8. Gatschet during the first half of the month remained
in Philadelphia, and during this period, as well as during the
Lo)
later portion of the month, he was occupied in constructing a
vocabulary of the Shawnee language. At the same time the
grammatic elements were extracted and arranged. About
2,500 terms have already been extracted for the Shawnee
vocabulary.
Mr J. N. B. Hewitt was occupied during the greater part of
the month in studying the relations between the Shahaptian
and Waiilatpuan groups of languages, as well as the relations
LIV REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF E'THNOLOGY
between these and the Lutuamian group. These studies, made
under immediate instructions from the Director, have an impor-
tant bearing on the classification of the linguistic stocks, and
have already materially clarified knowledge concerning the
relations of a number of tribes of northwestern United States.
Work in bibliography—Mr James C. Pillmg was occupied
mainly in reading and correcting proof of the Bibliography
and in
of the Wakashan Languages—now nearly finished
preparing a chronologic index of the same. Some time was
given also to the collection of material for the Shahaptian
bibliography.
Publications—The printing of the Tenth Annual Report is
completed, and the sheets are in the bindery; the Twelfth
Annual Report is on the press, while the Eleventh is practically
ready to follow. On February 16 the Thirteenth Annual
Report was transmitted through the Secretary to the Public
Printer, and work thereon has already been commenced.
The bulletin on the Pamunkey Indians, by John Garland
Pollard, is completed, and the edition has been delivered and
distribution commenced. Mr Pilline’s Bibliography of the
Wakashan Languages is all in pages, and the revision of the
proofs is nearly completed. Dr Thomas’ bulletin on The Maya
Year has also reached the stage of page proofs, and all of the
first and part of the second page proofs have been revised.
The bulletin on Chinook Texts, by Dr Franz Boas, is mainly
in type, and about half of the proofs have been revised. A
bulletin by Professor Holmes on “An Ancient Quarry in
Indian Territory,” alluded to in previous reports, was sent to
press during the month.
OPERATIONS DURING MARCH
The chief work of the month has been in the office. Field
operations have been carried forward only by Mr Cosmos
Mindeletf in the Pueblo country of Arizona, and by Mr Wil-
liam Dinwiddie, under the direction of Professor Holmes, in
Virginia.
Work in sign language—Colonel Garrick Mallery has con-
tinued the preparation of a monograph on Gesture Signs and
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LV
Signals, and satisfactory progress has been made in the com-
pletion of the text of this monograph, and the execution of
illustrations has been forwarded with energy, over fifty impor-
tant drawings having been made.
During the month the printed sheets of the monograph on
pictography were received from the printing office for the
purpose of placing the plates.
Work in Indian hieroglyphs——Early in the month Dr Cyrus
Thomas finished the revision of proofs of the bulletin on the
Maya year. The remainder of the month was occupied in
the preparation of a memoir on the signification of the sym-
bols and names of days and months in the Central American
calendar. The task has proved of unexpected magnitude, and
extended comparisons and studies have been found necessary.
This work is approaching completion.
Work in eastern archeology—Protessor W. H. Holmes has
continued the preparation of monographs on the fictile ware
and stone art of eastern United States, and both works are
approaching completion, a large number of illustrations, both
photographic and drawn in pen and ink, having been prepared
and arranged. In addition, some time has been devoted to the
arrangement of material in the National Museum, such material
being in part newly collected and in part that returned from
the World’s Columbian Exposition at Chicago. Also he revised
and prepared an introduction for a bulletin by Gerard Fowke
on “Archeologic Investigations in James and Potomac Val-
b]
leys.” Furthermore, some days were spent in the field at the
Clifton soapstone quarry.
Mr Dinwiddie was occupied throughout the month in clearing
the Clifton soapstone quarry noted in the last report, in study-
ing the methods employed by the aboriginal quarrymen, in
making photographs of the quarry, ete. The locality proves
to be of great interest. By reason of the abundance of mate-
rial in the form of implements, partially completed or imperfect
vessels, together with pitted surfaces from which the blanks
were taken, the quarry may be regarded as a type. The remark-
ably rich collection of objects will greatly enhance the material
relating to aboriginal industry already in the National Museum.
LVI REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
Work in western archeology—Myr Cosmos Mindeleff remains in
the field, engaged chiefly in the elaboration of maps and notes
relating to ruins examined during the preceding months of the
fiscal year.
Work in synonymy—In the course of his work relating to the
synonymy of the eastern Siouan peoples, Mr Mooney brought
together a large amount of information relating to these tribes,
a part of which is new, while another part is recorded only in
rare literature and finds its explanation in the newer informa-
tion. He has been able to identify several tribes whose hab-
itations were recorded by earlier explorers and to trace the
migrations of each. This information, which is too elaborate
for introduction in the Synonymy, but which nevertheless elu-
cidates that work, has been brought together in a paper on the
“Siouan Tribes of the Kast,” which will shortly be transmitted for
publication asa bulletin. Meantime Mr Mooney has continued
his general work on the synonymy and has at the same time
carried forward the preparation of his work on the Ghost dance.
Mr Hodge continued work on the synonymy of the south-
western tribes, and also kept charge of the library. In addition,
he made during the month a journey to New York for the pur-
pose of examining a collection of manuscript documents relat-
ing to equatorial America in possession of Professor Le Metayer
de Guichainville. The accounts and samples of these docu-
ments which had reached Washington indicated that they might
prove of great value to students of the early history of the
Spanish conquerors and their relations to the aborigines. Con-
siderable information of importance was obtained from the
examination of the collection.
The accessions to the library continue numerous and valu-
able, the current literature of anthropology in the different
countries being especially well represented.
Work in mythology—Myr Frank Hamilton Cushing has con-
tinued his study on the arrow games of America, and satisfac-
tory progress has been made in the preparation of text and
illustrations.
Mrs Matilda C. Stevenson is still engage
c=) he)
ed in the preparation
of her report on the Zuni, though progress has been hindered
5
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LVI
by ill health. The myths of the aborigines of the southwest
are of exceptional interest, since they exemplify in many cases
the influence of environment on the minds of the devotees, and
in some cases, moreover, they indicate the migrations of the
peoples among whom they are found. Accordingly, the studies
seem of exceptional importance in American anthropology.
Work in linguistics—Dr A. 8. Gatschet continued the extrac-
tion of voeables and grammatic elements of the Shawnee lan-
guage from the material collected by him in 1892 and 1893.
The systematically arranged material is now inscribed on
somewhat over two thousand cards, mm condition for ready
examination or publication. Several vocabularies and gram-
mars submitted to the Bureau during the month were also
examined.
Mr J. Owen Dorsey completed the arrangement of the Win-
nebago texts with interlinear translations early in the month.
These texts, collected during the present fiscal year from Philip
Longtail, have proved a rich source of information relating to
language, customs, and beliefs of the tribe to which they per-
tain. The later portion of the month was spent in preparing
an introduction to the synonymy of the Siouan family and
to the study of the connection between onomatology and
mythology as exemplified in the Siouan languages. In both
these directions satisfactory progress was made.
Mr J. N. B. Hewitt spent a considerable part of the month
in the study of the relations of the Lutuamian language for
the immediate use of the Director. This study affords an
important basis for the classification of linguistic stocks of
northwestern United States. It has been conducted with zeal
and success.
Work in bibliography—Myr James C. Pilling has continued
the revision of the proofs of the Wakashan bibliography, which
is now substantially completed. Meantime he has gone on with
the preparation of material for the Shahaptian bibliography,
now nearly ready for the press. The completion of this
work is delayed by some uncertainty concerning the relations
of certain northwestern languages, upon which Mr Hewitt has
been at work; but while this delay affects the issue of the
LVIII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
Shahaptian bibliography it does not retard the bibliographic
work in general, for the study of literature and the collection
of titles relating to other western stocks receive constant
attention. A large number of titles relating to the languages
of Mexico have recently been brought together.
Publications—The Tenth Annual Repert has passed through
the folding room and the Twelfth is going through the press,
while the Eleventh will at once follow. The Thirteenth Re-
port is in the printer’s hands and proofs are daily expected.
The bulletin on the Pamunkey Indians by John Garland Pol-
lard has been distributed. The revision of the proofs of Dr
Thomas’ bulletin on The Maya Year has been completed and
the work has been ordered stereotyped. Mr Piling’s Bibliog-
raphy of the Wakashan Languages has been revised, and most
of the matter is stereotyped. Three signatures of the bul-
letin on Chinook Texts by Dr Franz Boas are in pages, and
both page and galley proofs are passing rapidly through the
hands of the author and through this office. Proofs of
the bulletin by Professor Holmes on “An Aboriginal Quarry in
Indian Territory” are daily expected. Two bulletins, respec-
tively by Mr James Mooney on “‘Siouan Tribes of the East”
and Mr Gerard Fowke on ‘“Archeologic Investigations in
James and Potomac Valleys,” have been prepared during the
month and will be transmitted for printing so soon as the illus-
trations have been completed.
OPERATIONS DURING APRIL
The field work of the month has been limited to that carried
forward by Mr Cosmos Mindeleff in the Pueblo country, and
restricted operations in Virginia by the Ethnologist in Charge,
Professor W. H. Holmes, and Mr William Dinwiddie; with
these exceptions, the operations represent work conducted in
the office.
Work in sign language—Colonel Garrick Mallery has made
satisfactory progress in the preparation of his monograph on
gesture signs and signals. A number of the requisite draw-
ings have been executed and a portion of the text has been
made ready for the printer.
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LIX
Work in Indian hieroglyphs—Dr Cyrus Thomas has con-
tinued his researches relating to the Maya hieroglyphs. During
the month he brought to substantial completion the text of the
bulletin relating to the day names and symbols of the Maya
calendar; at the same time he supervised the execution of the
requisite illustrations. Among the interesting questions con-
fe)
nected with the Maya calendar is the origin and significance of
the hieroglyphs used as symbols for days. Some of these
have already been interpreted by Brinton, Seler, and others,
and it has been inferred from these interpretations that the
entire system of symbols represents a system of mythologic
concepts; so that the calendric inscriptions not only comprise
chronologies akin to those of the plains Indians, but also
embody records of the beliefs of the writers. Dr Thomas has
been able to confirm some of the conclusions reached by other
investigators and to correct others.
Work in eastern archeology—Protessor W. H. Holmes has
completed the preparation of his monographs on fictile ware
and stone art. Both of these works are substantially com-
pleted as to text and illustrations. During the month a large
number of objects previously collected have been examined,
and the results of the examination are incorporated in the
report. A few additional trips by Professor Holmes and Mr
Dinwiddie were made to the Clifton soapstone quarry for the
purpose of completing the collections of material from this
point, and some of this material has been used as subjects of
discussion and illustration in Professor Holmes’ monographs.
In addition, the Ethnologist in Charge and Professor Holmes
repaired to the Pass creek site, near Luray, Virginia, for the
purpose of collecting additional data relating to the stone art
products in the large mound on this site. A considerable addi-
tional collection of stone work was found in the mound and
vicinity; also an aboriginal cemetery was discovered in the
plowed field, and a typical collection of mortuary pottery was
made. The stone implements are of exceptional interest in
that the turtleback forms are rejects from the manufacture of
celts—the rejects hitherto studied by Professor Holmes repre-
sent predominantly or exclusively the manufacture of narrow,
LX REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
pointed objects, such as spearpoints or arrowheads. The col-
lections at Pass creek prove rich, and several of the objects
have already been drawn for incorporation in Professor
Holmes’ report. The geologic relations of the material used
in the manufacture of the implements are also of exceptional
interest, and were worked out in detail.
Work in western archeology—Mr Cosmos Mindeleff has con-
tinued operations in New Mexico. By reason of the approach-
ing exhaustion of his allotment, the exploratory operations were
somewhat curtailed and the elaboration of notes and diagrams
proportionately extended.
Mr Mindeleff finds the Pueblo country overrun by specula-
tors in primitive pottery and other relics, which are collected
and sold as products of Aztec art. The operations of these
speculators are ruinous; the material is collected without ade-
quate study of association, so that its value as a record of
aboriginal conditions is largely lost; and in addition the meth-
ods employed are destructive of all material except that of
portable character and commercial value. Mr Mindeleff
making every attempt to forestall these destructive operations;
and to enable him to do so advantageously he is continued in
the field at some sacrifice in efficiency of work on reports and
illustrations.
Work in synonymy—Mr F. W. Hodge has continued work on
the synonymy of the southwestern families and tribes in addi-
tion to the routine work of the library, and in both directions
his work has been eminently satisfactory. The preparation of
the synonymy involves extended literary research, and prog-
ress is necessarily slow; but the collection of data has now
reached such a condition as easily to permit preparation for
the press, and it is planned to beein publication as soon as
practicable in bulletin form by linguistic stocks.
Mr James Mooney completed the preparation of his bulletin
on the “Siouan Tribes of the East,” and this work will be for-
warded for publication so soon as the map required for its
illustration is completed. Since the completion of this manu-
script, Mr Mooney has been engaged on the final chapters of
his report on the “ Ghost-dance Religion,” which is approaching
completion.
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXI
Work in mythology—Mr Frank Hamilton Cushing has con-
tinued the preparation of a memoir on the arrow games of
America, and Mr Stewart Culin, who has shared and supple-
mented Mr Cushing’s work by researches relating chiefly to
divinatory games in other countries and comparative studies
in primitive gaming in all countries, has completed his contri-
bution to the subject. The researches of Messrs Cushing and
Culin have brought to light many significant facts bearing on
the usages, beliefs, and ethnic relations of early peoples.
Mrs Matilda C. Stevenson has continued the preparation of
her report on the Zuni.
Work in linguistics—Mr J. Owen Dorsey divided the month
between (1) recording on dictionary slips the words of the
Winnebago texts recorded last year, and (2) the extension of
the phonetic alphabet required for the utterance of primitive
languages. In the former work good progress was made; and
in the latter, thanks to the aid furnished by the venerable
Archdeacon John Joseph Nouri, of the Eastern Church under
the Chaldean Patriarch of Babylon, excellent progress also
was made.
Dr A. 8. Gatschet continued the extraction of Shawnee
vocables and grammatic elements; in addition, he gave some
time to perfecting the Peoria, to making additions to the com-
parative vocabulary of the Algonquian languages, and to the
study of the Mexican material recently collected by Dr Carl
Lumnholtz.
Mr J. N. B. Hewitt continued general linguistic studies
relating to the northwestern families, and in addition made, in
connection with Dr Gatschet, critical examination of the Lum-
holtz Mexican material and transcribed a considerable part of
the Tarahumari vocabulary, with a view to publication. The
material collected by Lumholtz is of great interest, since sev-
eral of the tribes examined yet retain the primitive condition
in many respects, the language in particular being hardly
modified through the advent of white men. In one case his
linguistic material represents a decadent dialect, only three or
four individuals remaining who are familiar with it.
Work in bibliography—Mr James C. Pilling has continued
the preparation of material for the Shahaptian bibliography,
LXII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
which would be ready for the press were it not deemed well to
withhold it for possible modification, growing out of a change
in classification of the northwestern families. Meantime he
has made good progress in the collection and arrangement of
the elaborate material for bibliographies of the Mexican fam-
ilies. During the month the revision of page proofs of the
Wakashan bibliography was completed, and that document has
been stereotyped and sent to the press.
Publications—Vhe Tenth Annual Report is in the bindery;
the Twelfth, including its illustrations, has been printed and is
now in the folding room; the Eleventh is on the press. Proofs
of the process illustrations of the Thirteenth Report have been
received and galley proofs of the text are daily expected. The
bulletin on ‘The Maya Year” by Dr Cyrus Thomas has been
delivered and the distribution is under way. Mr Pilling’s Bib-
liography of the Wakashan Languages has been ordered on
the press. The bulletin on ‘Chinook Texts” by Dr Franz Boas
is passing through the printer’s hands somewhat slowly by
reason of the highly technical character of the composition
and the limited type available for it, and by reason of the fact
that the author finds it necessary to revise two proofs at his
present residence in Chicago. Proofs of the illustrations of
Professor Holmes’ bulletin on “An Aboriginal Quarry in Indian
Verritory” have been received, and the text will doubtless follow
in atew days. The bulletins by Messrs Mooney and Fowke
are in the hands of the artist for the final arrangement of
illustrations.
OPERATIONS DURING MAY
As during preceding months the chief work has been con-
fined to the office, field operations being limited to the surveys
by Mr Cosmos Mindeleff in the Pueblo country, together with
a single field trip by the Ethnologist in Charge.
Work in sign language—-Colonel Garrick Mallery has con-
tinued the preparation of his monograph on ‘Gesture Signs and
Signals,” which is now well advanced. In the progress of the
work various significant points are brought out, which will be
duly elaborated in the final report Among recent results may
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LX1I
be mentioned a body of evidence tending to explain the sup-
posed community of sign language not only among very dis-
tinct tribes, but among primitive peoples of widely diverse
nationalities. The recent comparison of facts indicates that
the ready interchange of ideas by gestures among primitive
peoples is simply the outcome of sense training in a certain
direction, and that the apparent mystery in the interchange is
due only to the fact that the cultured observers to whom it
appeals lack this particular sense training. This and other
problems connected with sign language are receiving close
attention from Colonel Mallery.
Work in Indian hieroglyphs—Dr Thomas continued his
researches relating to the Maya symbols and other Mexican
and Central American hieroglyphs. His bulletin on this sub-
ject is completed in accordance with the initial plan, but is
withheld pending the settlement ef certain philologic ques-
tions suggested in the course of the inquiry. The researches
in hieroglyphs are of peculiar difficulty, but Dr Thomas has
made satisfactory progress during the month.
Work in eastern archeology—During the month Professor
W. H. Holmes terminated his work in this Bureau and repaired
to Chicago to assume charge of the department of anthropol-
ogy in the Field Columbian Museum, his resignation taking
effect with the close of the month. Before departing he turned
in the manuscripts and illustrations for two monographs—one
on fictile ware, the other on stone art.
Work in western archeology—Mr Cosmos Mindeleff has con-
tinued operations in New Mexico, though by reason of the
exhaustion of his allotment the work has been less extensive
than during the earlier months. Satisfactory progress has
been made in the preparation of maps, plans, and other
manuscripts.
Work in synonymy—Mr F. W. Hodge has continued the
preparation of manuscript for the synonymy of the south-
western tribes. During the month advantage was taken of
the presence in Washington of Dr Carl Lumbholtz, who has
spent some seasons among the tribes of Chihuahua, Mexico,
and much valuable information regarding the Tarahumari and
LXIV REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
Tepehuani Indians and their settlements was obtained from
him for use in the synonymy of the Piman stock. Meantime
Mr Hodge continued the administration of the library, and
reports valuable additions by gift and exchange.
Mr James Mooney has continued work on the synonymy,
and has also nearly brought to completion his memoir on the
Messiah religion and the Ghost dance, which it is proposed to
incorporate in the Fourteenth Annual Report. During the
month the map required to illustrate his bulletin on the eastern
Siouan tribes has been completed, and the data will be for-
warded for publication within a few days.
Work in mythology—My Frank Hamilton © ‘ushing has been
employed on his memoir relating to primitive arrow games.
Some time was spent also by him, with the assistance of Mr
Wilham Dinwiddie, in arranging figures and groups and other
materials in the National Museum, and in making photographs
of the most significant of these for the Museum collection.
Mrs Matilda C. Stevenson has made satisfactory progress on
her memoir relating to the Zuni, and it is expected that this
elaborate report w ill within a few months be ready for the press.
Work in linguistics—Mr J. Owen Dorsey ¢ ompleted the prep-
aration of the index to volume 1x of the Contributions to North
American Ethnology, and also made a critical examination of
a paper by Dr Thomas concerning supposed loan words from
Polynesian languages, found among the Indians of Mexico
and southwestern United States. His chief work, however,
was that on the Winnebago dictionary, already noted. A large
number of dictionary slips, with notes, grammatic elements,
and free English translations, were prepared.
Dr A. S. Gatschet was employed chiefly in the extension of
his Shawnee dictionary and in extracting grammatic elements
from the 750 manuscript pages of text and other material relat-
ing to this language. Meantime material additions were made
to his comparative Algonquian vocabulary. He, too, made an
examination of the linguistic material sent im by Dr Thomas.
Mr J. N. B. Hewitt spent the first half of the month in trans-
literating the Tarahumari material collected by Dr Carl Lum-
holtz, part of the time with the assistance of the collector.
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXV
Although satisfactory progress was made, this body of linguistic
material is not yet ready for the press. The later portion of
the month was spent in critical study of the comparative list
of Maya and Polynesian words sent in by Dr Thomas. The
results of the examination were put together in an elaborate
report, which, though not designed for publication, will greatly
facilitate dealing with related questions by the collaborators of
the Bureau in the future.
Work in bibliography—Mr James C. Pilling practically
brought to completion his Shahaptian bibliograpl-y and spent
a portion of the month in the extraction of title cards from the
recently published Wakashan bibliography. The greater part
of the month, however, was spent in collecting titles relating
to the languages of extreme southwestern United States and
Mexico.
Publications—During the month the Tenth Annual Report
has been delivered from the Government bindery and the dis-
tribution is well under way. The Eleventh and Twelfth
reports are in the bindery; galley proofs of nearly half of the
Thirteenth Annual Report have been received and_ revised.
The Bibliography of the Wakashan Languages has been
delivered and distribution is in progress. The bulletin on
“Chinook Texts” by Dr Boas is still passing through the prin-
ter’s hands. Galley proofs of Professor Holmes’ bulletin on
“An Aboriginal Quarry in Indian Territory” have been re-
ceived and are undergoing revision. The illustrations for the
bulletins by Messrs Mooney and Fowke have been completed
and they will shortly be sent forward for publication. Pro-
vision has been made for publishing a bulletin by Dr Boas on
the physical characteristics of the Siouan peoples, the text of
which, however, has not yet been received.
OPERATIONS DURING JUNE
The work has been confined chiefly to the office, field
operations being limited to the surveys by Mr Cosmos
Mindeleff in the Pueblo country.
Work in sign language—Colonel Garrick Mallery has been
occupied throughout the month in comparative study and
writing on gesture signs and signals.
15 ETH Vv
LXVI REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
The recent publication of Colonel Mallery’s monograph on
pictography in the Tenth Annual Report has stimulated
interest in the general subject of picture writing and sign
language, and many inquiries and suggestions in regard to
the subject are received through correspondence. This fact is
at once a gratifying indication of the interest felt in the
subject by the people of the country and an incentive to the
author to complete at the earliest possible date the monograph
on which he is now engaged.
Work in Indian hieroglyphs—Dr Cyrus Thomas has con-
tinued researches relating to the symbols used in the codices
and other inscriptions of the Maya and related peoples. The
month was occupied in comparative studies of calendrie and
other terms of southwestern America, a bulletin on this subject
being practically ready for publication and withheld only for
the purpose of verifying certain provisional conclusions.
Work in eastern archeology—Vhe work on this subject during
the month was limited to the preparation of illustrations for
some of Professor Holmes’ reports by photographing groups
at Piny branch, which work Mr F. H. Cushing kindly super-
vised, Mr William Dinwiddie assisting.
Work in western archeology—Mr Cosmos Mindelett has con-
tinued surveys and the collection of objective material -in the
Pueblo country. During the month he examined a number of
ruins in the valley of San Juan river, finding all of the types
so abundantly represented on the Rio Verde (described in his
report on that district in the Thirteenth Annual, and termed
‘“bowlder-marked sites”). ‘Though commonly small, some of
the ruims are extensive; all are located with reference to adja-
cent areas of tillable land, and none are defensive. The ruins
are usually found on low, irregular terraces, skirting the river
chiefly on the northern side, where the conditions are more
favorable to irrigation. Most of the ruins are now marked
only by heaps of the water-worn bowlders, sometimes showing
wall lines, but generally lying in confused heaps, often dis-
turbed by prospectors and relic hunters. Here and there
definite structures remain; in one of these Mr Mindelett was
surprised to find masonry constructed of tabular sandstones,
an anomalous phenomenon requiring further study.
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXVII
Mr Mindeleff concludes from his researches of the year that
the first settlements in the region are marked by the bowlder-
marked sites; that these were followed by small settlements
and easily defended sites, accompanied by cliff dwellings,
cavate lodges, etc; and that larger settlements were subse-
quently formed and valley sites located, not defensible as
regards site, though the structures were defensive. ‘These
conclusions are in harmony with those deduced from the struc-
tures of Canyon de Chelly, where, however, the sequence is
more complete. Detailed information concerning the different
types of structure is reported by Mr Mindeleff.
Work in synonymy—Mr F. W. Hodge has continued work on
the descriptions and synonymy of the southwestern tribes for
corporation in the cyclopedia, the chief work during the pres-
eut month being the amplification of the Piman synonymy,
He has remained in charge of the library, and, in addition,
spent a part of the month in revising proofs of the Thirteenth
Annual Report and of Professor Holmes’ bulletin on “An
Ancient Quarry in Indian Territory.”
Mr James Mooney has brought to completion his memoir
on “The Ghost-dance Religion,” which is incorporated in the
Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau. Meantime he has
continued the arrangement of the material for the synonymy
of the eastern Siouan tribes. His bulletin on these tribes was
reexamined during the month and is forwarded herewith for
publication.
Work in mythology—Mr Frank Hamilton Cushing spent a
portion of the month in revising his memoir on primitive arrow
games, to which reference has been made in previous monthly
reports. Some time was spent also in revising and supple-
menting his paper on ‘Zuni Creation Myths” now in press as
part of the Thirteenth Annual Report. In addition, he was
occupied for some days in the arrangement of figures and
groups in the National Museum.
Mrs Matilda C. Stevenson has continued the preparation of
her monograph on Zuni ceremonials, making satisfactory
progress therein.
Work in linguistics—Mr J. Owen Dorsey continued work on
the Winnebago dictionary, together with the notes to his large
LXVIII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
collection of Winnebago texts and the free English translation
of the texts, making satisfactory progress. In addition, he
prepared a list of ethnologie manuscripts relating to Indian
languages, including a considerable part of the linguistic mate-
rial in the archives of the Bureau.
Dr ALS. Gatschet continued the preparation of the Shawnee
dictionary, giving especial attention to comparisons between
this dialect and forty or fifty other dialects of the Algonquian.
He calls attention to the astonishing multiplicity of the Algon-
quian dialectal forms and points out that, while the linguistic
stock rests on a purely nominal basis morphologically, the dia-
lectic diversification is great. Other interesting features of
these languages have received attention.
Mr J. N. B. Hewitt continued the transliteration of Tarahu-
mari and Tubari material collected by Dr Carl Lumholtz, with
a view to publication, at least of the latter, in bulletin form,
Work in bibliography—Mr James C. Pilling spent the month
in arranging material for bibliographies of the southwestern
languages in and contiguous to Mexico. The alphabetic
arrangement of the material has now progressed to the end
of the letter R, the notes and collations having been made as
complete as possible with the information at hand. He ex-
presses acknowledgment to Bishop Hurst, whose rich library
contains much material collected by missionaries and others
relating to the Indian languages.
Pi Wlications 06 Eleventh and Twelfth Annual reports are
still in the bindery, but well advanced, and the editions
are looked for daily; nearly a third of the Thirteenth An-
nual is in pages; the material for the Fourteenth Annual is
ready and only awaits the passage by the Senate of the con-
current resolution authorizing publication, this resolution hav-
ing already passed the House. Material for the Fifteenth
Annual is in hand and practically ready for the press when-
ever publication is authorized. Dr Boas’ voluminous bulletin
on “Chinook Texts” is still passing through the printer’s hands,
96 pages being stereotyped. The proofs of text and plates of
Professor Holmes’ bulletin on an abc wiginal quarry have been
approved and ordered stereotyped de printed. Bulletins by
Messrs Mooney and Fowke have been sent forward and recom-
mended for publication. Volume 1x of the Contributions to
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXNIX
North American Ethnology, comprising Riggs’ Dakota Gram-
mar, Texts and Ethnography,” has been completed by the
preparation of the index, and the document is now on the
press.
SUMMARY REPORT
CLASSIFICATION OF THE WORK
As set forth on an earlier page, five primary lines of research
relating to the collective or demotic characteristics of the
American aborigines are pursued in the Bureau. These lines,
with the corresponding branches of knowledge, comprise (1)
arts, or esthetology; (2) industries, or technology; (3) institu-
tions, or sociology; (4) forms of expression, or linguistics; and
(5) opinions and beliefs, or sophiology.. In addition, two
primary lines of research relating to the aborigines considered
as organisms are recognized, viz, somatology and psychology.
Each of these seven lines of research is of such extent and
importance as to form the basis for a distinct science ; and each
comprises a number of principal branches, any one of which
is sutticiently extended to form an important specialty. Since
there are only about a dozen scientific collaborators in the
Bureau, it follows that there are more specialties than collabo-
rators; and it has been found necessary to select those special
lines of research which seemed of most importance, and to
assign them to the collaborators best equipped for carrying
them forward. Sometimes, on the other hand, it has been
found desirable temporarily to combine two or more primary
lines of investigation in the assignment of a single collabo-
- rator, for the purpose of utilizing opportunity—e. @., to obtain
general information at a minimum cost or to procure data con-
cerning a disappearing tribe. To meet these practical condi-
tions, a somewhat arbitrary classification of the work has been
adopted and has varied from time to time. During the year
the researches have related chiefly to (1) archeology; (2) de-
scriptive ethnology; (3) sociology; (4) pictography and sign
language; (5) general linguistics; (6) mythology, or sophiol-
ogy; (7) psychology, and (8) bibliography.
Classified by method, the operations of the Bureau com-
prise (1) field work, including exploration; (2) office researches,
LXX REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
and (3) publication, together with the requisite administrative
work and ancillary operations.
EXPLORATION
The most extended exploratory work of the year was that
of Mr Cosmos Mindeleff in connection with archeologie sur-
veys in the Pueblo country of New Mexico and Arizona. He
left Washington early in July, 1893, and, outfitting at Hol-
brook, proceeded to the Hopi villages of Tusayan, and toward
the end of August to the valley of the Little Colorado, which
he explored im some detail. Contrary to expectations, this
region was found to be poor in relics of the aborigines; only
a few small and unimportant ruins are scattered over the
valley, and the sites were apparently occupied for short peri-
ods only. It is noteworthy that, according to Hopi tradition,
it was along a valley tributary to the Little Colorado that the
large timbers used in the construction of the Spanish churches
and mission buildings prior to 1680 were transported on the
backs of Indians from San Francisco mountains, nearly 100
miles away; and this tradition appears to find corroboration
in Mr Mindeleft’s observation of a party of Tusayan Indians
transporting poles from the foot-hills of the same mountains
over the same route by the use of burros. The reason for the
dearth of ruins gradually became apparent as the explorations
were continued; the topography about the Little Colorado
and the character of the stream itself are such that its waters
could not be controlled for purposes of irrigation by any
means at the command of ancient pueblo builders; even mod-
ern engineering skill has thus far failed to control the stream,
although many efforts in this direction have been made.
Only at intervals are there floodplain lands suitable for
primitive cultivation and within easy reach of irrigation de-
vices, and in such places ruins are usually found. This is
notably the case near the old Sunset crossing, where, perched
on the hills overlooking the floodplain, can be seen the ruins of
ten or more villages, the largest of which would have accom-
modated a population of 200. The ground plan of this vil-
lage shows a number of rectangular rooms, the whole bearing
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXXxI
a strong resemblance to the plan of ruins found near the Tu-
sayan villages. ‘Tradition recites that this village (or possibly
a neighboring one) was called Homolobi, and was occupied
by the Water clan, the last to reach Tusayan. ‘The indica-
tions are that the period of occupancy was short.
Mr Mindeleff found the river at Mormon crossing, or ‘‘The
Crossing of the Fathers,” too high for fording, and his party
proceeded with difficulty along the northern bank to the old
Sunset crossing near Winslow. After fording at this point, the
party proceeded to Verde, crossing the Mogollon mountains by
way of Sunset and Chaves passes. At Verde an old field outfit
was taken up, and the party returned by way of Flagstaff,
reaching Little Colorado river at the mouth of San Francisco
wash. ‘This region was formerly a favorite hunting ground of
the Tusayan, large parties leaving the villages to hunt antelope
and other game so recently as ten years ago; but the game has
nearly disappeared, and the annual hunting parties of fhe Tusa-
yan Indians are now but a memory. From ¢ San Francisco
wash the party followed the southern branch of the river to
Winslow, and the northern side thence to Holbrook.
Leaving Holbrook early in October, Mr Mindeleff proceeded
northward toward Canyon de Chelly. Advantage was taken
of the opportunity to examine the locality of a supposed ruin
some 35 miles north of Holbrook, concerning which rumors
have been current for several years, and the supposed ruin was
found to be a natural dike rising from the summit of a low hill
as a wall of black basalt over 100 feet long, generally less than
2 feet thick, and sometimes 18 feet high. Near its western end
the remains of a habitation consisting of one or two rooms was
found, the ground being strewn with poisherds. So striking is
this dike that the Navaho guide insisted, even when standing
before it, that it is artificial; yet examination leaves no doubt
as to its real character. Canyon de Chelly was reached about
the middle of October, and detailed examination of its cliff
ruins was begun at once and continued nearly to the end of
December. More than sixty ruins were examined, eround
plans of many of them were made and a large series of photo-
graphs were taken. The results of this interesting survey will
be incorporated in the Sixteenth Annual Report.
LXXII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
Leaving Canyon de Chelly in December, the party proceeded
by way of Pueblo Colorado, and Fort Defiance to San Juan
river, where it was planned to winter. In crossing Tunicha
mountains a snowstorm of unprecedented severity for the
season was encountered, and the party missed the trail and
for a time were lost; among other accidents a wagon was over-
turned in such manner that Mr Mindeleff was caught beneath it
and his shoulder dislocated, whereby he was disabled for some
months. Fortunately the expedition was rescued by a party
of ranchmen from Fort Defiance, organized for the purpose
when the severity of the storm was realized. The success of
the expedition and even the preservation of the lives of its
members must be ascribed largely to the humanity which in-
spired the rescue party and the energy with which they pushed
into the mountains, rendered almost impassable by the snow
and wind. The expedition reached San Juan river a few days
later, and soon afterward disbanded.
When able to resume work Mr Mindeleff began a reconnois-
sance of San Juan valley, not completed at the end of the fiscal
year. ‘This district was found rich in ruins, mainly of a type
resembling the oldest ruins in Canyon de Chelly. San Juan
valley is terraced, and the river itself is a swift mountain stream,
and conditions are thus favorable for irrigation by primitive as
well as by civilized men. The detailed surveys here were
accordingly extended, and resulted in substantial contributions
to the archeology of southwestern United States.
Mr James Mooney spent some months, beginning with July,
on the iowa reservation in Indian Territory, and subsequently
visited the Arapaho and Cheyenne Indians for the purpose of
collecting information concerning habits and customs as well as
beliefs and languages. He was provided with a graphophone,
by means of which he was able to record a number of aborig-
inal songs, both with and without instrumental accompaniments,
and in single voice effects as well as in chorus. Altogether he
spent five months in field work, of which part was exploratory.
Colonel Garrick Mallery spent the greater part of the month
of September among the Indians of northern Wisconsin and
northeastern Minnesota for the purpose of verifying and cor-
recting notes obtained through correspondence.
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXXIII
Dr W. J. Hoffman spent July and August and a portion of
September among the Ottawa Indians near Petoskey, Michi-
gan, the Ojibwa Indians at La Pointe reservation, Wisconsin,
and the Menomini Indians at Keshena in the same state, and
among the several tribes information pertaining to customs
and beliefs was obtained.
Mr J. Owen Dorsey spent the month of January, 1894, on
the Kwapa reservation in Indian Territory, investigating the
social organization of the tribe and recording their myths and
traditions.
During the earlier part of the year the Director took advan-
tage of opportunities growing out of work in connection with
the Geological Survey on the Pacific Coast to visit several
Indian tribes and to continue his researches relating to their
habits, myths, and languages.
ARCHEOLOGY
Professor W. H. Holmes was occupied throughout the year
in archeologic researches, chiefly in eastern United States
The first half of July was spent in organizing the work of the
year, and later he proceeded to different points in Delaware
valley for the purpose of continuing studies of ancient quar-
ries and quarry shops. A new quarry shop was discovered on
Delaware river, 15 miles above Trenton, yielding rejects cor-
responding precisely with the objects so abundantly found in
the gravels on which the city of Trenton is built, and which
were formerly classed as paleoliths. Subsequently he visited
a number of interesting localities in Ohio, giving especial
attention to the gravels at Newcomerstown, in or apparently
in which an artificially shaped stone has been found, this being
the only case now strongly held to indicate the existence of
man during the Glacial period in this country.
In October he visited an island in Potomae river, near Point
of Rocks, flooded by a recent freshet in such manner as to
lay bare an ancient village and aboriginal workshop. This
workshop proved of considerable interest in that here ummis-
takable indication was found for the first time that blocks of
stone were used as anvils in the production of certain classes
of stone implements and weapons.
LXXIV REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
During February Professor Holmes directed the exploration,
by Mr William Dinwiddie, of an aboriginal steatite quarry near
Clifton, Virginia. This quarry was found especially instruct-
ive by reason of its large size, the great number of partly
completed utensils found within the opening and in the neigh-
boring dump heap, and the excellence of its preservation.
In April Professor Holmes, accompanied by Mr McGee,
Ethnologist in Charge, repaired to an interesting site near the
mouth of Pass creek, not far from Luray, Virginia, for the pur-
pose of collecting additional data relating to a noteworthy series
of stone art products, to which attention was called during the
preceding fiscal year by Mr Gerard Fowke.
A considerable additional collection was made and an abo-
riginal cemetery, from which a typical collection of mortuary
pottery was taken, was discovered in a neighboring’ field.
The stone art products in this locality are of exceptional inter-
est, as the “turtleback” forms are rejects from the manufacture
of celts. The rejects hitherto studied by Professor Holmes
represent, exclusively or predominantly, narrow-pointed instru-
ments, such as spearpoints or arrowheads, while those found
at the mouth of Pass creek represent predominantly the manu-
facture of broad and thin pointed objects. A sufficiently com-
plete series of rejects and nearly completed forms to illustrate
all stages in manufacturing was brought together.
Mr McGee extended the observations from this locality up
Pass creek with the purpose of discovering the original source
of the pebbles and cobbles used by the primitive artisans, and
was rewarded by finding, well toward the headwaters of the
stream, a large mass of intrusive rock, from which the pebbles
were originally derived. This part of the study also proved
of exceptional interest, as it indicated the delicacy with which
the Indian manufacturer adjusted himself to his environment;
in situ the rock is too massive and obdurate for working by
primitive methods; in the upper reaches of the stream the
bowlders derived from parent ledges are too large for reduc-
tion without the use of metal; below the confluence of Pass
creek with the Hawksbill the pebbles are too small and too
>
scant for profitable working; while just above the confluence,
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXXV
at the site discovered by Mr Fowke, the pebbles are at the
same time of suitable size and sufficiently abundant for easy
working by primitive methods—in short, the best and, indeed,
the only feasible site for the aboriginal factory was that selected
for the purpose. The material is a peculiarly tough and strong
erystalline rock, which flakes fairly well and is at the same
time adapted to battering and grinding.
During the first three months of the year Mr Gerard Fowke
was oc cupied, under Professor Holmes’ general instructions,
but under the immediate direction of the Ethnologist in Charge,
in making collections from the little-known but highly inter-
esting interior shell mounds in the valley of Tennessee river.
This ee yielded excellent results, particularly in the form of
material collected for the enrichment of the National Museum.
The collections were duly cleaned, prepared, and tabulated,
and transferred to the Museum by Mr Henry Walther.
Mr William Dinwiddie, under Professor Holmes’ immediate
direction, spent the greater part of the months of July, August,
and September in archeologic reconnoissance along the shores
and tributaries of Chesapeake bay with the object of demarking
more exactly by art products the territory belonging respec-
tively to the different peoples. His work also yielded abun-
dant collections for the enrichment of the department of arche-
ology of the National Museum for the benefit of contemporary
and future students.
During February and March, as already noted, Mr Dinwid-
die was occupied in investigating the aboriginal steatite quarry
at Clifton. The quarry was cleared and its walls and floors
were found to yield numerous and characteristic traces of
primitive workmanship; a rich collection of broken and_par-
tially finished utensils was made; a good series of photographs,
showing with unprecedented accuracy the details of the quar-
rying and manufacturing operations, was taken; a number of
the tools used in the work were found, while the entire collec-
tion has been brought together for study and preservation in
the National Museum. The general results of the investiga-
tion of this quarry have been incorporated in the aecompany-
ing paper by Professor Holmes.
LXXVI REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
The results of the work by Mr Cosmos Mindeleff in New
Mexico and Arizona are of much importance. The examina-
tion of over sixty ruins in Canyon de Chelly verifies the con-
clusion previously reached by the same investigator that the
cliff dwellings here were primarily farming outlooks, and that
the home villages were commonly located on wholly indefen-
sible sites on the canyon bottoms. It was found that the ruins
are divisible into several groups, apparently representing a
chronologic sequence. In the latter ruins highly suggestive
details are found illustrating the gradual assimilation of intro-
duced or‘accultural ideas. Among other results there was
obtained a series of drawings and photographs showing the
development of chimney structure from the first crude attempts
to imitate a form known only from casual observation and
description to a more finished structure, though the most
finished product was far from perfect, while the first attempts
were exceedingly crude. Mr Mindeleff was led to conclude
that the foreign ideas exemplified in the chimneys and other
structures were introduced in the architecture of Canyon de
Chelly at a late period of the occupancy of the territory, prob-
ably only a few decades before its abandonment. Other
details, such as the constructive use of adobe, were traced
through the various stages of development in the same way;
and some ruins were found in which the old and the new ideas
find expression side by side in such manner as to indicate that
the village was occupied before the introduction of the foreign
ideas, and that the occupancy continued until after the ideas
were definitely crystallized.
One interesting group or series of ancient ruins was found,
which had apparently been overlooked by previous visitors.
They occur in the upper part of the canyon and are nearly
obliterated. The structures were always located on sites deter-
mined wholly by agricultural necessity and methods without
reference to defensive ends. Mr Mindeleff is of opinion that
these are the oldest ruins in the canyon, belonging to the ini-
tial period of occupancy, which extended over many decades.
Close attention was given also to a number of large ruins
situated in the canyon bottom without reference to defense,
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXXVII
also overlooked by previous explorers. These differ from the
preceding type and are in some respects the most important
ruins of the canyon. They apparently represent the home
pueblos occupied contemporaneously with the cliff dwellings,
and bore the same relation to the latter that Zuni bears to
Nutria, Peseado, and Ojo Caliente, or that Oraibi bears to
Moenkapi. The cliff dwellings were apparently occupied
as a rule only during the summer months, the occupants resort-
ing to the pueblos during the winter Thus the cliff dwellings
appear to represent a phase rather than a chronologic epoch in
the history of the pueblo builders.
Although the researches are not yet « ompleted, Mr Mindeleff
is of opinion that while some of the ruins may be pre-Colum-
bian, others were undoubtedly occupied in the seventeenth
century, and that the occupancy was probably continuous as
regards the district, though probably not continous as regards
particular tribes or subtribes. A general result of the study
was the classification of the various types of ruins, in a chron-
ologic order, in such manner that the history of the canyon
from the earliest occupancy up to the recent advent of English-
speaking settlers is clearly indicated. In combining the data
acquired in Canyon de Chelly with those obtained from Rio
Verde during previous years, Mr Mindeleff finds reason for the
conclusion alae the ruins of the former district represent the
first settlements in the San Juan country, and that further
developments will be found in the tributary valleys, and also
that the large communal buildings on the tributaries of the
San Juan, representing the highest architectural art attained
by the pueblo builders, will prove to be the ultimate form of
the primitive village of this district.
During the year Dr Cyrus Thomas completed the revision
of proofs of text and illustrations of his ‘“‘Report on Mound
Explorations,” and the work was put through the press as the
body of the Twelfth Annual Report. The document comprises
much information relating to the Indian mounds of the Missis-
sippi valley and eastern United States, and it seems reasonable
to hope that the monograph may come to be regarded as a
standard source of information on the subject. Subsequently
LXXVIII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
Dr Thomas gave special attention to the hieroglyphs and
codices of the Maya—the ancient inhabitants of Yucatan.
One of the results of the work is the demonstration that the
time system recorded in the Dresden codex is precisely the
same as that mentioned by the early Spanish authors, except
that the years begin with what are considered the last instead
of the first of the four-year series. It is also shown that this
brings the calendar of the Dresden codex into harmony with
the calendars recorded at Palenque, Lorillard, and Tikal. A
portion of the results of Dr Thomas’ work on this subject is
published in one of the bulletins of the Bureau, a brochure of
64 pages, entitled ‘The Maya Year.” Other results are incor-
porated in a memoir on the origin and significance of the
calendric terms, which is not yet completed.
During the year Mr Hilborne T. Cresson, of Philadelphia,
was occupied in archeologic researches, chiefly in Guatemala
and eastern Mexico, under a provision of the De Laincel fund
and under the general supervision of the Director of the
Bureau. Some of the results of his interesting researches
have been made public through various scientific journals
Specially noteworthy among the results of the archeologie
work in the Bureau during the current year are the mono-
graphs by Professor Holmes on ‘Ancient Pottery of Eastern
United States” and “Stone Art of Eastern United States.” Both
embrace the results of researches extending over many years;
both are elaborately illustrated from material preserved in the
National Museum; both represent the mature conclusions of
an able and carefully trained archeologist. The classification
and interpretation adopted by Professor Holmes are primarily
indigenous, though his comparative studies have extended over
the archeologic literature of the world, and it is believed that his
conclusions will form a firm basis for those branches of arche-
ology to which his work relates. To him science is indebted
for a consistent method of interpreting primitive art products
through study of the arts of primitive peoples cognate to those
whose relics have come down to us from prehistoric times. It
was with great regret that the Director accepted his resignation
toward the end of the fiscal year, in order that he might trans-
fer his labors to the Field Columbian Museum.
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXXIX
DESCRIPTIVE ETHNOLOGY
An important line of work in the Bureau for some years
past has been the collection and systematic arrangement of
tribal names and characteristics, with brief description of the
habits, customs, arts, beliefs, and institutions of the aborigines.
The information thus collected has been recorded on cards
under the head of Tribal Synonymy.
During the last year Mr F. W. Hodge devoted several
months to the descriptive ethnology of several southwestern
families, the Piman, Tanoan, Keresan, and Zunian stocks
receiving chief attention. Advantage was taken of the pres-
ence in Washington of Dr Carl Lumboltz, who has spent
several seasons among the tribes of Chihuahua, to obtain val-
uable information relating to the Tarahumari, Tepehuani, and
Tubari Indians for use in the synonymy of the Piman stock.
Mr Hodge’s literary research during the year will probably
enable him to identify the obscurely recorded Jumano of the
early Spanish explorers with the Comanche of more recent
date. In connection with the condensed descriptions contained
in the systematic work, Mr Hodge has made progress in the
preparation of a biblography of the Pueblo Indians, designed
to serve as a basis for further research concerning this inter-
esting portion of our aboriginal population.
Mr J. Owen Dorsey made a number of important additions
to the portion of the tribal synonymy relating to the Siouan
tribes, and Mr James Mooney devoted some time to classifying
and extending the material already obtained relating to the
Cherokee Indians. Dr Albert S. Gatschet also made contri-
butions to this work.
Although the collection of material for the general descriptive
ethnology of the Tribal Synonymy of the American Indians
was commenced some years since, and although a large body
of information has been collected and arranged on cards for
office use, publication has not yet been undertaken, partly by
reason of the great volume of material, partly because the
work is of such character as not soon to be completed, since
each new investigation yields additional information; but
LXXX REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
within the last five years the records have been found so use-
ful, and the demand for information contained therein so
extensive, that a plan for publication has been formulated.
In accordance with this plan the material will be arranged
by linguistic stocks and published in bulletin form in the order
of completion, each bulletin comprising a stock. In addition
to the usual pagination the bulletins devoted to the subject will
be consecutively paged (at the bottom) for the series, and it
is proposed to complete the series by a bulletin so arranged as
to form at the same time an index to the whole and an abbre-
viated dictionary of the tribal and other names used by the
American Indians. In accordance with this plan the materials
pertaining to a number of the stocks have been made ready
for the press, with the exception of brief introductions which
remain to be written.
During the first half of the fiscal year Dr W. J. Hoffman
continued the investigation of the Menomini and _ related
Indians in field and office and prepared an elaborate memoir,
entitled ‘“‘The Menomini Indians,” which has been submitted
for publication in the Fourteenth Annual Report. This tribe,
located in northeastern Wisconsin, has long been known in a
general way, but has received little scientific study. Dr Hoff-
man’s memoir embraces a history of the tribe from its dis-
covery by Nicollet in 1634 to the present day, including the
several treaties made with the Federal Government; it includes
also the genealogies of the two rival lines of hereditary chiefs,
together with an exposition of the ceremonials of the several
cult societies, and of the mythology, industries, arts, and man-
ufactures of the tribe.
SOCIOLOGY
From time to time during the year the Director found oppor-
tunity for collecting additional information relating to the insti-
tutions of the American Indians and for the elaboration of
material collected during previous years. Mr McGee also made
progress in the arrangement of material pertaining to this sub-
ject gathered by various collaborators. Mr James Mooney
spent several months in the field collecting information rela-
ting to the Kiowa, Caddo, Arapaho, and Cheyenne Indians,
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXXXI
of which a large part is sociologic. In addition, he prepared
during the year a memoir on the ‘“‘Siouan Tribes of the East,”
which has been sent to press as one of the series of bulletins
of the Bureau. In this paper the relations and movements of
the tribes recorded by early explorers and settlers of eastern
United States are analyzed and, after comparative study for
the purpose of combining the various consistent records and
eliminating the uncertainties due to vague geographic and eth-
nographic records, grouped as a consistent body of informa-
tion relating to the aboriginal landholders of cisappalachian
United States. The memoir represents much patient research
among early maps and throughout the earliest literature of the
United States. It is enriched by synonymy of the various
tribes of the district, and incidentally considerable information
relating to the organization and social institutions of these
tribes is incorporated.
PICTOGRAPHY AND SIGN LANGUAGE
The earlier part of the year was spent by Colonel Garrick
Mallery in revising the proofs of his monograph on ‘“ Picture-
writing of the American Indians,”
which has since been pub-
lished in the Tenth Annual Report of the Bureau. Some
years were devoted by Colonel Mallery to the collection of
information on this subject and the subject of sign language
and gesture speech among the aborigines, and this monograph
represents the product of labors in the interesting line of
research to which it appertains. By reason of the invasion of
white men, many of the primitive customs of the Indians have
been modified and some have been lost; and in few directions
is the modification more complete than in that of inscribing
records on rocks and other surfaces; and it has been the pur-
pose to render this work as complete an exposition of the crude
graphic art of the American Indian as it is possible to make at
this time. It is believed that the work will be found praeti-
cally exhaustive and a standard source of information. During
the remaining portion of the year Colonel Mallery has been
engaged in the preparation of a companion monograph on the
sign language of the American Indians. The material for this
15 ErH— VI
LXXXIl REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
work is even more evanescent than that drawn on in the prep-
aration of the preceding work; but the author’s studies have
extended over many years and a large part of western Amer-
ica, and he has been favored by rich contributions from corre-
spondents of the office. The work is fully illustrated, as is
necessary, since it is only by graphic presentation that definite
ideas concerning the multiform gestures and motions used in
primitive interchange of thought can be clearly expressed.
The monograph is approaching completion.
LINGUISTICS
The languages of the American Indians have received a
large share of the attention of the Bureau ever since its insti-
tution. It has been the policy to collect texts and vocabularies
and material for grammars as rapidly and extensively as pos-
sible before the disappearance of the primitive languages.
Only a small part of the material so collected has been pub-
lished; but the vaults of the Bureau are rich in data pertain-
ing to the languages of many tribes representing most of the
linguistic stocks of the American Indians. Perhaps on no
other continent is the linguistic diversity of the primitive
peoples wider than in northern America, and the dialectic
variability is eminently striking. The aboriginal languages
of this continent accordingly give an admirable opportunity
for the study of the facts and causes of linguistic development;
and from the beginning it was deemed important to collect the
largest possible body of material for examination and discus-
sion in its bearing on the general subject. Carrying out the
general policy, only subordinate attention has been given to
publication, and publication has been made only in cases in
which the material seemed especially typical or exceptionally
complete. Thus, while the amount of linguistic material pub-
lished is not voluminous, the manuscripts constantly accessible
for purposes of study are abundant—richer, it is believed,
than any other body of linguistic records of a primitive people.
Dr A. 8. Gatschet devoted the entire year to linguistic work.
Early in the year he was employed in translating texts and in
extracting lexic and grammatic elements of the Peoria and
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXXXIII
Shawnee languages, recorded by him during the preceding two
years. This work gave abundant opportunities for comparing
the two tongues with the forty or fifty other dialects of the
Algonquian stock, and the interesting results of the comparison
were embodied in a comparative vocabulary of the Algonquian
languages. By this comparison the intimate relations between
the dialects is strikingly shown, and at the same time the mul-
tiplicity of forms into which the original tongues have been
diversified has been brought out. Morphologically the Algon-
quian tongue is built on a purely nominal basis, yet in the
various dialects a wide variety of ideas are expressed with
surprising perfection. In all the Algonquian dialects verbal
roots combine with other verbal roots in a single word, giving
a peculiar and forcible expression to the verbal form. The
compounding of words is further extended by numerous adject-
ival suffixes descriptive of quality, these suffixes indicating
whether the noun qualified by such an adjective is an animate
or inanimate subject, and showing whether complexion, size,
age, or other qualities are to be determined. This method of
adjectival suffixes extends also to the numerals, and in some
dialects there are special suffixes to qualify numeral cardinals as
determining animate or inanimate objects in the plural. Dr
Gatschet’s recent studies have brought out the fact that the
Algonquian languages of the western group (Arapaho, Chey-
enne, and Siksika) differ considerably in their phonetics from
the eastern dialects, these differences being especially shown
in the nasalization found among the western representatives of
the stock.
Mr J. Owen Dorsey spent the earlier part of the year in
office work on the Biloxi language, completing its systematic
arrangement for preservation and reference. He also revised
the proofs of Contributions to North American Ethnology,
volume 1x (Riges’ Dakota Grammar, Texts, and Ethnogra-
phy”), as well as his own memoir, entitled “A Study of Siouan
Cults,” in the Eleventh Annual Report of the Bureau. Both
of these documents have now been published. The month of
January was spent on the Kwapa reservation in Indian Terri-
tory in investigating the social organization of the tribes and
LXXXIV REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
recording their myths and traditions in the form of texts.
After his return from the field these texts were translated liter-
ally, but the preparation of explanatory notes and free trans-
lations was deferred. Some time was spent in the elaboration
of a list of the characters required for recording the various
sounds in the Siouan, Athapascan, and other linguistic families;
in this work he had for a time the assistance of a skilled ori-
ental linguist, Dr J. J. Nouri, from whom he obtained for com-
parative purposes many of the peculiar sounds of the Semitic
and other Eastern languages. Some time was spent also in
the examination of supposed linguistic affinities between the
Maya and Malay languages, and during the year he recorded
in final form eight Winnebago texts, dictated by Philip Long-
tail. Subsequently literal translations of these texts were
made, and the preparation of explanatory notes and free
English translations was begun and the lexic elements were
extracted.
Mr J. N. B. Hewitt was occupied during the earlier part of
the year m researches concerning the social relations recorded
in the Iroquois language and the literature relating to the
people. In the course of this work it was shown that the
independence of the tribe in local affairs was little, if at all,
curtailed by the confederation of the ‘Five Nations,” certain
clans and gentes being privileged from the beginning of the
historical leagues (for there were undoubtedly several) to
nominate lord-chiefs and vice-chiets to the league councils.
Subsequently Mr Hewitt made examination of the data for the
classification of the Waiilatpuan and Shahaptian groups of
languages. Despite the paucity of the linguistic material, he
found that the groups display peculiarities apparently due
rather to divergent growth than to original diversity, this being
exceptionally true of the position of the attributing or predi-
cating word in the word-sentences or compound stems. In
the lexicon the Shahaptian dialects show specific superficial
differences from the Waiilatpuan group, but nevertheless a
large and important number of stems pertaining to the former,
which have the same or cognate significance, accord substan-
tially in sound or form with terms in the latter; there are,
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXXXV
moreover, in many of the dialects striking proofs of the effects
of discordant linguistic growth. The general result of the
study was to prove that the two groups of languages have had
a common history in part; and this conclusion has been pro-
visionally accepted in the classification of linguistic material
in the Bureau vaults. Other important studies relating to the
affinities of the aboriginal languages of northwestern America
were successfully carried forward. Mr Hewitt also aided in
the linguistic comparison of the Maya and Malayan terms
collected by Dr Thomas. Some time was given also to the
arrangement and transliteration of the Tubari material collected
by Dr Carl Lumbholtz in Mexico, with a view to publication.
This collection, although not large, is of a special interest, since
it was obtained from the last three surviving representatives
of the tribe who alone survive. During the last months of
the year Mr Hewitt made a fruitful study of the so-called
irregular or anomalous verb in the Tuskarora or Mohawk
dialects.
In connection with his memoir on the Menomini Indians,
already noted, Dr Hotiman compiled a considerable vocabulary
representing the language of this tribe.
In addition to the Tubari material, in part transliterated by
Mr Hewitt, Dr Carl Lumholtz turned over to the Bureau the
vocabularies collected from the Tarahumari and Tepehuani
tribes occupying the mountainous portions of the state of
Chihuahua, in the Republic of Mexico. Several other valuable
contributions to the linguistic material of the Bureau were
made during the year. Among these may be mentioned a
manuscript of more than a thousand pages, representing the
vocabulary and grammar of the Nez Percé Indians of Idaho,
collected by the late Miss 8. L. McBeth and kindly transmitted
to the Bureau by her sister, Miss Kate C. McBeth.
MYTHOLOGY
The myths and cognate beliefs of the American aborigines
are of exceptional interest, since they exemplify in many cases
the influence of environment on the minds of the devotees,
and in some cases, moreover, the myths indicate the migra-
LXXXVI REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
tions of the peoples among whom they are found. Accord-
ingly, the studies by Mrs Stevenson and Mr Cushing of the
mythology of the Pueblo tribes, particularly that of the Zuni,
are of utmost importance in American anthropology.
Having completed his work in arranging the exhibits of the
Bureau of Ethnology at the World’s Fair, Mr Frank Hamilton
Cushing returned to Washington and resumed researches in
mythology about the middle of September. Almost continu-
ously since that time he has, in conjunction with Mr Stewart
Culin, of the University of Pennsylvania, whose attention has
long been devoted to the games of the Orient, carried forward
a study of the origin of aboriginal games, based on his intimate
acquaintance with the games of the Zuni and a knowledge
gained by his investigations at the Columbian Exposition.
A study of these primitive games reveals the fact that they
were not played primarily for amusement, as among civilized
peoples, but chiefly for divination, which was practiced in con-
nection with industries and enterprises of all sorts; so that
divinatory games occupied a prominent place in the thoughts
and exercised an important influence on the daily life of these
people. It was found also that in the Orient the games were
actually played with arrows and were still recognized as arrow
games by the players themselves as late as the eleventh or
twelfth centuries B. C., thus giving historic evidence of the
arrow origin of lot and dice games in the Orient, and confirm-
ing, in Mr Culin’s estimation, Mr Cushing’s hypothesis as to the
identical origin of such games in America. ‘These researches
have also brought to light many significant facts bearing on
the usages, beliefs, and ethnic relations of early peoples. Mr
Cushing was greatly aided in this work by Mr Louis C. Mocte-
zuma, an educated young Mexican, from whom he obtained
much information regarding the Indian games of his country.
Mr Cushing has not allowed his researches relating to divin-
atory games completely to interrupt his more general studies
relating to Zuni mythology, and during the year has given
special attention to the origin and primitive use of fire. Fire
myths are nearly universal, and fire wi ship Common among
primitive peoples; and it is the possession of the fire art which,
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXXXVII
perhaps more than any other characteristic, distinguishes man-
kind from the lower animals. The conquest of fire has not
yet been clearly traced, but Mr Cushing’s researches are con-
tributing materially to knowledge of the subject.
The manuscript ef Mr Cushing’s paper bearing the title
‘Outlines of Zuni Creation Myths” was brought to completion
and at the close of the year was partially in type as one of the
accompanying papers of the Thirteenth Annual Report.
Mrs Matilda Coxe Stevenson, although partially disabled by
overwork and exposure during her last field season among the
Sia Indians of New Mexico, began in July the revision of the
proofs of her article on that tribe, which cover pages 3-157
of the Eleventh Annual Report. On the completion of the
proof reading, early in September, Mrs Stevenson continued
the preparation of a report on certaim myths and ceremonials
of the Zuni tribe, among whom she has spent a number of sea-
sons. Notwithstanding ill health, she succeeded in completing
the preparation of most of the illustrative material of the mon-
ograph and made progress in the final revision of the text.
PSYCHOLOGY
The Director has found opportunity for continuing his in-
vestigations in primitive modes of thought, carried on during
previous years. The results of these studies were imparted
to the members of the Bureau in a series of informal lectures,
establishing a firmer and more definite basis for their researches
in Indian mythology and sociology.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
The work on the bibliography of native American lan-
guages was continued by Mr James C. Pilling. As in pre-
vious years much time was consumed in procuring new
material for the main catalog, from which are prepared the
bibliographies of the various linguistic stocks. This work
necessitates a careful review of all the catalog material relat-
ing to Americana generally—those of auction sales, of book-
sellers’ catalogs, of the reviews, ete—and these furnish brief
titles, which are used as memoranda for further research. In
LXXXVIII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
this manner several hundred new titles have been added to
the main catalog during the year. For his painstaking and
untiring patience in this tedious task, Mr Pilling is receiving
high praise. The press reviews of the stock bibliographies
already issued indicate the regard in which they are held, for
their incomparable completeness, by students in all parts of
the world.
During the last year there was issued a Bibliografia Espanola
de Lenguas Indigenas de América, by the Count of Vinaza,
bearing the imprint Madrid, 1892. Although issued years after
the appearance of Mr Pilling’s “proof sheets,” and although the
compiler of the Bibliografia had unusual facilities, among them
access to the archives of Spain—an advantage enjoyed by few
foreigners—but seventy-five titles not already contained in
Mr Pilling’s catalog were found in the Vinaza work.
The month of August was taken up by Mr Pilling with an
examination of the plate proofs of the bibliography of the
Salishan language, then ready for press, but little correction
worthy of notice was necessary. The bulletin, which com-
prises 86 pages and 4 facsimiles, was delivered by the Public
Printer in the middle of November.
During November work was renewed on the Wakashan
bibliography. A trip extending over a few days was made to
_ Lenox and Astor libraries, New York city; some new material
was obtained and defective titles were corrected. The work was
forwarded to the Public Printer in January, and by the close
of March the proof reading was finished. This bibliography,
which was ready for distribution early in May, comprises 70
pages and 2 facsimiles. During the proof reading of the Waka-
shan bibliography the preparation of the bibliography of the
Shahaptian languages was begun, and at the close of the fiscal
year was in an advanced stage of progress.
PUBLICATION
During no similar period of the Bureau’s history have so
many pages of ethnologic material been put in type. Since the
close of the last fiscal year (1892-93) most of the proof read-
ing of the Tenth Annual Report was completed. The volume
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXXXIX
was received from the printer in June, 1894. The monograph
accompanying this report, ‘Picture Writing of the American
Indians,” by Garrick Mallery, covers 807 pages and is illus-
trated by 54 plates and 1,290 figures. On July 27, 1893, the
Eleventh Annual Report was sent to the Public Printer, and
before the close of October all the proofs had been read.
Proof reading of the Twelfth Annual Report was in progress
at the close of the year 1892-93, and continued until April,
1894. This report, which, in addition to the administrative
report of the Director, contains a paper by Dr Cyrus Thomas,
entitled “Report on the Mound Explorations of the Bureau of
Ethnology,” was in the bindery at the close of the year. In
February, 1894, the manuscript of the Thirteenth Annual
Report was sent to the Public Printer, and in June the first
proofs were received. With the close of the fiscal year all
the illustrations for this annual had been engraved and proof
reading was well advanced
At the close of the year 1892-93 the proof reading of the
“Bibliography of the Salishan Languages,” by James Con-
stantine Pilling, was almost completed. This bulletin was
delivered by the printer in November, 1893. ‘The Bibliogra-
phy of the Wakashan Languages,” by the same author, was sent
to the printer in December, 1893; the first proofs were received
in January, 1894; the proof reading was finished in April, and
the edition was delivered a month later.
Karly in January of the present year the manuscript of a bul-
letin by Mr John Garland Pollard, on ‘The Pamunkey Indians
of Virginia,” was sent to the Public Printer, and by February 6
the final proofs had been revised. This bulletin was delivered
in April, 1894.
At the close of the last fiscal year proof reading of Riggs’
“Dakota Grammar, Texts, and Ethnography,” which forms
Contributions to North American Ethnology, volume rx, had
been in progress about a month, and by the end of July the
volume was in page form.
The first proof of a bulletin entitled “The Maya Year,” by
Dr Cyrus Thomas, was received early in February, 1894, the
XC REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
manuscript having been transmitted January 19. This brochure
passed through the press and was delivered in May.
In January, 1894, there was also sent to the Public Printer
the manuscript of the first of a proposed series of bulletins,
entitled ‘‘Chinook Texts,” by Dr Franz Boas. The first proofs
were received in March, and by the Ist of July 176 pages and
a number of galleys were in type.
Another bulletin, “An Ancient Quarry in Indian Territory,”
by William H. Holmes, was sent to the Public Printer on Feb-
ruary 17, and by the close of June the paper was in type.
The following publications were received from press during
the fiscal year:
Ninth Annual Report, for 1887-88, containing, in addition
to the Director's report of 46 pages, the following papers: (1)
“Ethnological Results of the Point Barrow Expedition,” by
John Murdoch; pages 3 to 441, plates 1-11, figures 1-428. (2)
“The Medicine-men of the Apache,” by John G. Bourke; pages
443 to 603, plates 11—vin1, figures 429-448.
Tenth Annual Report, for 1888-89, containing, in addition
to the Director’s report of 30 pages, ‘Picture-writing of the
American Indians,” by Garrick Mallery; pages 3 to 807, plates
I-IV, figures 1-1290.
Bibliography of the Salishan Languages, by James Constan-
tine Pilling; x11, 86 pages (including 4 pages of facsimiles).
The Pamunkey Indians of Virginia, by John Garland Pol-
lard; 19 pages.
The Maya Year, by Cyrus Thomas; 64 pages, 1 plate.
Bibliography of the Wakashan Languages, by James Con-
stantine Pilling; x1, 70 pages (including 2 pages of facsimiles).
This report is accompanied by five papers comprising the
results of recent researches, viz, “Stone Implements of the
Potomac-Chesapeake Tidewater Province,” an elaborately illus-
trated monograph by W. H. Holmes; ‘‘The Siouan Indians,”
a preliminary sketch by W J MeGee;. ‘Siouan Sociology,”
a posthumous paper by J. Owen Dorsey; ‘‘Tusayan Katcinas,”
by J. Walter Fewkes; and a description of ‘The Repair of
Casa Grande Ruin, Arizona, in 1891,” by Cosmos Mindeleff.
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XCI
MISCELLANEOUS
Classification of manuscripts—In the current appropriation
for American Ethnology provison was made for rental of
quarters for the use of the Bureau, and in accordance there-
with the sixth floor of the Adams building on F street was
leased. In addition to increased floor space for the use of its
collaborators when not engaged in field work, the Bureau now
has two large fireproof vaults, in which has been sately depos-
ited the large body of valaable manuscript material in its
possession. This material, comprising over 1,100 specific
linguistic papers, 60 miscellaneous linguistic papers, and 236
gic subjects has been
manuscripts on miscellaneous ethnolo
tentatively catalogued by subject, linguistic family, and author.
World's Columbian Exposition—The preparation of the exhibit
of the Bureau at the World’s Columbian Exposition in Chicago
was assigned to Professor William H. Holmes, who supervised
the collection of material and its arrangement in the National
Museum preparatory to shipment. He was assisted in the work
by Mr Frank Hamilton Cushing and Mr James Mooney, and
it is a pleasure to acknowledge the facilities provided and the
aid rendered by the officers of the National Museum, especially
Dr G. Brown Goode and Dr Otis T. Mason. The exhibit was
installed in the Government building at Chicago by Professor
Holmes, aided by Mr Cushing, largely under the supervision of
the Director. Mrs Matilda Coxe Stevenson also aided in this
work. On completing the installation Mr Holmes returned to
Washington, leaving to Mr Cushing the final arrangement of a
number of lay figures, which constituted one of the most
striking features of the exhibit. Mr Cushing remained in
charge of the exhibit until the middle of September, mean-
while continuing the study of primitive games noted above.
Much of the work in Chicago was by the Director in person.
It is gratifying to be able to state that the figures and other
objects representative of the American aborigines exhibited by
the Bureau at Chicago met with high praise from American
and foreign students and received the award of a medal and
diploma for specific merit.
XCII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
Library—F rom the time of the establishment of the Bureau
until the autumn of 1893 the books received through gift,
exchange, or purchase were temporarily deposited in the
library of the Geological Survey. When the Bureau moved
into independent quarters, Mr Hodge, in connection with his
work on synonymy, was placed in charge of the library, which
then numbered about 2,600 volumes. At the close of the
year the library had increased to 4,350 volumes, chiefly
through exchange.
FINANCIAL STATEMENT
Appropriation by Congress for the fiscal year ending June 30,
1894, “for continuing ethnological researches among the
American Indians under the direction of the Smithsonian
Institution, including salaries or compensation of all neces-
sary employees” (sundry civil act, approved March 3, 1893). $40, 000. 00
Balance July 1, 1893, as per last annual report............--- 10, 509. 29
—- $50, 509. 29
Salaniessoncompensationeasees sess seeeee seece ee ee eee eee 36, 958. 74
Traveling and field expenses.................-..-- $3, 702. 98
Transportation and freight...-..-.-.....-...-..-..- 503. 39
Collections purchased ass=-seeeeee ee = eee ae 1, 300. 58
Be] Ans ERO eI bs =e ee eee ee eee 292. 63
Mlustrations' for reports=s.- esses. | sea eee eee eee eee 1, 884. 76
Publicaionstfor li braryeeeeseeerea set ees eee eer eee 435. 67
DS tablonery ens e cack se secics Soe oe eae ee eae eens 185. 32
Office rentals sac see seer ees binee eee ee eee 999. 96
Office furniture (purchased, moving, and repair) ---- 600. 53
Miscellaneous current expenses..-..............-.. 142. 08
Miscellaneous (temporary services, copying, ete) 204. 75
10, 252. 65
47, 211. 39
Balance: July?) 18942 2. coe ees aoe ea eee ene eee eee 3, 297. 90
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XCIII
CHARACTERIZATION OF ACCOMPANYING PAPERS
DISTRIBUTION OF SUBJECTS
Of the five papers accompanying this report, two relate to
archeology, and thus represent one of the branches of the
science of technology; these are Professor Holmes’ monograph
on the stone implements of the Potomac-Chesapeake province,
and Mr Mindeleft’s account of the restoration of Casa Grande
ruin. Two of the papers are more strictly ethnologic in the
limited sense of the term, and treat of one of the great linguis-
tic stocks or families of North America, the Siouan Indians;
one of these is general, while the other is devoted primarily to
the sociology of this group of Indians, and thus to the third of
the sciences of humanity. The remaining paper, on Tusayan
Katcinas, is a description and discussion of forms and cere-
monies connected with aboriginal belief, and hence represents
the science of sophiology. Thus in object-matter and in mode
of treatment the memoirs touch a considerable part of the field
covered by the science of man.
The geographic range of the subjects is considerable. The
first paper relates to the middle Atlantic slope, and especially
to the territory about the national capital, where geographic
conditions profoundly affected the aborigines as they have less
profoundly, but in a parallel way, affected the civilized invad-
ers; the second and third papers deal with the interior area
extending from the borders of the Atlantic to the foothills of
the Rocky mountains and from the shores of the Gulf north-
ward beyond the international boundary; the scene of the
fourth paper is laid in the Pueblo country of southwestern
United States, while that of the fifth is in southern Arizona,
near the Mexican frontier.
The Indian tribes treated in the papers traverse the entire
range in aboriginal culture from that of the hunting and war-
ring Siouan Indians—the typical savages of North America—
to that of the peaceful pueblo builders, whose sedentary
habits can only be regarded as pointing the way which leads
XCIV REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
to civilization; and the prehistoric works described range in
like manner from those characteristic of a people primitive as
the Siouan to those of castle-building agriculturists akin to the
Moctezumas in custom if not in blood.
STONE IMPLEMENTS OF THE POTOMAC-CHESAPEAKE
TIDEWATER PROVINCE
In many respects this monograph by Professor Holmes may
be regarded as a model in method and a standard in results;
and the suecinet chapters and well-chosen illustrations speak
for themselves. Yet there are certain features of the work
summarized in the paper which are worthy of special note.
Now that demonomy (ante, page x1x) is well advanced in the
process of organization into a science, the equipment of workers
in this, as in other branches of research, has become important.
Thus far the sciences of humanity have hardly found their way
into the curricula of colleges and universities, so that it is im-
practicable to rely on collegiate examinations and diplomas as
evidence of training in any of the constituent sciences; accord-
ingly the ranks of workers in demotic science are replenished
and extended by the enlistment of volunteers trained in other
departments of science, but led toward demonomy by choice
or circumstance. The qualifications of investigators in demon-
omy are, therefore, determined by three factors, viz, (1) natural
aptitude, (2) training in other lines of scientific work, and (3)
experience and success in demotic research. All of these
factors are combined in Professor Holmes’ equipment. Pri-
marily an artist of such genius and deftness as to see a brilliant
career before him, his taste for scientific studies led him first
into geology, where again he was notably successful, and later
into archeology, in which, from the first, he displayed especial
aptitude; his training in geologic work, facilitated as it was by
the exact perception and manual dexterity acquired in art work,
served to render him familiar with approved scientific methods;
and when, in the fullness of his vigor, he entered the field of
archeology, his work was eminently successful from the outset.
His archeologic researches had already extended over some
years when, in 1889, he undertook the systematic study of the
Potomac-Chesapeake region. His skill and success are attested
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XCV
by the reputation achieved in his favorite field; even before the
completion of the accompanying memoir he was chosen as the
head of the department of anthropology in the Field Columbian
Museum, and tendered a professorship in Chicago University.
His standing and qualifications may be characterized the more
freely because he is no longer connected with the Bureau.
Something of the comprehensive and painstaking methods
pursued in the work may be gleaned from Professor Holmes’
memoir; yet the breadth and soundness of his foundation are
hardly suggested by the details of the superstructure. Asa
geologist on the Hayden Survey of the Territories and later on
the United States Geological Survey, he had occasion to tray-
erse the western plains, the Rocky Mountain region, and the
plateau country, nearly all the way from the Canadian bound-
ary on the north to the Mexicam frontier on the south, and this
in early days while yet the Indians were numerous and retained
their aboriginal characteristics. Accordingly he had many
opportunities for ethnologic observation, and was led by pre-
vious training to give special attention to the manual arts of
the tribesmen; indeed, it was chiefly his contact with the Indians
in the course of his geologic work that induced him to take up
systematic studies of aboriginal arts and handicraft During
this stage of his career he learned to think as the Indian thinks
about the simple native arts; he learned to imitate aboriginal
methods and manipulations in the manufacture of stone; and
he learned to interpret relics of primitive culture as they are
interpreted by primitive minds. Thus when he turned to the
examination of aboriginal relics in eastern United States his
equipment in actual knowledge concerning the details of
primitive art was exceptionally—indeed almost singularly—
complete.
Taking up the study in a favorably conditioned province, he
first acquainted himself with the work of previous investigators
of the locality and with the researches and opinions of arch-
eologists generally. He then entered the field and, with a force
of laborers always under his eye, made extensive excavations
and examined a body of material unprecedented in quantity.
The specimens actually examined and studied could be enum-
XCVI REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
erated only in thousands, measured in wagon loads, and weighed
in tons. Trained by actual contact with Indians, he inter-
preted the specimens and their associations and the ancient
quarries as they would be interpreted by Indians accustomed
to such work, and every inference concerning the methods
employed in quarrying, selecting material for working, shaping
the objects, and manipulating the crude appliances was tested
by actual imitation, the imitation itself being guided by actual
knowledge of primitive methods. While this is true of all of
the lines and localities of work, it is most emphatically true
of the ancient quarries of quartzite bowlders and their products
on Piny branch. Even here the investigation was not allowed
to rest. The distribution of the products of manufacture was
traced in the light of actual knowledge of Indian habits in such
manner as to ascertain the genealogy and development of the
implements and the various by-products, failures, culls, rejects
of all sorts, as well as chips, spalls, cores, and bowlders aban-
doned after one or more test blows. Thus the study of a typ-
ical locality and its products was profound and thorough beyond
precedent. The relics were studied with respect to individual
characteristics, with respect to form and distribution, with
respect to the forces expended in their manufacture and. utili-
zation, with respect to their genesis and development, individual
and collective, and with respect to the motives and designs of
the prehistoric manufacturers. The work began with trained
observation, passed to generalization based on unprecedented
wealth of material, proceeded to inference guided by precise
knowledge of primitive modes of thought and action, and went
on to verification by imitation and by comparison with known
homologues. In extent and thoroughness of study, in wealth
of material examined, in thoroughness and scientific character
of the investigation, Professor Holmes’ work on the quartz-
ite quarries and their products may safely be considered to
stand unrivaled, at least so far as the Western Hemisphere is
concerned.
The results of the work are set forth too fully in the intro-
ductory and concluding divisions of the monograph to require
repetition; yet one of the conclusions would seem to be worthy
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XCVILI
of special emphasis; the outcome of the study of the quartzite
quarries and implemeuts suffices to demonstrate that whatso-
ever be true of other countries and provinces, the rudely flaked
stones of the Potomac-Chesapeake province do not represent a
lower or more primitive culture than that of the Indians found
in the province by John Smith and other explorers, and do
represent the by-products, waste, or rejectage, of stone-working
by the the Algonquian and neighboring Indians. Thus, what-
soever be true of other districts, in this district the rudest stone-
work known to the archeologist and the finest stone carving,
pottery, basketry, and woodwork represent a single culture
stage. This conclusion is not put forth tentatively or provi-
sionally, but as a final result of the most thorough single piece
of archeologic research ever conducted in America.
While the chief subject of the monograph is the description
and discussion of the quartzite quarries and implements, there
are other features of note. The account of the quarrying and
manufacture of steatite depicts with remarkable fullness and
clearness a little-understood phase of aboriginal art in east-
ern United States. The tracing of several materials used in
primitive art to their sources in distant mountains is one of the
minor triumphs of American archeology, and illustrates well
the thoroughness of the methods pursued in the work; and
there are other features worthy of careful attention by students
of archeology.
THE SIOUAN INDIANS
The summary sketch of the Siouan Indians prepared by Mr
McGee, as an introduction and complement to a somewhat
technical account of the sociology of the tribes, develops
several interesting points.
One of the great linguistic groups of North America is that
comprising the Siouan tribes of the interior. Some years ago
it was ascertained through linguistic researches, originating
with the late Horatio Hale, but continued and perfected in the
Bureau, that some of the tribes found near the shores of the
Atlantic by white pioneers were closely related with the Siouan
tribes of the plains; it was also ascertained that certain archaic
15 ETH VII
XCVIII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
terms and ideas prevailing among the plains tribes bore evi-
dence of derivation from the terms and ideas of the eastern
people, thus indicating that the wandering buffalo hunters of
the plains were descended from the woodland tribes on the
borders of the Atlantic. Then, when the history of the Siouan
Indians was wrought out from the records of the white pio-
neers, it was found that from the time of first observation to the
time of settlement most of the tribes moved westward along
various routes, and when the traditions of the tribesmen were
collected by Dorsey and others they were found to recount
westward migrations of some of the groups long before the
advent of white men. ‘Thus the linguistic features, the histor-
ical records, and the native traditions, coincidentally indicate
a westward drift and great expansion of the Siouan tribes
and confederacies, certainly from the valley of the Ohio, and
probably from the Appalachian mountains, to and across the
Mississippi, and thence over the greater part of the great plains
stretching from the Arkansas to the Saskatchewan. The
Siouan Indians accordingly form a noteworthy example at
once of the growth and of the inland extension of a natural
group of primitive men. Finally, study of the interaction
between the Siouan Indians and their environment seems to
give clear and decisive indication as to the reason for the west-
ward migration of the greater part of the stock and for the
enormous increase and multiplication of the tribes; it has been
discovered that the ancient Siouan habitat slightly overlapped
the ancient habitat of the American bison or buffalo, and that
it was undoubtedly the quest and conquest of this singularly
facile game that gradually led the huntsmen down the tribu-
taries and across the Mississippi and over the plains beyond.
The history thus developed is especially significant in its bear-
ing on the general question concerning the growth of peoples
on passing from the coasts toward the interior when food supply
and other conditions are favorable.
The summary description of the Siouan Indians is of interest,
too, in that the partial domestication of animals by these tribes
is set forth in some detail. It is shown that the Indians of the
plains, like those of several other provinces, had domesticated
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XCIX
the dog, which was used for draft and burden and as a source
of food, as well as for protection by night, and that no other
animals were completely domesticated, though some were partly
tamed and kept for ceremonial purposes. It is shown also that
the horse was acquired about the beginning of the present cen-
tury, partly from the southwestern plains, but partly from the
Cayuse country beyond the Rocky mountains. Incidentally
it is shown that the domestication of animals is not a simple
process, and that there is an important stage antecedent to
domestication proper in which the relation between animals and
men is collective and one of mutual toleration.
In their mythology the Siouan Indians are typical of the
American aborigines, and the principal features of the myths
and ceremonials of the tribes are set forth clearly and accu-
rately in the sketch. The description of the Siouan ‘waka"da”
is notably satisfactory, and indicates well the combination of
vagueness and comprehensiveness which characterizes primi-
tive belief.
SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY
A few months after the close of the fiscal year dealt with in
this report the Bureau and ethnologic science sustained a heavy
loss in the death of James Owen Dorsey, a collaborator of the
Bureau from its institution and a frequent contributor to the
reports. He had just completed a paper on the sociology of
the Siouan Indians, and it, with the foregoing sketch of the
stock, has been incorporated in the present report.
To superficial observers, primitive peoples often appear to
be nothing more than unorganized masses or hordes, and the
latter term has been largely used by writers to express the
supposed unorganized condition; but more careful students of
the American Indians have found that the individuals and
groups are arranged in accordance with a remarkably elabo-
rate system—a system often transcending in extent and defi-
niteness that found among civilized people. In the absence of
written statutes, there are many devices for adjusting and
maintaining the demotic relations. Thus, among most of the
Siouan tribes, the clans habitually arrange themselves in a
certain order on making camp, and this order expresses the
Cc REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
rank of the clansmen and perpetuates the system of organiza-
tion; and when several tribes unite and camp together the
tribes themselves are arranged in fixed and invariable order,
expressing and perpetuating their social and civil law. This
subject has been dealt with by Mr Dorsey, and also by the
Director, in previous reports; but the various known details
concerning the social system of the Siouan Indians are now
for the first time brought together in complete form. These
details appear in the accompanying paper, while some of the
general principles are set forth in the brief treatise on regi-
mentation forming part of this administrative report.
TUSAYAN KATCINAS
As exploration was pushed over the southwestern portion of
the country a quarter of a century ago, the Pueblo peoples
began to attract attention; and when the early observations
indicated that these aborigines of the semideserts are charac-
terized by a more advanced culture than that of the tribes
inhabiting the fertile plains and fruitful woodlands, and also
by a remarkably elaborate system of belief and ceremonial,
profound interest was excited among intelligent people, and
many travelers from eastern United States, and even from
Europe, sought opportunities for visiting the Pueblos and wit-
nessing the ceremonial dances. Among the earliest scientific
students of the Pueblos were the Director and several collab-
orators, at first of the United States Geographical and Geolog-
ical Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region, and afterward of
the Bureau of Ethnology; and a number of papers on the
Pueblo Indians were published in the early reports of the
Bureau. These publications still further augmented interest
in the Pueblo peoples, and among those thus attracted was
Mrs Mary Hemenway, of Boston, a well-known philanthropist
and patron of learning. Mrs Hemenway’s interest increased as
her studies of the subject advanced, and she finally organized,
at private cost, a scientific exploration of the Pueblo country
for the purpose of investigating the people and studying their
antiquities. The first expedition was placed in charge of
Mr Frank Hamilton Cushing, and the work was prosecuted
with success for two years, when Mr Cushing’s health failed,
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT CI
and Dr J. Walter Fewkes was placed in charge. During the
exploration a valuable collection was made and transferred
to eastern United States, and at the same time systematic
researches were carried forward concerning the beliefs, sym-
bols, and ceremonials of the people. Many of the results of
the later researches have been made public by Dr Fewkes in
different publications; the matured results of one of the lines
of study are incorporated in the accompanying paper.
In some instances the use of aboriginal terms is unavoidable
in the deseription and discussion of aboriginal customs, since
the more highly differentiated terms of civilized language fail
to express primitive ideas. The word ‘katcina” is an example.
Its primary significance can be grasped only when the mytho-
logic system of its users is understood. Among the mystery-
loving and devout Pueblo Indians many deities are venerated
or worshiped, and most of these are arranged in grades or
ranks; i.e., ina vague thearchy. Among some, at least, of the
tribes the deities of first rank are held to be anthropomorphic
or zoomorphie at will, though in fundamental conception they
seem to personify the greater objects of nature. Subordinate
to these there is commonly a series of beast-gods, which are
considered zoomorphic, though possessed of mystical powers
far transcending those of existing animals; and ‘there are usu-
ally still lower orders of deities, both animate and inanimate, cor-
responding with mystical potencies imputed to various bodies.
Primarily the katcinas of the Tusayan people seem to be
deities of the second order, or beast gods, which may be sym-
bolized by animals or their representations, but which the
believer regards as possessing mystical powers, including the
control of natural phenomena and human affairs, either directly
or through coalition with other deities. In addition to this
primary meaning, a multitude of secondary meanings cluster
about the term. It is applied to the priest or dramatungist
who represents the deity in the ceremonial; to the mask sym-
bolizing the deity; to the statuette symbolizing the drama-
turgist; to the ceremonial in honor of the deity, and perhaps
to the place at which or the time during which the cere-
monial is performed. To understand fully these multifarious
secondary meanings, it is necessary to realize something of
the crude and ill-difterentiated ideation of the primitive man
CII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
whose vocabulary is limited, whose concepts are few, and
whose mental processes are involved with a maze of incon-
gruous associations; but the indefinite and arbitrary modes of
thought prevailing among primitive people are incidentally
treated in other portions of the volume and need not be fur-
ther elaborated here. It is needful only to indicate the impos-
sibility of expressing the idea conveyed by the aboriginal
term katcina by any word or combination of words in the
languages of civilization; the idea is essentially primitive and
is not susceptible of direct rendering into the terminology of
the higher intellectual plane.
In his introduction Dr Fewkes properly cautions the reader
against misapprehension concerning the use of such words as
od.) delta: «:
emphasis, as must be apparent in view of the foregoing ex-
planation concerning the term katcina. Students of Indian
mythology feel compelled to use common language wherever
worship,” ete. This caution demands special
possible without actual violence to primitive meaning, even
when the terms are liable to misconstruction. With this cau-
tion the concepts of the Indians, imperfectly expressed ‘by
these terms, can readily be gathered from the context and the
general treatment of the subject.
While the paper does not profess to be a final or complete
monograph, and while it acquires value largely from the fact
that it is an original record of observation, students will find
the systematic arrangement of the material and the introduc-
tory and other notes suggestive and useful. To lay readers,
the paper may be recommended as a notably faithful account
of some of the most interesting ceremonials among the pecu-
liarly cultured Pueblo Indians, the ancient neighbors and per-
haps kindred of the Mexican princes eulogized—yet quickly
dethroned and often slaughtered—by the European pioneers
in Mexico.
THE REPAIR OF CASA GRANDE RUIN
On February 4, 1889, Honorable George F. Hoar laid before
the United States‘Senate a petition from Oliver Ames, gover-
nor of Massachusetts; William E. Barrett, speaker of the
Massachusetts house of representatives; Mrs Mary Hemenway,
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT CuI
eminent as a benefactress of many institutions of eaucation;
William Claflin, Francis Parkman, Dr Edward Everett Hale,
Oliver Wendell Holmes, John Fiske, William T. Harris, and
John G. Whittier, “calling the attention of Congress to the
ancient and celebrated ruin of Casa Grande, an ancient temple
of the prehistoric age, of the greatest ethnologic and scientific
interest, situate in Pinal county, near Florence, Arizona,” and
praying “that the Government will take further measures to
have the ruin protected from injury by visitors or by land-
owners in the neighborhood.” (Congressional Record, vol. xx,
pt. 2, p. 1454). Thus was initiated a movement on the part
of the Congress toward the preservation, for the benefit of
the people, of one of the remarkable aboriginal antiquities of
the United States. The movement resulted in an inquiry
concerning the condition of the ruin and a detailed examina-
tion by collaborators of the Bureau of Ethnology (the results
of which have been published in the Thirteenth Annual Report),
and it eventuated in a small appropriation by the Congress for
the protection of the ruin, and in the reservation of the site
through an Executive order. Accordingly, this impressive
record of an ancient culture has been set apart forever for the
instruction of the public, and the Federal Government has
established a precedent for the protection of its priceless relies.
The history of the works for the preservation of the ruin is
set forth in the accompanying paper by Mr Cosmos Mindeleff.
CIV REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
ON REGIMENTATION
The officers of the Bureau have now been engaged for many
years in investigating the institutions of savagery, and w hile
these resear ater are far from complete and many questions are
unsettled it seems desirable, for many reasons, that an outline
of certain conclusions should be published.
Regimentation in sociology is the analog of organization in
biology. The accomplishment of justice in institutions is the
analog of function in the biotic realm. Often the terms organ
and function are transferred from biology to sociology. This
double use of terms is a very general device of speech, and is
both legitimate and useful when properly understood; but the
terms organ and function are tropes in sociology, and must be
so understood lest they should lead astray. By regimentation
is meant the grouping of people by institutional bonds, while
the accomplishment of justice is the social function or office
which a confederation or group of people performs.
Two radically distinct methods of regimentation are found
extant in the world and recorded in the history of the past;
these may be known as the tribal system and the national
system. By the tribal system men are organized on the basis
of kinship, real or artificial. By the national system men are
organized on the basis of territory. Thus kinship groups are
found in tribal society, territorial groups in national society.
In history, transitional forms are found, the most important of
which are feudal. Thus, feudal society exhibits both methods,
and forms a connecting link in the evolution of tribal into
national government.
In savagery families are organized into clans, and clans
sometimes into tribes, and tribes into confederacies. Some-
times intervening units are discovered, but the family, clan,
tribe, or confederacy are always found. In barbarism fami-
lies, gentes, tribes, and confederacies are organized into a hier-
arc lay of units, and there are sometimes intervening units. The
difference between the clan of savagery and the gens of bar-
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT CV
barism is important and fundamental. The clan 1s a group of
people reckoning kinship in the female line, while the gens is
a group of people reckoning kinship in the male line. Tribes
reckon kinship in the male or female line together with affinity,
and adopted members of the tribe are given artificial kinship.
When tribes unite in confederacies, artificial kinship is estab-
lished as a legal fiction, and the members of one tribe know
the members of another tribe and address them by kinship
terms. ‘Che manner in which this kinship organization is elab-
orated varies greatly from tribe to tribe. Radical differences
exist between the tribes of savagery and the tribes of barba-
rism. In barbarism patriarchies are found as concomitant with
nomadic tribes, but in savagery the patriarchy does not exist,
nor are savage peoples properly nomadic, as nomadism begins
with the domestication of animals and higher agriculture.
The plan of organizing states into units of different orders so
as to form a hierarchy of groups is denominated regimentation,
and it can be made clear by explaining primitive regimentation.
With national states, territorial organization obtains. People
are divided into bodies or groups by districts. No two nations
are organized in precisely the same manner; though the general
plan is the same—i. e., by territorial boundaries—the specific
manner in which the organization is worked into detail is ever
variable. It is impossible here to set forth all these various
methods. It will be sufficient to take some one nation and
explain its organization as a type, and for this purpose the
Government of the United State is chosen.
The grand unit, or the nation, is divided into states and
inchoate states, or territories States are divided into counties,
and counties are divided into townships, sometimes called
towns. In addition to the hierarchy of units thus enumerated,
there are cities and villages, which are again divided into
wards, and these again into polling districts, while other dis-
tricts are sometimes found. The various units thus set forth
are established for executive purposes. This regimentation is
that which obtains for executive purposes.
There is another system of regimentation for judicative pur-
poses. In part, but only in part, judicial districts coincide
CVI REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
with executive districts, and there are national courts, state
courts, county courts, and municipal courts. Again, judicative
functions are differentiated, as criminal and civil, and special
courts are organized therefor, while other courts are organized,
as railroad commissions, warehouse commissions, ete.
A third system of regimentation is used for legislative pur-
poses, and in this system the districts correspond only in small
part with those established for executive and judicative pur-
poses.
A fourth system of regimentation is established for opera-
tive purposes. The General Government carries on works,
states carry on works, counties carry on works, and cities and
towns carry on works.
Still a fifth system of regimentation is found, namely, that
for school purposes.
By the district system thus briefly and imperfectly elabor-
ated the people are organized or regimented into bodies, and
special functions are relegated to the several units. These
functions are constitutive, legislative, executive, operative, and
judicative. It is by constitutive action that regimentation is
accomplished; and it is by regimentation that specialization
is accomplished. This specialization is carried on to such an
extent in the United States that much of the government is
local self-government. Every school district has special fune-
tions, every township special functions, every county special
functions, every state special functions, and every municipality
special functions; while general functions are exercised over
all by the Federal Government. Thus, the people of the
United States are constituted and regimented into a congeries
of hierarchies of units all woven into one complex system as
the Government of the United States, and so adjusted in inter-
dependent parts as to secure a high degree of specialization.
Tn addition to the governmental regimentation, there is a vast
congeries of societies or corporations organized for religious,
industrial, educational, and other purposes, all of which con-
stitute part of the state or nation.
The regimentation of all people is founded on natural fami-
lies, for there are husbands and wives, parents and children;
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT CVII
but such families have lineal and collateral lines of kinship
involving both parents. A larger group than that composed
of parents and children is organized in the crudest society
known. For this purpose all of these persons reckoning con-
sanguineal kinship through the female line are regimented or
organized in a clan. The term clan should Sere be used
to designate this group, though it is sometimes improperly
used to designate other groups. The husband and wife do not
belong to the same clan, but the husband belongs to the clan of
his mother, while the wife belongs to the clan of her mother.
It is thus that the first constitutive unit of organized society
is based on kinship reckoned through the female line. The
next unit recognizes kinship by affinity, and a number of related
clans that intermarry constitute the tribe. The term tribe
should always be used in this manner. Curiously enough all
of the terms which are used in defining the units of regimen-
tation are often used promiscuously, so that clan, gens, tribe,
and confederacy, with many other terms which are synony-
mous, have a vague meaning in popular estimation; but in
science we are compelled to give a definite meaning to funda-
mental terms. A clan, then, is a union of persons who reckon
consanguineal kinship in the female line; a tribe is compounded
of clans whose members reckon kinship by consanguinity and
affinity, while a confederacy, which is more or less ephemer call,
is a union of tribes reckoning kinship as a legal fiction.
In the clan the group is ruled by an elder man. But this
elder man may or may not be the oldest living male in the
clan; to understand this it becomes necessary to understand
the method of kinship naming in vogue in savagery. In the
clan the children of one woman are not ony brothers and sis-
ters to each other, but also ‘‘brothers” and “sisters” to such of
their cousins as reckon kinship in the female line. Thus, if
there be three sisters their children call one another by recip-
rocal kinship names, as “brothers” and ‘‘sisters;” but if there
be three brothers their children do not call one another by
common kinship names, but by the kinship names determined
through their mothers; that is, they call one another cousins.
Among the collateral descendants through the female line
there are thus a number of persons of varying ages calling
CVIII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
each other ‘‘brother” and “sister,” though the term used always
has a further significance in that it designates relative age, so
that there is no single term for brother, but two, one signify-
ing elder brother and the other younger brother; there are
also two terms for sister, one signifying younger and one elder.
Now, it is a law of savage society that one person must address
another in the clan, in the tribe, and in the confederacy by ¢
kinship term, and as superior age always gives authority, to
address a person as elder is a symbol of yielding authority,
@ author-
ity. There is a curious modification of this custom which is a
legal fiction. If any individual in the group of brothers exhib-
its superior ability, the clan or some other constituted authority
takes him out of his kinship rank into a higher rank. Thus
and to address him as younger is a symbol of claimin
his kinship name is changed; younger brother becomes ‘‘elder
brother,” and elder brother becomes “younger brother” by a
legal fiction; or the son may become the legal ‘‘father” and
the father the legal “son.”
A promotion in kinship is always attended with much tribal
ceremony. Among the Iroquoian tribes it is called “putting
a spike on the horns.” In some tribes it is called ‘ adding
a feather to the bonnet,” in others it is “adding a stripe to the
war paint.” There is often a preliminary course of instruction
for the ceremony, which is performed by the priest. Impor-
tant promotions may be revoked, and a man who becomes
unworthy in his office may have his “horns” knocked off, or
his “feathers” plucked out, or his “paint” washed away. In
all such cases he falls back to his natural kinship name and
state.
Every clan in a tribe receives a special name, which has
come to be known as its totem. Thus in a tribe there may be
a buffalo clan, a beaver clan, a cloud clan, a wind elan, an
eagle clan, and a parrot clan, with others. Sometimes the
clan name is the common name for all persons in the clan, but
more often there is a group of names signifying some real or
mythologic characteristic of the animal or object taken as the
totem. For example, in the buffalo clan there may be a name
signifying ‘“‘sitting bull,” another “standing bull,” still another
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT CIX
“mad buffalo;” and names taken from the mythology of the
butfalo may be used. The clan name or totem is used to distin-
guish the members of one clan from the members of another.
It is never used in the first and second persons, but always in
the third person. In direct address the kinship name express-
ing relative age must always be used. Uncles in the clan are
addressed as ‘‘ fathers,” cousins in the clan as ‘ brothers” and
“ sisters.”
If two or more tribes unite in a confederacy, the first thing
to be considered in the council by which such a confederacy
is established is the kinship terms by which one tribe shall
address another. Where two unite, one may be called “father”
and the other ‘‘son,” while with the females ‘ mother” and
“daughter” are used. One may be called “elder brother”
and the other ‘‘ younger brother,” with ‘elder sister” and
‘younger sister.” In compounding many tribes in this manner
curious complications arise.
We thus see that a savage tribe is regimented by kinship
through devices of naming, especially for the clan, tribe, and
asinine , and these names are so constituted that relative
age is always expressed, for the elder has rights and the
younger duties.
As in territorial organization special functions are relegated
to the several units, so in kinship regimentation special func-
tions are relegated severally to the hierarchy of bodies thus
constituted—that is, certain offices are performed by the clan,
others by the tribe, and still others by the confederacy. The
possession of property which is exc slusiv ely used by the indi-
vidual is inherent in the individual, such as clothing, ornaments,
and various utensils and implements. Individual property
can not be inherited, but at death is consigned to the grave.
That property which belongs to the clan, such as the house,
the boat, the garden, etc, inheres in the corporate person. No
article of food belongs to the individual, but is the common
property of the clan, and must be divided by the authorities
of the clan, often according to some rule by which some special
part is given to the person who provides the food. Thus when
a hunter dispatches a deer a particular portion is given to him;
Cx REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
other portions may be given to those who assisted in its cap-
ture. All the rest is divided according to the needs of the indi-
viduals of the clan. The women gather fruits, seeds, or roots.
That which is consumed at the time is divided by like methods,
but that which is preserved for future use sometimes becomes
the property of the clan. The elder man of the clan is responsi-
ble for the training of children, and it is no small part of his
duty daily to exercise them in their games and to instruct
them in their duties. Thus he who enforces clan custom is the
same person who instructs in clan custom, and when councils
of tribe or confederacy are held he is the representative of the
clan in such councils. The chief of the confederacy is usually
the chief of one of the tribes, and the chief of the tribe is
usually an elderman in one of the clans. There are clan
councils, tribal councils, and confederate councils, chief coun-
cilors and eldermen.
Another organization, which involves all civie relations, must
be explained. There is a body of men, and sometimes women
also, who are known as medicine-men, or shamans, or some-
times as priests, who control all religious ceremonies, and who
are diviners. As disease is supposed to be the work of human
or animal sorcery, it is their function to prevent or thwart
sorcery. They have the management of all ceremonies relat-
ing to war, hunting, fishing, and gathering the fruits of the
field and forest. It is their office to provide for abundant har-
vests, to regulate the climate, and generally to divine and
control good and evil by means of ceremonies. The principal
shamans are men, but all the people are united into shaman-
istic societies. Usually there is some determined number of
these societies, over each of which some particular shaman pre-
sides, but he has subordinates, each one of whom has some
particular office or function to perform in the societies. Some-
times a person may belong to two or more of these societies;
usually he has the privilege to join any one, and a revered
or successful shaman will gather a great society, while a
shaman of less skill will preside over a society more feeble.
Let us call these ecclesiastic corporations, and call the sha-
mans priests. ‘The only corporations in savagery are ecclesi-
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT CxI
astic. The way in which they are regimented ana controlled
differs from tribe to tribe, and there is a great variety of cere-
monial observances. In all civic councils the ecclesiastic au-
thorities take part and have specified functions to perform, and
introduce into civie life the ceremonies which they believe will
procure good fortune. Perhaps the ecclesiastic authorities may
be more powerful than the civic authorities, and the hereditary
line of special ecclesiastic governors may gradually overpower
the civic constitution and absorb it as a secondary element
in the ecclesiastic constitution, for it must be remembered that
the chief priests are men; the women play a very small part
in ecclesiastic affairs. Now, as the men manage ecclesiastic
affairs as chief priests, so civil affairs are managed mainly by
men as eldermen, and the conflict which sometimes arises
between the two forms of government is mainly between men
and men—between able eldermen and able shamans. Some-
times both offices are combined in one person, and the great
elderman may also be the great shaman.
There are five fundamental principles of justice; that is, to
secure justice, five fundamental purposes must be considered:
Justice is the establishment of peace. Justice is the establish-
ment of equality. Justice is the establishment of liberty.
Justice is the establishment of equity; and justice is the estab-
lishment of truth. In all law, primitive and modern alike,
these principles are recognized, and all institutions are organ-
ized for these purposes.
In the study of North American tribes it is always found
that the purpose assigned and recognized for the organization
of that unit is the establishment of peace. Two or more bodies
have come to war and finally agree to live in peace and make
a treaty, and the terms of the treaty are invariably of one
character if they unite as a tribe. If they unite as a confed-
eracy, it is for other purposes. This fundamental condition for
the organization of a tribe is that the one party agrees that its
women shall be the wives of the other, with a reciprocal obli-
gation; and this is the characteristic which distinguishes tribes
from confederacies. A body of people that is organized for
the purpose of regulating marriage is a tribe, and a body of
CXIl REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
people organized for war is a confederacy, Thus the organiza-
tion of a tribe itself is the first recognition of the principle of
peace in the origin of constitutions.
The principle of equality is recognized in the method of dis-
tributing the spoils of the arrow, the fish net, and the fruit
basket, which is an equal division to all the members of the
clan. The principle of liberty is first recognized when slavery
is established, and the means of obtaining freedom are provided,
and that is always the case in savage society. Slaves are cap-
tured enemies, who therefore deserve to die. They are not
always killed, but sometimes (even quite often) adopted into
the tribe. A captive can not become a member of the tribe
without some kinship position, therefore he must be adopted
by some woman as her child, and adoption in savagery is often
called new birth. Now, he takes the kinship name under a legal
fiction—that is, he is “younger” to every living person of the
tribe at that time, and all persons subsequently born are younger
to him. This is not yet slavery. If the captive belongs to a
tribe of hereditary enemies who have from time immemorial
been designated by some opprobrious term, as cannibals, liars,
snakes, etc, then it may be that the captive is doomed to per-
petual younger brotherhood, and can never exercise authority
over any person within the tribe, though such person may be
born after the new birth of the captive. This is the first form of
slavery. Usually, though not invariably, the captives adopted
are children. Now such children may ultimately become use-
ful members of the tribe and by their virtues even win rank in
kinship, and a captive may thus pass from slavery to freedom.
The many methods adopted for conferring freedom would be
a long and weary story, but they are practically the same as
those conferring rank in kinship. This must be briefly explained,
though it has been already shown in part. ‘The suecessful war-
rior, hunter, or food gatherer is rewarded by a special portion
of the spoil as an equity. Now he who has for a term of years
been successful in any of the activities of tribal life and who
exhibits skill and wisdom therein is promoted by giving him
an advanced kinship designation. One or more grades may
be climbed at one time and promotions may follow one another
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT CXIIL
rapidly, so that a brilliant youth may become an e:aer man,
and gray-haired men must address him as ‘‘father,” and he
must even call his natural grandfather ‘ grandson.” By such
methods primordial equity is established.
That which in modern civilization is the highest function of
the court and best exhibits the talents of the advocate is the
discovery of facts; but ready methods for discovering the
truth prevail in savagery. This is the function of the priest,
who by some form of divinition discovers the facts. Thus it is
that justice is distributed in its five elements of peace, equality,
liberty, equity, and truth.
Justice is not always performed in savage society, and it
even goes awry in civilized society; hence we have remedies
in savagery and civilization alike. But sometimes there is no
remedy, when punishment is executed. We have already
shown how exogamous groups are organized. A man can not
marry within his clan, because already the clan has promised
its women for the wives of another clan, vet the marriage may
be accomplished and crime is done. This is incest. Often
nominally the punishment is death, and sometimes the law is
executed, but there are many ways by which justice may be
done without inflicting the ultimate penalty. The crime may
be condoned and a price paid, and this often done may ulti-
mately result in a custom of marriage by purchase. The clans
of a tribe may prosper equally, and there may be more men
in one clan than there are women in another, and men may
quarrel or even fight for wives, and such contest may ulti-
mately be reeulated by law; this results in marriage by y yager
of battle. If the woman is unwilling, it may also require cap-
ture, and this may be legalized under certain forms and cere-
monies, and we have marriage by capture. But young men
and young women form mutual attachments which are some-
times stronger than tribal law, and they may abscond and live
together as mau and wife. If they can successfully maintain
themselves in the wilderness until a child is born, the child
becomes the certificate of marriage and the wedding is thus
legalized, and with this certificate the crime is atoned. This is
the only marriage by choice.
15 ETH V1 :
CXIV REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
Now, in all of these extratribal marriages, crime is com-
mitted, and the peculiar methods and ceremonies of marriage
by purchase, marriage by wager of battle, marriage by capture,
and marriage by choice result in the reestablishment of justice
as it is conceived in the savage mind. We have already ex-
plained much of personal law in the explanation of the law of
marriage and the law of promotion and reduction. Yet there
are other subjects worthy of present consideration. Murder is
punished with death. The crime is against the clan, and any
member of the clan may become the avenger, though often
some particular person is delegated to that office. The mur-
derer may also be defended by his clan; in such case the death
of any of the murderer’s clan atones for the death of the mur-
dered man, but the murderer may be declared an outlaw by
his clan, and any man of any clan may dispatch him with
impunity. In some cases murder may be atoned by substitu-
tion; that is, the murderer may be expatriated, driven from his
home and clan, and thus become dead to his own people and
then be adopted by the injured family to replace the murdered
person. Thus the wife of the murdered man may adopt the
murderer for her husband; in so doing he loses his own name
and all relations of kinship and adopts the name and relations
of kinship of the murdered man. A quarrelsome man may
embroil clans, and this may be carried on to such an extent
that the clan will declare him an outlaw. Sometimes murder
is atoned by the payment of a stipulated or customary price,
and usually blood barter is graded by rank. Maiming is also
avenged by the clan, ‘‘an eye for an eye and a tooth for a
tooth;” but it may be compounded by common agreement
between the belligerent clans.
A belief in witchcraft is universal. A person suspected may
finally come to be universally recognized as practicing black
art. Such a wicked person is killed as an outlaw. The wizard
may not have such a reputation in his own clan, but may be
accused of witchcraft by another clan; if there is a wish to
preserve him, his witchcraft may be compounded.
We have already explained the equal division of property
in the clan, the equitable division made to the successful hunter,
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT CXV
and that personal property is inherited by the grave, while
clan and tribal property belong to a perpetual person. Theft
sometimes but rarely occurs; when it does, the object stolen
may be restored; when it can not be restored, the theft is com-
pounded in some multiple proportion. The only corporations
in savagery are ecclesiastic, and crimes against the medicine
societies are those which result from the divulging of secrets
or the teaching of rites by unauthorized persons or the exer-
cise of such rites by persons incompetent therefor. Proceed-
ings for witchcraft are conducted by the ecclesiastic bodies.
Such, in outline, are the plan of regimentation and the fun-
damental principles of justice recognized in the most primi-
tive tribal states found among mankind. This stage of society
is known as savagery. Savages are primitive sylvan men;
they are denizens of forest and wold without the skill neces-
sary to clear away the forests and establish higher agriculture
and domesticate herds of animals. When these feats are ac-
complished, then men are said to have reached the stage of
barbarism.
Savagery gradually develops into barbarism and barbarism
itself is represented in the plan of regimentation, which involves
a change in constitution, legislation, execution, administration,
and adjudication. The change of regimentation is represented
by the extinction of the clan and its replacement by the gens.
The term gens is here used to mean the unit of goverment
herein described as a group of persons who reckon consan-
guineal kinship in the male line.
We have already described the double organization of every
savage tribe as civil and ecclesiastic, and noted the conflict
which arises between the e@roups as ani organized. A power-
ful ecclesiastic organization will sometimes absorb the civil
organization, especially when the priest and elderman is the
same person. Quite often the sacerdotal office is hereditary,
descending from father to son, and thus grows up a method of
reckoning kinship in the male line as fundamental. Now
there are many circumstances in primitive life which reinforce
this tendency. When the men of the clan have to go to the
annual fishing ground for the summer catch, they take with
CXVI REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
them their wives and children Such wives and children are
no longer under the power of the eldermen; they are geo-
graphically separated from them, for the men of the clan who
work together are distinct from the men of the other clans
where each group fishes by itself. Hunting is often managed
in this manner by clans. Such annual hunting and fishing
excursions weaken the authority of the mothers, brothers, and
uncles, and stfengthen the authority of husbands and fathers.
But there are two agencies which seem to be even more potent.
Agriculture is born in arid lands where irrigation is necessary,
and the men of the clan unite to manage the stream which is
used in irrigation and to protect the crops which lie under the
canals, though the crops themselves may be cultivated chiefly
by the women. Here again there is a geographical segrega-
tion of the women and children under the immediate supervi-
sion and control of husbands and fathers. Finally, animals are
domesticated and there are flocks and herds under the control
of the men. The pasturage for one clan flock is in one valley
and for another clan flock in another valley, for the property
is thus kept apart; and this also serves to segregate the women
from the men of their clan kindred and place them under the
authority of husbands and fathers. By all of these methods
clanship is broken down and a new fundamental method of
reckoning in kinship is developed through males; this is the
gens. Much time may be taken in making these changes,
while the authority of the clan is gradually weakened and the
authority of the gens established. Many of the tribes of
North America are in the transitional stage.
When the change is made, councils as well as ecclesiastic
bodies are still controlled by men, but the regimentation is rad-
ically distinct. Perhaps the most fundamental change that
comes is the right of the father over his own children, especially
m‘ deciding their marriage relations, for this right is not trans-
ferred from clan to gens, but from clan to father. With this
change comes another of fundamental importance. With the
acquisition of herds, farming lands, and stores of grain, wealth
is accumulated, and this wealth is controlled by the gentile
patriarchs. It is no longer clan property, but gentile property
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT CXVII
in the possession and under the control of the patriarch, who
wields a power never known in savagery. The patriarch now
is always chief and priest and the practical owner of the
wealth; he thus becomes the master of the destiny of his
retainers. A particular effect is noted in the council. The
number of persons who compose the council is gradually
reduced, and these chiefs and councilors are regimented into
patriarchies for war and public works, while instruction falls
mainly into the hands of husbands and fathers, and the wife is
no longer controlled by her clansmen, for she is no longer
under their protection. Thus the husband becomes the master
of the wife and children.
In the clan the head is an elderman and is an ‘‘uncle” or
‘oreat uncle” because kinship is reckoned through females.
This is expressed in Indian tongues by the aphorism that ‘the
woman carries the clan,” while in barbarism ‘‘the man carries
the gens.” This is the first great revolution in tribal society ac-
complished by the consolidation of power in the hands of the
few and the organization of the gentile family. The gens is
ruled by the patriarch who represents the family in the councils
of the tribe and the confederacy and holds all the property in
trust for the gens over which he rules by civil law with civil
sanction and ecclesiastical law with ececlesiastic sanction.
In savage society there is no written language, hence the laws
are classed and expressed in terms of kinship, but in barbaric
society an additional mnemonic and classific method is devel-
oped, which must now be delineated; it arises out of ecclesias-
tic functions of government and ultimately becomes dominant
so as to modify the kinship system. In savagery the world is
divided into regions—the east, west, north, south, zenith, nadir,
and center. This is continued in a more highly developed
form in barbarism until it finally becomes the dominant system.
Sometimes the regions are but five in number—east, west, north,
south, and center; but more often the seven regions are
recognized. Sometimes the number five, but more commonly
the number seven, becomes the sacred number. This division
of the world into regions is naturally born in the usages of
language and at last becomes as deeply woven into society as
CXVIII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
language itself, and the reality of the regions becomes sacred,
as language is held to be sacred. The theory of the regions
is not only woven into their speech and into their institutions,
but it becomes one of the principal elements of picture writing
and is represented by some form of the cross signifying the
east, west, north, and south, to which are attached some other
devices for representing the zenith, nadir, and center. Thus
the swastika is found as a symbol among many savage tribes,
and it seems to be universal among barbaric tribes.
These world symbols often govern methods of architecture.
The theory of worlds is of vast extent and of profound influ-
ence. It is found to pervade tribal society not only in America,
but elsewhere throughout the world. I am tempted in this
place to go to the Orient for an example to show how laws and
the maxims of laws are formulated in savage and barbaric
society, but I must premise the statement by explaining one
other method of formulating laws. The particulars of law are
often represented by numbers—one number for each finger of
the hand; and the reciprocal rights and duties by the five num-
bers represented by the five fingers of the other hand. Thus
by pointing in the direction of one region with the proper finger
of the right or left hand any particular law or maxim can be
expressed in gesture speech.
I quote from the Sigalowada Sutta, a table of aphorisms
published by Rhys-Davids in his book on Buddhism, which
might be duplicated as a method of schematization in many of
the tribes of North America. The scheme in which the apho-
risms are arranged is by regions. It has the same design as a
scheme that the swastika has as a picture writing, and both are
as natural to the human race as the recognition of the cardinal
points. The regimentation in kinship society is taken by anal-
ogy from the recognized relationship of consanguinity and
affinity for schematic and mnemonic purposes. The following
schemes prevail among savage and barbaric people for a great
variety of purposes: Schemes of four, five, six, or seven are
derived from the regions, schemes of five are fixed and perpet-
uated by the number of fingers on the hand, schemes of ten
are derived from the number of fingers on both hands, and
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT CXIX
schemes of twenty from the number of fingers and toes, while
schemes of four are sometimes found derived in a fanciful way
from the colors of the four regions—east, west, north, and south.
The scheme which Rhys-Davids records from India is, first, a
scheme of six regions; second, it is a scheme of reciprocal
fives as the fingers on the hand are reciprocal. In the second
division of the sixth regional group it will be noticed that the
last aphorism violates the symmetry of the arrangement. In
all others there are five; in this there are six. This peculiarity
may be found anywhere in North America and South America.
It is the thirteenth of the baker’s dozen. It is the common
method of showing that the tale is complete. Thus Rhys-
Davids:
The Teacher was staying at the bambu grove near Rajagriha; and going out as usual
to beg, sees the householder Sigala bowing down, with streaming hair, and wet gar-
ments, and clasped hands, to the four quarters of the heaven, and the nadir, and the
zenith. On the Teacher asking the reason why, Sigala says that he does this, ‘* bon
oring, reverencing, and holding sacred the words of his father.” Then the Teacher,
knowing that this was done to avert evil from the six directions, points out to him that
the best way to guard the six quarters 1s by good deeds to men around bhim—to his
parents as the east, his Teachers as the south, his wife and children as the west, his
friends and relatives as the north, men devoted to the religious life (whether Brah-
mans or Buddhist mendicants) as the zenith, and his slaves and dependents as the
nadir. Then in an orderly arrangement, evidently intended to assist the memory,
after some general precepts and a description of true friendship, the chief duties men
owe to one another are thus enumerated under the above six heads:
1. PARENTS AND CHILDREN
Parents should—
1. Restrain their children from vice.
2. Train them in virtue.
3. Have them taught arts or sciences.
4, Provide them with suitable wives or husbands,
5. Give them their inheritance.
The child should say—
1. I will support them who supported me.
2. I will perform family duties incumbent on them.
3. I will guard their property.
4. I will make myself worthy to be their heir.
5. When they are gone, I will honor their memory.
2. PUPILS AND TEACHERS
‘The pupil should honor his teachers—
. By rising in their presence.
. By ministering to them.
. By obeying them.
. By supplying their wants.
. By attention to instruction.
oF whe
Cxx REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
The teacher should show his affection to his pupils—
. By training them in all that is good.
. By teaching them to hold knowledge fast.
. By instruction in science and lore.
. By speaking well of them to their friends and companions.
. By guarding them from danger.
ore oboe
3. HUSBAND AND WIFE
The husband should cherish his wife—
. By treating her with respect.
. By treating her with kindness.
. By being faithful to her.
. By causing her to be honored by others. -
. By giving her snitable ornaments and clothes.
oF ob
The wife should show her affection for her husband—
° . She orders her household aright.
. She is hospitable to kinsmen and friends.
. She is a chaste wife.
. She is a thrifty housekeeper.
. She shows skill and diligence in all she has to do.
oe ON Re
4. FRIENDS AND COMPANIONS
The honorable man should minister to his friends—
1. By giving presents.
2. By courteous speech.
3. By promoting their interest.
4. By treating them as his equals.
5. By sharing with them his prosperity.
They should show their attachment to him—
1. By watching over him when he is off his guard.
2. By guarding his property when he 18 careless.
3. By offering him a refuge in danger.
4, By adhering to him in misfortune.
5. By showing kindness to his family.
5, MASTERS AND SERVANTS
The master should provide for the welfare of his dependents—
1. By apportioning work to them according to their strength.
2. By supplying suitable food and wages.
3. By tending them in sickness.
4. By sharing with them unusual delicacies.
5. By now and then granting them holidays.
They should show their attachment to him as follows:
1. They rise before him.
2. They retire later to rest.
3. They are content with what is given them.
4. They work cheerfully and thoroughly.
5. They speak well of him (or perhaps properly to him).
6. LAYMEN AND THOSE DEVOTED TO RELIGION
The honorable man ministers to mendicants and Brahmans—
1. By affection 1n act.
. By affection in words.
. By affection in thoughts.
. By giving them a ready welcome.
. By supplying their temporal wants.
om ew bo
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT CXXI
They should show their afiection to him—
1, By dissuading him from vice. .
. By exhorting him to virtue.
. By feeling kindly towards him.
. By instructing him in religion.
. By clearing up his doubts.
6. By pointing the way to heaven.
wo bo
oT
I have spoken of phratries as a system of groups, sometimes
found in savagery and always in barbarism. We are now able
to explain the meaning of the phratry. There may be many
clans or gentes in a tribe, and two or more clans or gentes may
constitute an intervening unit which we call the phratry. With
the Muskhogean there are four phratries, one for the east, one
for the west, one for the north, and one for the south. With
the Zuni there are six phratries, one for the east, one for the
west, one for the north, one for the south, one for the zenith,
and one for the nadir Thus the phratries are organized by
mythologie regions; and this method of regimentation finds
expression in the structure of the council chamber, in the plaza,
and in the plan of the village. Here in the phratry we have
the beginning of district regimentation, which ultimately pre-
yails in civilization.
The fabric of primitive society is a web of streams of kin-
dred blood and a woof of marriage ties. This tapestry is
wrought in wonderful patterns, for on it can be traced the
outlines of primitive mythology. Some scholars have seen in
the fabric only the mythic patterns enwrought and tailed to
discover the real institutional foundation.
lo ELH——x
-%
15 ELH—1
SlONE, IMPEEMEINTs
POTOMAC-CHESAPEAKE TIDEWATER PROVINCE
BY
WILLIAM HENRY HOLMES
CONTENTS
IPROEIOIAY TOUR) «He cooe sao SS ee Sena Soba D0 SSonee cenca=sosspo ~ooese Secpsesoneee
Cheyer lI tiple ay aa no Sh5q choses coocde5 Season edesrn Seadaetoneasssser
TING HENLE TIME MEP MON 25 Saco csnconeenaesenes coos bene paper sese soeees
ANG) eae re YONGE Soe Bae osaps= coSsee ones SSS ep eecess oases Ssosee
Characteriot wherstoneimplementsiee eee aaa a = anion eee aaa
Materia lsranditheim Gis ort bUGl OM epee tela gaiee rae alae ielersteste tae ae
Qubham alike Soeo hoae SSeS CCI OR IG a AAaae EAE eSe COR nee 6 bae eeae nnoceS sopnSe
ETD VOGT S26 eo cemcceakcece ansnss case Os aobe seoaee cee acacia case uosece
IOWANS EVES ocho acco sa base boss Sess Sees Hedond Pesce poccscoe cass
SJE Mae PE CS en oe Seo seb seed o oceans SEsaesoe ease secsae cece ssoe
Chapter II—Manufacture of flaked stone implements -.---..-.-----------------
NRRL ATCA CUENIEOC IN e555 sone pe cn es osob abo swene cooqoned oncucooEacds
Quarry-workshops of the District of Columbia ......---.----------------
ISUCiTeTAy OT TANG IRE TRON Sebas costo nese Sos cecesoticanasb csbo enc caSssomue
Geolopysotethesl ocalliit yee see aera steers aeteiste ater ate ee ae ete ote mle
IBY WENO CMENOTIES 5 casanndosssecdeden asosecodeen cesses dneesoecos
Operationsion; thes ive=e se eee eee ec eene == ere sear ea
Discovery and reconnoissamce rs. -- ee =e = a=
Wherfirst trench. sa- <<< see csee see se seceee eles tess eceee
IMIS (REO) Olle Baas ea nek eoueskecopcado ceaculSsun ssogesoumasu ose
Mhesecontltrenchy 222m see oases eee eee See e eee se ein=iee)=
Ano Wate e No noose ec eeas Kase asosaeesesae suc sacs bdasos
Thettourthiandsitth tren chess eee -— eee ae ae =i eee =
AUER UI Ne Ae one oSacas Heo aeenes saeeee sadacesso0s50e
Othersbimiy) Dran chy sites eer eeon rae mere mse sera fe tat steam
Pinyabranchishopsesssece-le recesses seesee seers esas see aie =i
(Cemenlaimmb ei econccossscacsascecentes Ssachpeqpensssssossende
Specialtteatumesiesessee seer serie cee eect Saale ee aaa aiaa
heouarcy-shop pLloducteemsseeseseeeeeoeace es ee cee = aes
Mooletused Sint alcin pars seer ra teas esate ar eaten eee at eee
IPPOCORSeS OlmMan Uta COUN Oper ete eee eae eerie see eat ale acai
Destiniyzof therquarny blades. sete seem ste ele = ala elnle a ieleteienlel= ===
The Dumbarton heights quarry-shops...-..---.-----.----------------
LOCATON, — 25asccenae cocoon OaReas oa aso ecenad Cbonpascssseos0eaED5
Geologyrotsthelsitesn sacseerae ees locisinsels see e-em eee ele ee
Distributionvoe hq Wacky puts soem eae eae eae a ena alel
TOR CLTENG od o3 cods caso onde soabes SoSSan Des As EEosnech Sesesposcaes
@thereRockscreekesiteseeserre saaean sete meee elaine nee eine
Shop sites of the middle Potomac valley. .........---.--.-----------------
Hallssectionioi they hOvomaCsses= ner eme elec ee eee me eee l= ee eee
J MACOS EN VERY oa cascassoconoecsdesod a50d o-oncnodecadaane Goes ondeee
Mhertidewaterseotom ae eens eee a ae aaa sale ieie iene inten ee ee =m
SILOS AM ESULDVOL sViallO Vee tarere teers ae wiela se eee ee aia ye ere ai
—
i ol od]
wm OO
tw wo
ras
wows
Ot Ot OT OT
St OU
wo
6 CONTENTS [BTH. ANN. 15
Chapter II—Manufacture of flaked stone implements—Continued
(Minas we Tay NIN byl 3 oot coe see eee See acess Goeoer cos ssconesens
Marterialsiqntannie dies ame a=) =e ate aaa aa eer ree
ocationrandaprodu etree meets eee ponecssapacue me eeromtes
Rby oliterquarries sss seme cee cts ete ear eee
ulin t/QWATries esse secrete aie ace te one aaa ee ee
Jasper andeare il iwerg WALGLOS as ett ea ae a a a
(OVO NTS) Gempte Gene Seeger Heer OSE es bana mnos sons saeoads> decease sconecses
Chapter III—Flaked stone implements........--.---------------------.------
(Gemenallefe ste epee erste ea ee
Implements of leaf-blade genesis... -.-- ---- --<- <2. eee enon ne woe
Dypicalicharactersy- see eee eee eee sae aeae ee alae eee eee eee
Blades—blanks, cutting implements. .....-..-.-.-.-.---------------.
Specialized blades—projectile points, etc .....-.-.-.----.------------
Narrow-shafted blades—perforators or drills .....-.-.---.------------
Specialized blades, etc—scrapers -...--....-.-.----..---.---.---.--..
Leaf-blade implements grouped by material ..-.......-.-.-..----...-----
Qe iiAut Mino Gye ES soso soso oeos ses seer anseomcetoesbe cuss sencsee
Quartzamy lem ents Sarees se eee eee ee ete ee
Rhyoliteimplementsisas-aeeeeeaeeaee anes ree See eee eee eee
Dlinitiand jasperimplementsseseeseseeeee eee ae eae eee eee
AS ulin) iy ICM Seo casccsesos soconesaboee coos esenos SHSsesssosesa5
Rude flaked implements. ..-..--.---.----- Ejoe even meee eyenaete sete
Chapter 1V—Battered and abraded stone implements. .........-...----.-----
General processes of manufacture
Speciallin rOcesse@si ese ecm a cteeeis aaeeae ieee aaa He ee eee eee eee
Classes of implements
WER CIEE GG Gl ~ se coracnoec anh Saab conn ends Hoda SaaedemEes cdaueg deseee
Examples of the implements
Manufacturing Shops! =a -crse- ons ee\ase= = seein es o-as aes eee
Comparison of celt making with blade making .....-....-.--...-..------
Miscellaneous/pecked implements! = =~ --- == ese ees tees eae sce
Character, use, and distribution of the material
Surface indications of quarrying -..-.----.----- Nose smdeecadave cee cise
Speciallinvestigations .- 5222. s2s—. 222 one = nee ee ee ee eee
Barlyaknowled gelotistea tite =e eee ee eee eee
Development of the quarrying industry
Mining and shaping operations
Quarry product. .25.-(52. 2 does eae ee eee eee reece
Implements used in quarrying and cutting
Character of; the'tools! — 5-5-2 32:c-cne= oss ece sneer eaeeee eee
Manner of using the tools
Steatite quarries: <2 56 <.5- 222s. ssonseces cess sees See nea ee esse eee oeee
MheiClittonigartyeee== eres ries see senate eee eee eee eee eee
(hei Connecticut avenuelquarriess---— es -ees eee eee eee eters
IST bOTAGUTO 22 =~ pee earesin< = ee olen = sieloels ose eee ee eee
Site and surface indications
Excavations made
MROOIS'RECOVELEM 527 areeitey ests Fe = ate ae eer ero ee ere Pee eee
Correlation with bowlder quarries
94
94
96
96
102
103
105
105
105
105
106
106
106
107
107
108
108
109
111
111
112
113
113
116
116
117
118
119
123
HOLMES] CONTENTS
Chapter V—Incised or cut stone utensils—Continued
Steatite quarries—-Continued
The Shoemaker quarry.-.--------------------------------+--+++-----
Meat tiles aya ubes ieee te tee ee eal laa em mala mle leer =I
Mhe Bry amb QUAL Y= = 2-2 22-2 e= 2 a ee me i i
Quarries of the Patuxent valley ----..-..-----------------------------
Quarries near Olney ---- .--- ---------------------+ +--+ +--+ -+2--2----
Falls Church and Holmes run quarries .--.---------------------------
Amelia county quarries ..-.--.-----------------------------+----+----
Madison county quarries-.-.- .-.-------------------------------------
Culpeper county quarries -...--..----------------------++--+++------
Brunswick county quarries .-...-.------------------------------+---
Relation of clay and steatite pottery -.-.-.-------------------------------
Worst cians es tisitseny ee oqooaeos sacs Ses BS osoe Sees onpoeess Seae oe oaooS
Chapter VI—Distribution of stone implements. ...--.------------------------
The area investigated .......-..-----------------------------------------
DFG OTA LOE SEW 52 eee Sep en os eeeec roses Sohe ces specomesolmecoeoce
Geologic distribution of stone. -..--..--------------------------------
Geology and art .----..-<--------- ---+-- <2 222-2 -- one eee ee
Comparative distribution of implements :.--.-.---------.---------------
Distribution by classes..--.-------------------=--- -4--=------- ---=--
Distribution by particular sites .-..-..-..--.------------------------
Distribution by genesis and function..----------.-------------------
RGSS, 5. oes cane Uo cep consaadeccose=se6d ce cooasebeoagcsssu depp ecdanssdacsas
Supplementary notes........---------------++-+222-- --2-2 be 22-2 eens eee
ILLUSTRATIONS
{Nore.—In cases of inconsistency in the sizes of the illustrated objects as given in the descriptive
titles thereof and in the following list the sizes given in the latter should govern. }
FRCNTISPIECE. Group in plaster illustrating quarry-shop work..--...-.--..-.----
PLATE I.
te
II.
Vie
Ve
VI.
VII.
VILI.
IX.
X.
XI.
xT,
XIII.
SxoIVis
XV.
XVI.
XVII.
XVIII.
XIX.
XXII.
XXIII.
XXIV.
XXV.
XXVI.
XXVII.
XXVIII.
XXIX.
XXX.
XXXI.
XXXII.
XXXII.
XXXIV.
Map of the Potomac-Chesapeake tidewater province. .......---.----
Mapiotiherbinyibrancluquarties treme ==22 = eee eae see
Quarry-shop refuse exposed in the bank of the rivulet........--..--
View looking north up the rivulet at the foot of the quarry slope. -.
View from the bed of the rivulet, showing exploitation pits .....-.--
Section of quarry exposed by the first trench ...........-.--..-----
Section of ancient pit filled with quarry-shop refuse from above... -
Character of quarry-shop refuse at the fortyfourth foot..........---
Face of the trench at the seventyseventh foot. ................----.
Character of refuse deposits at the seventyseventh foot-.........---
Pocket of refuse deposits at the seventyseventh foot-...........---.
Portion of an extensive deposit of shop refuse near the quarry face. -- .
Section showing the irregular quarry face.......-.......--.--------
Roots of a chestnut tree growing in a bed of shop refuse .-....-.---
Section showing deposits filling the quarry exposed by the third
WIN sano beoc Aseeba snes dae Gomer Se Aas per eeE amon odearoonneEeass
Section showing the quarry face exposed by the fifth trench -....--.
Quarry-shop rejects—progressive series -......-..------------------
Blade-like rejects from the quarry-shop refuse. ..-.--.......--------
Rejected blades of most advanced form found in the quarry-shop
TO LUSO Mepteaemepte e ar ees woes ee wal a ee cise sce wintete snare mee ceri
. Rejected blades of most advanced form found in the quarry-shop
TOLUSO eases ees means el or eelels a eiareie siecle weiss cee iceiese ale spareieieeie.s
- Broken blades representing the most highly elaborated forms made
IMRUH OAqAaArVy-SHOPSiseea=eeec se cel eeyeee se ceeds celle ieee ee se eer
Fragments of blades representing the most highly elaborated forms
made in the quarry-shops (# actual size)..........--.---------.---
Relation of the flaked blade to the parent bowlder (? actual size) - -.
Two specimensof flaked stone found in a single cluster (4 actual size) -
Core-like forms from which flakes have been taken (# actual size). --
Site of the Dumbarton quarry, showing refuse-covered slopes--.. ---
Potomac bowlder bed exposed in grading U street. ...-...-.--..---.
Series of rejects from the South mountain rhyolite quarry. -...-----
Rhyolite cache blades from a garden on Frogmore creek, near Balti-
MOLE! (VAC UULAIEST ZO) eer eeeCee ate mys oe ee cee cafes cate etees Soka eiee
Rhyolite blades from various caches (# actual size) .-.--...----.----
Quartzite cache blades from Anacostia and Bennings sites (} actual
GILAD) 5 copabo paces n cones Beas FOr So eraA CO ae Nn ree eer ene
Relation of specialized leaf-blade implements to the original blade. -
Scraping implements of quartz and quartzite (} actual size) ....---.
Series of flaked forms illustrating progressive steps in the manufac-
ture of projectile points from quartzite bowlders...-.....--.------
Page
13
or St ot
TS OH
on
©
10
PLATE XXXV.
XXXVI.
XXXVITI.
XXXVIII.
XXXIX.
XL.
XLI.
XLII.
XLITI.
XLIV.
XLV.
XLVI.
XLVII.
XLVI.
XLIX.
L.
LI.
LIl.
LIII.
LIV.
LV.
LVI
LVIII.
LIX.
LX.
LXI.
LXII.
LXIII.
LXIV.
LXV.
ILLUSTRATIONS
Quartzite blades of varying size and outline, mainly unspecial-
ized, from Potomac village-sites (# actual size)..........----
Specialized quartzite blades, probably in the main projectile
points, from Potomae village-sites (} actual size) ....-..-...
Specialized quartzite blades, probably in the main arrowpoints,
from Potomac village-sites (# actual size)
Series of forms illustrating progressive steps in the manufacture
of arrowpoints from quartz pebbles
Quartz blades showing slight traces of specialization (# actual
Specialized quartz blades, probably in the main arrowpoints
(} actual size)
Specialized quartz blades, probably in the main arrowpoints
(4 actual size)
Quartz arrowpoints of eccentric shapes (? actual size) __-.
Selected forms illustrating progressive steps in shaping rhyo-
lite}tmplomentse: 22-22 = Se 222 = ees stale eases seem eee
Unspecialized rhyolite blades, mainly from Anacostia village-
sites: (2 a@ctuallsize) 2022-5 ves 2c tae eee ee eee eee
Specialized rhyolite blades, probably largely knives and spear-
points, mainly from Anacostia village-sites (} actual size)...
Specialized rhyolite blades, probably largely projectile points,
mainly from Potomac village-sites (? actual size)
Rhyolite arrowpoints, mainly from Potomac village-sites (# ac-
tual size)
Selected forms illustrating progressive steps in the shaping of
leaf-blade implements from argillite. -.- 2 =
Sharpened bowlders from Potomac pillaees Ft G Detval size) -
Sharpened and battered bowlders from Potomac shell heaps
(4 actual size) -..--..------
Rude axes made by sharpening andl sayin quartzite ene
ders by flaking, from Potomac village-sites (} actual size) —-
Rude ax-like implements from Potomac village-sites (+ actual
U4) ARES CASAS ace Bar OREO a REG OORenasap oyserotcas asHae
Rude axes or picks made of quartzite bowlders sharpened and
notched by flaking, from Potomac village-sites (a } actual size;
bactualisize) So aces het ce cesse sete oe eae ee nae ree eee
Slightly modified quartzite bowlders used as implements (4 ac-
tual size)
Series of specimens illustratin g progressive stages in the shaping
of celts by fracturing, battering and abrading (about } actual
SIZE soos eiateeeipoaca.ce so es selene el oseise es crete seen e eee
. Group of celt-axes from the tidewater region. ...-..-....-----
LVII.
Series of specimens illustrating progressive stages in the shaping
Of thejprooved axe. 2255 Messen oe See eee ee eee
Outlines of grooved axes illustrating range of form..---..----
Group of grooved axes from Potomac-Chesapeake yillage-sites
(about -Pactualisize) Sas-a-c0 eee ee esas meee eee eee
Flaked specimens illustrating the rejectage of celt making--..
Flaked specimens illustrating the rejectage of celt making---.
Specimens illustrating advanced step in celt making----------
Specimens illustrating advanced step in celt making..-...-..---
Specimens illustrating breakage in celt making
Specimen illustrating ronghed-ontcelt, very thick at the lower
end
(ETH. ANN. 15
Page
60
60
60
63
64
64
64
64
67
68
68
70
83
HOLMES] ILLUSTRATIONS
PLatTE LXVI. Specimen from celt shop, probably rejected on account of
defective wONksaease ae ceseme ao scien tenes sisem.ce eae escl
LXVII. Specimens illustrating the manufacture of grooved axes -----
LXVIII. Hammerstones from the celt shop near Luray----------------
LXIX. Hammerstones from the celt shop near Luray..--..-.---------
WxeXen Pertoratedita blets wares) abeppia eat eta teen aiaye arate ==
LXXI. Winged ceremonial stones from the vicinity of Washington -.
LXXII. Pitted stones and mortar from tidewater village-sites ---- ~~~.
LXXIII. Mortars, pestles, and sinker(?) from the tidewater province. -
LXXIV. Abrading stones from the vicinity of Washington -----.-------
LXXV. Hammerstones from Potomac village-sites-......---.---------
LXXVI. Surface of soapstone quarry, showing various phases of the cut-
(Hl O NEMA IS) o5e osescosecstos Soo dee Ss 35 soda poses 4osseseac
LXXVII. Incipient vessels broken during the shaping operations ~~. ----
LXXVIII. Series of forms showing steps in the steatite-shaping process. -
LXXIX. Quarry-shop rejects showing early stages of the steatite
SEY NOVAS one ea Sopaasecde cess en SeouUenesaereaness cose
LXXX. Examples of untinished steatite vessels.-.......-.------------
LXXXI. View of the Clifton quarry after cleaning out .----.-..-------
LXXXII. Implements used in cutting steatite................-.-....-.-
LXXXIII. Map and sections of the Connecticut avenue steatite quarries.
LXXXIV. Map showing trenching of the ancient steatite quarries on the
LXXXV.
LXXXVI.
LXXXVII.
LXXXVIII.
LXXXIX.
XC.
XCI.
XCIl.
XCHII.
XCIV.
CO
Map aN ME coos Gao sep ass RUsdads saea Sao neebSacsoe seeeus
Surface of ancient steatite quarry exposed by trenching. -----
Chisel-like implements used in cutting steatite...-..--...----
Steatite-cutting implements of eruptive rock
Fragment of a steatite quarry implement
Implements used in cutting steatite.........-....------.-----
Implements used in cutting steatite....-..--..---
Mass of steatite partially cut out by means of stone chisels- --
Grooved axes used in soapstone quarries...-....---.----------
Rude grooved pick used in quarrying steatite-.........-..----
Implements used in cutting steatite........--..----..--------
Pointed implements used in cutting steatite........----.-----
XCVI. Steatite pick made by sharpening a grooved ax.....--.--.----
XCVII. Grooved ax used and broken in a steatite quarry.----..------
XCVIII. Grooved axes sharpened by flaking for use in quarrying steatite
XCIX. Small articles made of steatite.....-.........-..-.--.--------
C. Specialized and partially specialized objects of steatite-...---
CI. Graded series of flaked implements. ...-...-..-.--------------
CII. Quarry group in plaster set up on the Piny branch site... _-.
Clit
. Results of experimental flaking by percussion and pressure. -
FIGURE 1.
9
. Section of bowlder beds exposed in quarry face
. Section exposed by trenching on outer angle of terrace....--------
. First step in bowlder flaking
. Second step in bowlder flaking
2. Fragment of rhyolite from the Potomac
. Supposed anvil stone and cluster of slightly shaped bits of rhyolite.
General section across Rock creek and Piny branch valleys. -.-----
. Section of the ravine, showing formations and position of quarries.
. Panoramic view of Piny branch quarry-sites, looking northward - .
. Section acruss bed of rivulet at base of quarries -...-.....----.---
. Cross section at beginning of the first trench
) Cross section at the twentieth foot-.--.....-2-.---2-.-------.-----
Cross’section atthe fortiethifootss----. =a. sss -cecese =~ se cee
11
Page
103
104
106
106
108
110
112
12 ILLUSTRATIONS [ETH. ANN. 15
Page
BIGURE 4: Blakinp by pressureless cee cie es ee as eee eee eee 81
15: sMlakkin o ibya pressures a= ie sects =e ise eee aeons eee eee erate 81
16. Probable manner of hafting the smaller chisels -......--.--..--.- 112
17. Probable manner of hafting the single-pointed and the two-
ohisel@ior pioks(22ac saccscoecinse oo See niente nest eee ee eersaee 113
18 Sketchimap of thei Cliftoniquarty s2s-ss— 32s ale tee a ee 115
19. Rude pick of quartz, slightly sharpened by flaking (4 actual size). 120
20. Rude pick of quartz, slightly sharpened by flaking (4 actual size). 121
21. Rude pick made by sharpening quartzite bowlder (4 actual size)... 121
22. Rude pick made by sharpening quartzite bowlder (4 actual size).. 122
23. Implement used in cutting steatite; from quarry in Howard
county, Maryland (4 actual size) .........--...---..----.------ 127
24. Implement used in cutting steatite; from quarry in Howard
county, Maryland) actuallsize) --25.-2-.2ce-n = 22-9 -na- =o seeee 128
25. Implement used in cutting steatite; from the Olney quarry (4 ac-
tal\\siZe)) 25-2 hs sssisce soca asmielo oan sc semaseaeawios acne sea etnees, 129
26. Implement used in cutting steatite; from Sandyspring quarry
(Gractuallsize) sere sae ne reer oe acre eee nee nee 130
27. Gouge-like implement grooved for hafting (} actual size) -.-- ..-- 131
28. Map showing distribution of rejects of manufacture .--...------- 138
29. Map showing distribution of implements --..---.....---.-------- 139
29a. Cross section illustrating successive removal of tlakes from
bowlders!=-2--- sso seoceeeeceeececss toss qonooasiceaso conces 152
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BUREAU OF ETHNO
FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT FRONTISPIECE
GROUP IN PLASTER ILLUSTRATING THE WORK CARRIED ON IN AN ABORIGINAL QUARRY WORKSHOP
Prepared by the author for the World's Columbian Expositi at Chic
W
STONE IMPLEMENTS OF THE POTOMAC-CHESA PEAKE
TIDEWATER PROVINCE
By WiLLiAM HENRY HOLMES
PREFATORY NOTES
I
The Indian tribes inhabiting the great province drained by the tide-
water tributaries of the Chesapeake were simple fishermen, hunters,
and warriors whose art aimed at little beyond the supply of passing
needs, and the district now furnishes almost nothing in the way of art
remains to attract the popular eye. Little has been preserved beyond
the simplest varieties of stone implements; but inconspicuous and ele-
mentary as these objects are, they have attracted much attention on
the part of archeologists, and are now eagerly studied because of their
bearing, not only on the history of the region and its people, but on
questions of general import in the history of primitive progress. The
explorations and studies recorded in the present paper were undertaken
for the purpose of determining, if possible, the precise status of these
remains, thus making them safely available to the historian of the race
whoseeks first of all asafe basis on which to found his structure. But
some special questions have arisen that for the time overshadow the
more general features of the investigation.
The earlier studies of the stone implements of the province developed
decided differences of opinion as to the significance of a peculiar class
of rudely flaked stones found in vast numbers about the head of tide-
water in James, Potomac, and Susquehanna valleys. The main ques-
tion at issue may be stated as follows: Do these rude objects form part
of the remains left by the peoples of the region known to us historie-
ally—the Algonquian tribes and their neighbors—as their associations
in a general way indicate; or do they belong to an earlier race of much
lower culture as suggested by the fact that somewhat analogous forms,
found in other parts of the world, characterize the art of very ancient
and primitive peoples?
The most extensive deposits of the rudely flaked stones are found
along the bluffs in and about the city of Washington. The careful
13
14 STONE IMPLEMENTS (RTH. ANN. 15
investigations so fully recorded in these pages have proved beyond
the shadow of a doubt that the great deposits are on the sites of work-
shops connected with extensive quarries where the raw material (Cre-
taceous bowlders) was obtained. It was further found that the widely
scattered specimens of the same class were on sites (village-sites or
otherwise) yielding less plentiful supplies of the available raw material
where manufacture had been conducted on a smaller scale. That the
vast body of the rudely flaked stones of the province are rejects of
manufacture was readily shown.
As a second step in the investigation it was deemed necessary to
determine the exact relations of these objects with the real implements
of the region, This was accomplished by first determining by most
careful studies of the rejectage of the great flaking shops just what
the product of the flaking operations was. This product, so far as
the progress of specialization of form on the shop sites indicates, was
found to be a leaf-shape blade. A third step in these explorations
was then undertaken for the purpose of determining the destiny of
these blades—where they were carried and how and by whom used.
Many specimens of identical form were found on Indian village-sites
in all parts of the surrounding region, and in several cases on sites of
historic Algonquian settlements, where they were intimately intermin-
gled with the midden refuse, pottery, and neolithic implements. it
was further discovered that a large percentage of the countless stone
implements—knives, spearheads, arrowpoints, ete—found in the broad
valley below, were of leaf-blade genesis; that before they received
their final shapes by trimming, stemming, and notching, they had
been blades, corresponding exactly with those produced in the multi-
tude of shops. The shops are, therefore, a necessary complement of
the implements of the region and the implements are a necessary com-
plement of the shops. The shops, great and small, are thus definitely
connected with the great body of implements of the region, and these
implements are directly connected with the dwelling sites of the his-
toric peoples. The practical unity of the stone art of the region is in
this way fully established, no type of implement or shaped stone not
being fully accounted for by the well-established facts and necessary
conditions of recent Indian occupancy.
That these demonstrations should be complete and satisfactory,
studies were made of quarries of other materials in the neighboring
highland, where the conditions proved to be the same in every respect.
Similar leaf-shape blades were made and carried out to the surrounding
valleys where they and the implements specialized from them are found
closely associated with the more local art products.
That the subject should be further rounded out and completed, all
known classes of implements have been studied and relegated to their
proper categories, and the history of their manufacture and the classes
of rejectage pertaining to them have been determined. In all this work
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. 1
DELAWAR
13
Porta ine
ee
SZ en /
WELDON Ry &
MAP OF THE POTOMAC-CHESAPEAKE TIDEWATER PROVINCE
Extending from the heavy broken line (the fall line) on the west to the dotted line on the east
HOLMES] PALEOLITHIC MAN 116
there has not been found a single feature of the art remains or indus-
trial phenomena of the region suggesting the presence of other than
the known peoples.
The full series of Ulustrations presented in this paper will enable the
student to make comparisons and arrive at his own conclusions. Great
care has been taken to arrange these illustrations so that they will tell
the story clearly and fully.
It is fortunate for those who may wish to verify or question the
results reached in this study that the full range of phenomena is still
well within their reach, and need only to be properly consulted to
reveal the whole truth.
‘It is not attempted in the present paper to apply the results reached
to the settlement of controversies arising elsewhere. The same is true
of the preliminary paper published while the investigations were under
way. Contrary to statements repeatedly made by writers on the sub-
ject, the question of the existence of a paleolithic period in Europe is
not believed by me to be in any way involved. The verity of the deter-
minations of Boucher de Perthes and his followers has never been ques-
tioned, and it is held that, where average conditions prevail, the paleo-
lithie step, as usually defined,is the reasonable and natural first step in
human progress. The proper settlement of local questions, and especi-
ally the question whether local evidence points toward a paleolithie or
other early man in Potomac valley, is all that is directly sought.
The student, however, should not lose sight of the fact that the
history of flaked stone implements, as developed by these studies, is
their history everywhere, and that the lessons to be learned are of
primary importance to the science of archeology. The chief lessons
are those of the need of a full and proper discrimination of all the
varied phenomena connected with the making, the using, and the dis-
tribution of the implements, and the impartial application of these
phenomena to the elucidation of the history of culture and race.
II
It must be regarded as a striking circumstance that a large part
of the varied phenomena considered in this paper are assembled
within 2 or 3 miles of the capitol of the nation, much of it being within
the capital city or within the area over which the city streets are now
laid out. The greatest aboriginal bowlder quarry known, and the most
important implement shops yet observed on the Atlantic slope, are
located on Fourteenth street 24 miles from the President’s house. One
of the most interesting native soapstone quarries in the great series
extending along the eastern base of the highland from Massachusetts
to Georgia is on Connecticut avenue extended, barely beyond the, city
limits; and the most important ancient village-site in the whole tide-
water province is situated on Anacostia river within the city and
little nore than a mile from the capitol. Partly within the city limits
16 STONE IMPLEMENTS [ETH, ANN. 15
and extending up the Potomac to Little falls, we have a great native
fishing ground surrounded by a multitude of inhabited sites from which
our collectors have filled their cabinets with curious objects of art.
The spot now the political center of the nation was thus in prehistoric
times a chief resort of the native peoples of the region.
It may not then be too much to expect that the glimpses of aborigi-
nal life afforded by this study will prove of interest to the student of
history, and the numerous phases of suburban scenery presented in the
photographie views will doubtless be appreciated by future generations
of Washingtonians.
III
Until recently it was hardly suspected that the Potomac-Chesapeake
province was so rich in ancient remains. The arts and industries of the
historic aborigines were extremely simple, and no striking monuments
or remains of any kind are found to tell of vanished peoples. Careful
exploration has, however, developed evidences of an intelligence and
enterprise hardly to be expected of tribes of indolent savages. The
use of stone by the prehistoric aborigines was limited to the manufac-
ture of implements and utensils, but their knowledge of the mineral
resources of the region was so extensive that no deposit of bowlders,
no ledge of flakable stone, no deposit of available stone of any kind,
seems to have escaped their attention. Quarrying and manufacture
were extensive, and the distribution of the product extended in several
cases for a hundred miles or more beyond the source of supply.
The historic tribes of the region were mainly of the Algonquian lin-
guistic stock, the stock of Powhatan and King Philip, and this notable
people may be connected by means of the art remains of their numer-
ous village-sites with the great body of ancient inhabitants whose
domain extended from South Carolina to Nova Scotia. There are
some traces of departure from ordinary Algonquian types of art, but
these are not decided enough to warrant the assumption that other
peoples of independent culture were directly concerned. The culture
status indicated by the remains here brought to the attention of
students is precisely that of the historic inhabitants encountered by
John Smith.
IV
The explorations embodied in this paper began in 1889 and con-
tinued with much interruption until 1894. It is evident from this that
the field has been but imperfectly covered, for the tidewater Chesa-
peake country comprises upward of 20,000 square miles of territory,
nearly every mile of which abounds in important traces of ancient
aboriginal occupancy. To visit all and examine all would require a
good part of a lifetime. Realizing this, the method was adopted of
passing rapidly over the various sections and selecting a few typical
examples of each class of sites or groups of phenomena for minute
examination. The detailed studies made of these sites serve in a great
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HOLMES] ACKNOWLEDGMENTS LA,
measure to illustrate the whole subject, and though imperfect in many
ways, form nuclei about which additional details can be assembled as
they are acquired.
Vv
There are many students of the aboriginal history of the Potomac-
Chesapeake province to whom I am indebted for assistance and who
should be mentioned in connection with the archeologie study of the
region. Prominent among the collectors who have gathered and pre-
served the fast disappearing relics are Mr J. D. McGuire, of Hllicott,
Maryland. The collection of this gentleman, now installed in his
charming home in Ellicott, represents a large part of the province, and
includes notable series of objects from the soapstone quarries and from
the village-sites and shell banks of the Potomae and Chesapeake. Mr
McGuire’s writings include an important paper on the quarrying of
soapstone as indicated by surface phenomena, and various other arti-
cles in which more or less specific references are made to the general
archeology of the province.
Among the numerous collections of Potomac river material that of
Mr W. Hallett Phillips, of Washington, takes first rank. It affords
the student more satisfactory opportunities for study than any other
collection, as the various sites were systematically visited and the
specimens properly cared for and labeled. Many of the illustrations
presented in this paper are from his well-stocked cabinets.
Mr Elmer kh. Reynolds has for many years been an enthusiastic col-
lector of local relics, and his various accumulations have largely gone
to supply the museums of Europe. He has written valuable papers
on the Potomac shell deposits and the soapstone quarries of the District
of Columbia.
The historian of the Potomac valley is also deeply indebted to the
efforts of Mr 8. V. Proudfit, of Falls Church, Virginia, whose extensive
collections, consisting of many thousands of specimens, were gener-
ously donated to the National Museum. Mr Proudfit’s paper on local
archeology is among the most important issued up to the beginning of
systematic work by the Bureau of Ethnology.
Few students of the region have contributed more largeiy and sue-
cessfully to the exposition of our local antiquities than Mr Louis A.
Kengla, formerly of West Washington, whose collections are preserved
by the Georgetown University and whose valuable pamphlet on the
archeology of the District was published as a Toner prize essay by
that institution.
Another collector, later in the field than the others yet hardly less
persistent and successful, is Mr Thomas Dowling, junior, whose aid I
have sought on various occasions. Many specimens from his collee-
tions appear in the illustrations of this paper.
Mr William Hunter, of Fairfax county, Virginia, made extensive
collections along the banks of the Potomac in the Mount Vernon region,
15 ETH 2
18 STONE IMPLEMENTS [ETH. ANN. 15
and on the opposite side of the river Mr O. N. Bryan gathered many
things of value, both series of objects having found a resting place in
the National Museum. Mr John Bury made a valuable collection from
the Anacostia village-sites, which was acquired recently by the Bureau
of Ethnology.
Baltimore has contributed her share to the work of preserving his-
toric materials through her well-known citizen Colonel W. H. Love,
whose large collections of specimens and extensive knowledge of sites
have been of much service in the preparation of the present memoir.
Among the many others who have taken an active part in the work of
collecting are Mr J. C. Lang, of Washington, Mr C. M. Wallace, of
Richmond, Mr M. H. Valentine, of Richmond, Mr H. M. Murray, of
West River, Maryland, and Prof. Thomas Wilson, of Washington.
There are still others to whom acknowledgments must be made.
To Mr Frank Hamilton Cushing, who a few years ago made a careful
study of the Amelia county, Virginia, soapstone quarry; to Mr F. W.
Von Dachenhausen, whose collections from the vicinity of Washington
have been drawn upon for illustration, and to Mr De Lancey W. Gill,
of the Geological Survey, who has been closely associated with me in
the work of collecting and elaborating, I am greatly indebted.
I wish especially to acknowledge the assistance given by Mr William
Dinwiddie, who has been almost constantly associated with me in field
work and in the office, and who was intrusted with much of the labori-
ous task of quarry excavation; by Mr Gerard Fowke, who conducted
the exploration of the Piedmont regions of Virginia and Maryland;
and by Major J. W. Powell and Mr W J McGee, to whom I am greatly
indebted for encouragement, sympathy, and support at all times and in
all places.
The artists whose work adds so much to the effectiveness and scien-
tific value of this publication are Miss Mary M. Mitchell, Mr H. C.
Hunter, and Miss Frances Weser. The landscape photographs are
largely the work of Mr Dinwiddie, and the series of plates of flaked
stones are from the studio of Mr T. W. Smillie, of the National Museum.
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. III
QUARRY-SHOP REFUSE EXPOSED IN THE BANK OF THE RIVULET
The gneiss appears in the bed of the stream beneath the left foot of the figure
Yyoues} ysily 84} Jo Buiuuideq ayy eyeo!puy 0} paced si aindiy ayy jo puey ye) S41
BdO1S AYYVND SHL 3JO LOOS SHL LY LAINAIY AHL dM HLYON SNIXOOT Ma3lIA
Al Td L4Od3Y IWANNY HLN33L4I4 ADOTONHL3 30 NVauNs
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTORY
THE FIELD OF INVESTIGATION
Previous to the year 1889 littie archeologic work was done by the
Bureau of Ethnology in the Atlantic coastal region, save, perhaps, in
North Carolina, where a number of mounds had been opened under
the direction of Dr Cyrus Thomas. A vast, though not an especially
attractive field, extending from New Jersey through Delaware, Mary-
land, Virginia, the Carolinas, Georgia, and Florida, had never received
careful or systematic attention. In 1890 the Director of the Bureau
decided to begin the survey of this zone, and the first work undertaken
was an examination of the tidewater Potomac. Work was begun in
the District of Columbia; and with Washington as the initial point,
exploration was carried westward into the Piedmont region and east-
ward and southward to the Atlantic coast.
The great artificial shell fields scattered along the brackish and salt
water shore-lines appeared to be the leading feature of interest, and
toward these attention was at first directed; but another and some-
what distinct field of investigation soon sprang into prominence.
Within the decade ending with 1890 much interest had arisen in regard
to the significance of certain rudely flaked stones found in great num-
bers in the region about Washington. These objects were thought to
be of archaic type, and consequently to have an important bearing on
two questions of great interest to archeologists, the first relating to
the development of art in its early stages, and the second to the nature
of the beginnings of man’s prewritten history in this country.
A preliminary examination of the subject made it apparent that a
solution of the problems thus suggested could be obtained only by a
systematic study of the origin, manufacture, distribution, and geologic
relations of the articles in question. It was decided to take up this
study, and thus the field of investigation was greatly enlarged. The
period required for exploration was lengthened indefinitely, and it
became necessary to complete certain sections of the work for publica-
tion before the whole field could be covered. Division of the subject-
matter of investigation into at least two parts was found to be easy
and convenient. The main problems of the stone implements sepa-
rated themselves readily from the history of the peoples and the ordi-
nary traces of their prehistoric and historic presence.
19
20 STONE IMPLEMENTS (ETH. ANN. 15
It appeared also that there were convenient geographic subdivisions
of the subject, and that in one case at least the geographic unit cor-
responds very closely with a well-marked ethnologic unit, and strangely
enough also with an important unit of colonial history. The great
Potomac-Chesapeake province, with its system of tidewater inlets, con-
stitutes a natural subdivision of the coastal zone. Formerly the Sus-
quehanna flowed southward through a restricted valley, entering the sea
outside of capes Henry and Charles. By subsequent depression of the
land this valley and its tributaries were submerged, and the floods rose
until the tide reached Richmond on the James, Washington on the
Potomac, and Havre de Grace in the main valley, and one-third of the
land became sea, the tortuous shore line following the contours of the
hills and valleys in and ont in a marvelous maze. Tens of thousands
of square miles of upland were transformed more or less completely
into a maritime province, and this became the seat of a native confeder-
acy, ruled over by the renowned Powhatan at the period of colonization.
This district was thus a native ethnologic unit—a unit in race and eul-
ture—and the circumstances of colonization made it a unit in the history
of civilization: it is the territory explored, conquered, and mapped by
the intrepid John Smith; it is therefore a unit of exploration, conquest,
and cartography.
It further appears, from what has been learned of the past of the
region, that the historic peoples and conditions pass back without break
into the prehistoric era, no traces of distinct occupation or culture
phenomena having been found. Archeology but. supplements history,
and the archeologist works to great advantage in a unique and charm-
ing field illumined by the graphic records of the Roanoke, the James-
town, and the Saint Mary colonies.
In treating the history of this provinee, it would seem the natural
order to present, first, the historical phases of aboriginal occupancy,
passing afterward back into the archeologie field; but this order proves
inconvenient (as just indicated), and special studies of certain phases
of art must receive first attention. The present paper is therefore
devoted to examination of the derivation, manufacture, nature, and
place in time and culture of the stone implements of the tidewater
province—the province of John Smith. This will be followed by other
studies, or by a single paper, on the aboriginal history and general
archeology of the same area.
The Chesapeake tidewater province lies to the eastward of the heavy
dotted line on the map presented in plate 1. This is the fall line, where
the streams descend from the Piedmont plateau to the tidewater lowland.
THE ART REMAINS STUDIED
The art remains of a vanished people available for the archeologist
comprise all material forms shaped or in any way modified by their
hands, whether from design or from the incidents of use. There are
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. V
VIEW FROM THE BED OF THE RIVULET, SHOWING EXPLOITATION PITS
The first figure is at the beginning of the trench, and the third figure 1s at about the fortieth foot
BuiAuenb jo povad ay} souls saos0} jeinyeu Aq padueieal sjeuoyey) ',9 !s}id jo sees} Suimoys ‘asnyes doys jo s}isodag ‘0 !sjaneid adojs jeioippeesg '19 | speq sap|Mog (d10z0sayy) DeWO}OY 'G !s}sIyDs BOI) 'D
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TA Td 480d34 IWANNY HLN331314 ASOIONH13 30 NvauNE
HOLMES] MATERIALS UTILIZED IN THE ART Dill
(1) fixed works, consisting of structures—mortuary, defensive or other-
wise—d welling sites, stone hearths, pits, cemeteries, quarries, implement
shops, and refuse deposits. There are (2) portable works, including
implements, utensils, weapons, and articles of dress, ceremony, and
diversion. The subject chosen for this paper, the stone implements,
includes but a small section of this great field, but nevertheless a most
important one. It will be necessary to deal not only with the things
themselves which belong to the second group mentioned, but with their
origin and manufacture, leading thus to an investigation of the quar-
ries and workshops, which are fixed remains, and to a study of the
industries arising from their operation.
The materials used by a great group of tribes like that occupying
the tidewater country in colonial and precolonial times were numerous,
and the forms given them in art were naturally extremely varied, but
the visible remains today are confined to a few materials, and conse-
quently to a limited number of forms. The consideration of these
tangible evidences is of the utmost importance to archeology, and their
study leads naturally to inquiries into the various arts and industries
concerned in their production. Besides this, much may be learned and
much more may be surmised with respect to arts and industries of
which no material traces remain, and correct inferences may be drawn
regarding the customs, habits, and culture of the peoples.
The materials utilized in art were sought and obtained at much
expense of time and labor, and the industries to which this search
gave rise were no doubt of great moment to the people, although little
attention has been paid to the subject by students. Clay was used for
pottery, and ocher was obtained for paint. Vegetal and animal sub-
stances also were sought and fully utilized. Stone was most exten-
sively used by the primitive inhabitants of the tidewater region, and
on account of its durability it is by far the most important material
with which we have to deal in the prehistoric study. We can but con-
jecture as to the beginnings and progress of this search. When men
first appeared they found vast supplies of water-worn stones suited to
immediate use scattered over the country. These, however, did not
serve for all classes of needs, and the energetic savages penetrated
the hills, laid bare the rocky deposits, and little by little acquired a
mastery of the geologic resources of the province.
CHARACTER OF THE STONE IMPLEMENTS
MATERIALS AND THEIR DISTRIBUTION
Stone exists in many varieties, forms, and conditions, which differ
greatly in the various sections of the country, thus giving much diver-
sity to the manner of its utilization and to the forms employed in art,
and many local peculiarities of art phenomena have arisen. Moreover,
the tribes of this region were not fully sedentary and the materials
22 STONE IMPLEMENTS (ETH. ANN. 15
acquired in one section were carried into another, giving rise to much
variety in the materials employed by a single people or assembled in a
given place. This complexity was also increased to some extent by
trade, and no doubt by the undertaking of long journeys for the
purpose of securing desired materials. Transportation was confined
mainly to the smaller and more laboriously finished articles of use.
Unshaped raw materials were not extensively transported, and the
large body of the heavier tools and utensils made where material was
plentiful were deserted when the locality was abandoned.
The peculiarities of the materials procurable in the tidewater region
are very marked. The geologic formations found within this area
include only limited portions of the crystalline or older sedimentary
rocks, but are derived from them by erosive forces and consist of
fragmental deposits, such as sands, clays, gravels, and beds of bowl-
ders. The great rivers of Mesozoic and Cenozoic times swept down
from the highlands, bearing fragments of all varieties of rocks and
depositing them in beds along the margin of the sea. These trans-
ported fragments were, when first taken up by the water, sharp and
rugged, but by constant rolling they were reduced to rounded forms,
and ineluded all sizes from grains of sand and minute pebbles to bowl-
ders and even to great masses. All classes of rocks were thus seized
by the floods and carried seaward; but all varieties did not reach the
sea, Save perhaps as sand or clay. The softer rocks were reduced to
powder before the journey was fairly begun; brittle and much-flawed
varieties, and all friable shales and slates, separated into minute frag-
ments and formed beds of sand and gravel; the tough, hard, homo-
geneous pieces were rolled and rounded and carried ever onward,
refusing to break or to be reduced to dust, and finally rested along the
seashore and more especially about the mouths of the great rivers.
The primitive inhabitants of the crystalline highland had to make
use of massive forms of rock or of rude angular or slightly water-worn
fragments, and the reduction of these to available sizes and forms was
a difficult work. But the inhabitants of the lowlands were born to
more fortunate conditions. The agents of nature—the floods—had
with more than human intelligence and power selected the choice bits
of rock, the tough quartzite, the flinty quartz, the tough and brittle
lavas, the indurated slates, the polished jasper, and the beautiful flints,
from all the cliffs and gorges of the mountains, and had reduced them
to convenient sizes and shapes, and had laid them down in the beds of
the shallow estuaries, where through the subsequent rising of the land
and the cutting of valleys they were found at the door of the tidewater
lodge, ready or almost ready for immediate use in the arts. Each river
coming froma different section of the highland secured and transported
the varieties of rock most prevalent in its drainage basin, so that the
erveat tidewater region is divided into mineralogic areas corresponding
somewhat to those of the mountain valleys supplying the material.
PL. Vil
FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
o;
(
0
iny’sy
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Yoo
SECTION OF ANCIENT PIT FILLED WITH QUARRY-SHOP REFUSE FROM ABOVE
The rectangle elaborated in the lower figure indicates approximately the area included in the photograph reproduced in plate VIII
HOLMES] ART INFLUENCED BY MATERIALS 23
It will readily be seen that these conditions of mineral resources
must have had a marked effect on the art of the region, and thus on
the culture of the natives inhabiting it. One drainage area supplies
quartz mainly, and the art is quartz art; another supplies quartzite,
and the art is quartzite art, and soon. All of these and other condi-
tions will be considered in the discussion of the distribution of the
remains of the region, to which subject a subsequent chapter is devoted.
All kinds and conditions of rock in both lowland and highland were
exposed to some extent on the surface of the ground and were thus
readily obtained, but the more desirable varieties occur in the main
beneath the surface, and when the demand for them was great they
had to be sought and quarried, thus giving rise to one of the most
important of primitive industries.
QUARRYING
Quarrying begins with the removal of a fragment or mass of mate-
rial partially buried in the ground. It is but a step further to the
uncovering and removal of portions wholly buried, and only another
step to quarrying on a large scale. The methods and extent of the
quarrying necessarily differed with the peoples and their circumstances,
with the nature of the material, and with the conditions under which
it existed.
Of the details of quarrying operations our knowledge is yet imper-
fect, though much has been learned in certain directions; and of the
tools used in quarrying, aside from those made of stone and left on the
sites, no definite information has as yet been obtained. It is quite
likely that implements of wood, buckhorn, and bone were used as in
foreign stone-age quarries, but traces of these have wholly disappeared
from the sites thus far examined. Fire may have been used in some
localities as an agent in fracturing masses of stone, but the tidewater
region furnished little material, save perhaps quartz, suitable for
manipulation by this means. Massive forms of rock are found west of
the fall-line or western border of the tidewater country. Flint, jasper,
and rhyolite were quarried far back in the highland, and vein quartz
was found, and, no doubt, to some extent quarried, in a multitude of
places over the whole Piedmont region, and down to avd even below
the margin of the tidewater area. Steatite or soapstone is a tough,
massive rock interbedded with gneissic formations, and rarely occurs
in detached masses. In the beginning of its use it was secured where
exposed on the surface by prying off small masses. When its compact-
hess made this impracticable it was removed by cutting out roundish
masses with stone picks. The lumps thus secured were ready for the
sculptor’s chisel. In time quarrying developed and was extensively
carried on in many parts of Virginia and Maryland beyond the tide-
water border.
In the tidewater province proper, quartzite occurs in the shape of
bowlders or cobbles only, which, mainly during the Potomac and
24 STONE IMPLEMENTS (HTH. ANN. 15
Lafayette periods, were derived by erosive forces as fragments from
heavy strata in the mountainous region to the northwest. Heavy
deposits of these stones accumulated about the mouths of the rivers;
by subsequent erosion they were exposed to view in many places and
most advantageously for human use in the steeper bluffs that border
the streams. Countless numbers, loosened from the well-compacted
beds by erosion, descended to the lower slopes and into the streams to
be again deposited at lower levels. The surface or float cobbles were
extensively used, but the aborigines came to need more than could
thus be obtained, and resorted to digging them from their places in
the bluffs. The implement makers seem to have found that the freshly
removed stones were more easily worked than surface finds, and quar-
rying, thus encouraged, was carried, in at least two places, over acres
of ground. The bowlders were not always easily loosened and removed,
as the rounded stones were held together by a matrix of sand and clay
which had assumed almost the consistency of a sandstone; but the
miners did not always penetrate the formation from above or even
directly from the face of the outcrop. It happened that in many cases
the bowlder beds rested on a surface of disintegrated gneiss exposed in
bluff slopes, and by removing the upper surface of this with such pikes
as were at hand the bowlders were undermined and easily knocked
down. So far as observed, the bowlder deposits containing workable
stone in any considerable quantity rest on the gneissic surfaces where
they were laid down by the waters of the ancient sea.
Quartz, which was more generally if not more extensively used than
any other material, is found in two forms. It occurs in countless veins
which penetrate the gneissic rocks over a large district west of the
fall-line. Being much less destructible than the gneisses, it weathers
out in dike-like ridges and breaks up into blocks and angular pieces
which spread over the ground in vast numbers. Choice varieties of
this vein rock were, without doubt, quarried to some extent, but it
was so plentiful on the surface that quarrying was not generally neces-
sary. Carried down by the streams of all periods, it occurs plentifully
as pebbles and bowlders in all formations in the tidewater region, and
was Selected or quarried along with the quartzite.
Jasper, flint, rhyolite, and other varieties of stone were rather rare
within the tidewater districts, occurring sparingly as pebbles, small
bowlders, and worn fragments in gravel deposits and in the beds of
rivers. They were procured, however, by the tidewater tribes from
masses in place in the uplands and mountains, the quarries being
guile extensive, as will be shown subsequently.
MANUFACTURE
INITIAL STAGES
Having secured the raw materials from the surface or by quarrying,
the next step was either to utilize them unchanged or to shape them
for use. Sharp-edged and pointed stones were used for cutting,
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. VIII
= Mie = ™4
“Qe =
CHARACTER OF QUARRY-SHOP REFUSE AT THE FORTYFOURTH FOOT
The bowlders have nearly all been broken and many pieces are part!y shaped
HOLMES] STAGES OF MANUFACTURE 25
digging, etc, and rounded cobbles from the river or from gravel beds
were well suited for striking, pounding, grinding, etc, but with these
unmodified forms we have little to do, as it is not easy to say that any
given specimen was used at all unless it bears decided marks of use;
and decided marks of use may be regarded as giving the object an
artificial form, as in the case of the improvised mortars, mullers, and
hammerstones so common in the Chesapeake-Potomac region.
SHAPING PROCESSES
The shaping processes by means of which stone was made to assume
artificial forms adapted to human needs are varied and ingenious and
their mastery is of the greatest importance to all primitive peoples.
These. processes are distinguished by such terms as breaking, flaking,
cutting, drilling, scraping, pecking, grinding, and polishing. All are
purely mechanical; none are chemical, save a possible use of fire to
induce changes in the rock in some parts of the quarry work. <A wide
range of manual operations is represented, and these may be conven-
iently arranged in four groups: 1, fracturing, represented by the terms
breaking, flaking, and chipping; 2, incising, including cutting, pick-
ing, and scraping; 3, battering, including such acts as bruising, pecking,
and hammering; 4, abrading, as in rubbing, drilling, boring, sawing,
and polishing. Theseacts are employed according to the nature of the
stone or the results desired; as, for example, fracture is employed where
the stone to be shaped is brittle, like flint, jasper, or quartz; incision is
employed where the stone is relatively soft, such as soapstone, serpen-
tine, and the like; battering is applied to tough materials, capable of
resisting the shocks of percussion, like granitic rocks and many of
the eruptives. Nearly all varieties are capable of being shaped by
grinding and rubbing.
The processes employed in a given case were determined by the
nature of the material, by the intelligence and skill of the workman,
by the character of the object designed, and by a number of minor con-
siderations. Ninety percent of the stone implements produced in the
tidewater country were shaped by the fracturing processes. For con-
venience of treatment, I shall present the implements in groups deter-
mined by the processes mainly employed in their production as follows:
1, fractured or flaked implements; 2, battered or pecked implements,
and, 3, incised or cut implements. Abrading processes were mainly
auxiliary to the others and will not be presented at length.
Fracturing or flaking—The art of flaking stone was very extensively
practiced in the tidewater region, and ample opportunity is furnished
for observing the work in all its phases. The first step in the process,
where masses were dealt with, consisted in breaking the material by
heavy blows into somewhat approximate shapes and sizes; the second
step was roughing out by free-hand percussion the blank forms of the
various classes of tool desired; the third step was the specialization of
forms by direct or indirect percussion, or by pressure. As to the order
26 STONE IMPLEMENTS [ETH, ANN. 15
and the manner of conducting these steps, many observations have been
made. The finished objects were often produced at once by carrying
the work without interruption through all the stages of progress. This
was true of sporadic work, where materials were scattered or where
the implement was needed at once; but where materials were plentiful
and demands not pressing, the workshops became factories and there
was an opportunity for, and no doubt a tendency toward, specialization
of labor. It was more convenient and profitable for certain individuals
to give exclusive attention to the separate steps—first, to quarrying,
breaking up the material and selecting pieces in large numbers; sec-
ond, to roughing-out the blank forms in numbers; and, third, to the
work of trimming, specializing, and finishing. These three well-defined
steps gave rise to separate industries, carried on by the same individ
uals at different times or places or by distinct groups of experts at
convenient times and places. It would seem that the first and second
steps, whether performed by one or by two groups of workmen, were
generally accomplished on the spot yielding the raw material; it would
be unprofitable to transport masses of material of which nine-tenths
would finally have to be consigned to the refuse heap. The blank
forms of the articles to be shaped, worked out so far as thoroughly to
test the material and its capacity for specialization, were removed from
the source of supply to be finished when convenient or when need
demanded.
Where disseminated materials were utilized, and especially in cases
of immediate need, all the steps were frequently taken and the perfect
implement produced at once; but it is observed that in many cases
where the material was sparsely scattered as bowlders or nodules over
the face of the country, the work of collection and blocking out was
first attended to and the hoards of blanks thus produced were trans-
ported and stored, subject to final distribution for specialization or use,
Details of these steps in the art of flaking and the variations in
process, resulting from differences in material and in articles designed,
will, so far as possible, be given in connection with the investigation
of the sites affording the observations.
As has been indicated, flaking was employed almost exclusively in
the production of projectile points, knives, scrapers, perforators (or
drills), hand axes or choppers, notched axes. hoes, and picks; it served
to aid in roughing out the forms of various articles finished by peck-
ing and grinding; these are mortars, pestles or mullers, axes, celts,
chisels, pipes, ornaments, and diversional and ceremonial objects.
Battering or pecking processes—The acts employed in this class of
operations were generally percussive, the impact resulting in a bruis-
ing and crumbling of minute portions of the surface of the stone. The
hammer used was hard and tough, and the stone shaped was suffi-
ciently tough practically to preclude fracture by the ordinary blow.
No specialized tool was necessary, though such came to be made, the
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. IX
FACE OF THE TRENCH AT THE SEVENTYSEVENTH FOOT, SHOWING POCKETS OF
ARTIFICIAL REFUSE
x Id
480d34¥ IWONNY HIN331314
ASOTONHI3 JO
nvayune
HOLMES) PROCESSES OF SHAPING 27
result being reached by striking one stone against another of proper
relative durability. The several acts are known as battering, bruising,
and pecking, the latter term being in common use for the act by which
shaping was mostly accomplished. Materials suitable for shaping by
this process are plentiful and widely distributed. They occur in the
tidewater country wherever flakable stones abound, but the most favor-
able localities, so far as observed, are along the river banks about the
head of tidewater. Village-sites located on the lower terraces about
Washington and Georgetown furnish many specimens illustrating fail-
ures in all stages of the shaping of celts, grooved axes, pestles, and
ceremonial articles from bowlders of diorite and various of the denser
varieties of crystalline metamorphic rocks. An examination of certain
inhabited sites farther up the river, and in various parts of the high-
land, develops the fact that extensive work of this class was carried
on, and it is probable that a large part of the lowland supply of
pecked tools was derived from these distant sources. Such a site and
its products are described in detail further on. There is no evidence
that the stone used was obtained by quarrying. The ordinary practice
seems to have been to select water-worn stones of suitable texture that
already approximated the form desired. Battering processes, and the
tools produced by them, are presented systematically in a subsequent
section.
Abrading processes—Shaping by abrasion in its most elemental form
consists in rubbing one object against another with such force as to
remove minute particles from one or both. The operations are gener-
ally expressed by such terms as grinding, sawing, boring, rubbing, and
polishing. All stones are abradable, and all hard stones can be made
to serve in the active operations of abrading. These processes were
usnally supplementary to those of flaking or battering, and were
suited especially to sharpening edges and points already approximate
in shape, and to giving smooth finish to surfaces. Their employment
was very general but not confined to particular localities to such an
extent as to leave extensive evidences of the work done. Stones modi-
fied in shape and surface characters from use in grinding and polishing
are found on many sites in the tidewater country. The products of
this group of processes are properly treated for the most part in con-
nection with those of pecking.
Incising processes—This important class of operations shape mate-
rials by cutting, piercing, scraping, ete. They imply the use of a hard
edged or pointed tool, and a substance to be shaped of somewhat less
hardness. The presence of steatite in large bodies and often in
exposed situations along the western border of the tidewater country
from the Susquehanna to the Savannah led to the extensive utilization
of cutting processes by the later aboriginal inhabitants of the region.
Our extensive exploration of the quarry sites has given us a clear
comprehension of methods of procuring and shaping, and of the results
28 STONE IMPLEMENTS (ern. ANN. 15
achieved. Rudely shaped stone picks were employed in cutting out
the masses, and neatly flaked, pecked, and ground chisels of hard
stone served to rough out and trim the bowls and other articles. A.
subsequent section of the present memoir is devoted to this division of
the subject. ;
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XI
POCKET OF REFUSE DEPOSITS AT THE SEVENTYSEVENTH FOOT AND FROM FIVE TO NINE FEET BENEATH THE SURFACE
iy
CHAPTER IL
MANUFACTURE OF FLAKED STONE IMPLEMENTS
INTRODUCTORY STATEMENT
The discussion of flaked implements comprehends a study of all that
pertains to the procuring of flakable stone by means of search, collec-
tion, and quarrying, and of everything pertaining to the manufacture
of implements by fracture, as in breaking and in flaking or chipping
by percussion or pressure; it includes also a classification and deserip-
tive presentation of the finished products and a reference to their
respective uses. In the final section the distribution of the raw mate-
rials is treated in connection with the study of the distribution of
implements.
It is most convenient in treating this complex subject to begin at
once with the study of the great industries of quarrying and manu-
facture, taking up the regions studied or the sites examined in approxi-
mately the order of their exploration.
Five materials were extensively used for flaking by the tidewater
peoples: quartzite, quartz, rhyolite, jasper, and flint. Several other
materials occur less abundantly, among which may be mentioned sand-
stone, limestone, slate, argillite, basic eruptive rocks, iron quartzite,
chalcedony, and quartz crystal. Quartzite and quartz were obtained
largely in the form of water-worn pebbles and cobbles from the frag-
mental deposits of the tidewater region. These materials in this form
are closely associated in distribution, and their examination will, in
the main, be taken up conjointly. The most extensive deposits of frag-
mental quartz and quartzite occur about the head of the tidewater
Potomac, and their most extensive utilization was confined to the,
vicinity of Washington. Surface deposits were worked wherever found
on the Potomac, James, and other rivers. Rhyolite, argillite, jasper,
and flint were obtained from quarries in the mountains, and to some
extent along the rivers in fragments, bowlders, and pebbles.
The great quarries about Washington will be described and dis-
cussed in detail. Most of them were opened in the littoral deposits
abounding in pebbles of quartz and quartzite; many others in veins
of steatite or soapstone. They may be taken as types of this class of
phenomena observed in and about the tidewater province as well as
over the whole Atlantic slope.
Of the exotic materials—rhyolite, jasper, argillite, flint, ete—rhyolite
is by far the most important, and the South mountain quarries of this
29
30 STONE IMPLEMENTS [erH. ANN. 15
stone may be taken as a type of the great class of quarries furnishing
rock from the mass.
QUARRY-WORKSHOPS OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA
HISTORY OF THE RESEARCH
From time to time during the decade ending with 1890, the attention
of archeologists was called to a class of rudely worked stones found
in great numbers in the vicinity of the city of Washington; all are
shaped exclusively by flaking, and are of forms so simple and rude
that the idea prevailed that they were very ancient, this idea being
strengthened by the assumption that they are somewhat closely related
in form to typical European paleolithic implements. The best-known
variety is the so-called ‘“‘turtleback,” a bowlder slightly flaked on one
side, giving somewhat regularly arranged conchoid facets suggesting
the plates of a turtle’s back; but more highly developed forms of vary-
ing stages of elaboration are almost equally numerous. The materials
are inainly quartzite and quartz, the former very largely predominating.
These objects are pretty generally scattered over the surface of the
country, and are found to some extent throughout the tidewater region,
being less numerous toward the sea. They occur in greatest abun-
dance, however, as shown by recent discoveries, along the steep faces
of the terraces bordering Washington city on the north and west. So
plentiful are these rude objects in certain of the suburbs that they are
brought in with every load of gravel from the creek beds, and the laborer
who sits by the wayside breaking stones for the streets passes them by
thousands beneath his hammer each year; the capital city is paved with
the art remains of a race who occupied its site in the shadowy past, and
whose identity has been a matter of much conjecture.
The first discussion of these objects within my memory occurred at
a neeting of the Anthropological Society of Washington in the winter
of 1878. A paper on the turtlebacks was read by Dr W. J. Hoffman,
in which their character and manner of occurrence, their age and prob-
able relations to the Abbott finds of New Jersey, were discussed, the
conelusion reached being that they were probably paleolithic, and that
they had, therefore, a purely adventitious association with the relies of
Indian art with which they were intermingled on various sites. Later
Mrs. V. Proudfit engaged in the collection and study of these forms,
and in 1888 published a short paper relating thereto in the journal
issued by the Anthropological Society, the American Anthropologist.
His views of their nature, so far as elaborated, were opposed to those
of Dr Hoffman, and have stood the test of later research.
Mr Thomas Wilson, on his return from a long sojourn in Europe in
1887, having been appointed curator of the department of prehistoric
archeology in the National Museum, took up the subject afresh, and
published a series of papers on the general subject of paleolithic man,
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XII
PORTION OF AN EXTENSIVE DEPOSIT OF SHOP REFUSE NEAR THE QUARRY FACE
FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. Xill
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
at oc
\
\i OQ”
FIV AUBNON VE
Bh
Ne
Shee eons eee Nae
SECTION SHOWING THE IRREGULAR QUARRY FACE, THE BOWLDER BEDS AT THE RIGHT AND A DEPOSIT OF SHOP REFUSE AT THE LEFT
HOLMES] RESEARCHES IN QUARRY-SHOPS 31
making reference to and giving numerous illustrations of these finds.
The view taken by Mr Wilson was that they are paleolithic; and as
such they were labeled, distributed, and published. His assignment
of these objects to this period of human progress was, I understand,
based entirely on their supposed analogies of form with the paleolithie
implements of Europe.
A somewhat elaborate discussion of the subject took place at a meet-
ing of the Anthropological Society of Washington, held in the month
of April, 1889. In the discussion of the archeology of the District of
Columbia, three papers, by W J McGee, Thomas Wilson, and S. VY.
Proudfit, respectively, bore directly on these rude objects. Up to this
time, however, no one had essayed to do more than study the surface
finds and phenomena, and consequently little was definitely known of
the true history and relationships of the objects in question.
My own investigation began in 1889, and the results of the first few
months’ work in the bluffs of Piny branch, in the northern suburbs of
the city, were published in the American Anthropologist for the year
1890. The work was resumed in the same place in the spring of 1590,
and during that year several other localities were examined. The only
sites extensively explored are one on Piny branch and another in the
vicinity of the new Naval Observatory, on the western side of Rock
creek.
Quite early in the progress of the investigations, which were carried
on by means of trenching the deposits yielding the objects, it became
apparent that the sites were ancient quarries, where the aborigines
had obtained the material and manufactured implements of quartzite
and quartz, and that the supposed implements were only the failures,
rejects, or wasters unavoidably produced in shaping brittle stone by
percussion, and having no significant relationship with archaic or paleo-
lithic art. The work had been very extensive, and consisted in quar-
rying the bowlders from the heavy beds of Potomac age and in roughing
out the implements to be made. On account of the dual nature of the
work carried on, I have called these sites quarry-workshops. The
important bearing of these investigations on a number of the problems
of archeologie science makes it advisable to present them in cousider-
able detail.
GEOLOGY OF THE LOCALITY
Asa preliminary step to a study of the evidence of human industry
on these sites, it is important that the geology of the vicinity be care-
fully reviewed. Fortunately this is an easy task, as the identification
and relationships of the various formations have been recently made
out thoroughly by Messrs McGee and Darton, of the Geological Survey.
It is found that the only clastic formations with which the quarry
phenomena are directly associated are Cretaceous, and we are there-
fore not called on to trouble ourselves about the significance of this
32 STONE IMPLEMENTS (ETH. ANN. 15
relationship, since the association is necessarily purely adventitious. It
is furtherascertained that the other sedimentary rocks of the surround-
ing region are all older than those with which the works of man are
known to be contemporaneously associated. The deposits with which
remains of human handiwork are directly associated are mainly talus
accumulations, the formation and modification of which have been
going on for a long period and are still in progress.
The broad plateau bordering the city on the north is eut by Rock
creek and Anacostia river and their tributaries. It is capped with
sedimentary formations which extend far eastward and southward,
covering the tidewater country; these are underlain by crystalline rocks,
gneisses, granites, schists, ete (figure 1), well exposed by the deep scor-,
ing of Rock ereek and its branches. On the western side of that
stream the latter rocks rise to and form the surface of the country.
The sedimentary rocks were laid down along the crystalline shore, which
Sloped gently eastward, in approximately horizontal strata, two forma-
tions in Mesozoic time and the Cretaceous period, known as the Potomac
9 x ‘
mM S 3
x 8 iS
oe ¥ 5 : k
iS
2 Ni & vy 3 wy
S g > % z Q
8 = x t = Re
x S = 5 N Py
2 SS s z 3 FS
Y 8 Ni = ae
- te
wry
Fig. 1—General section across Rock creek and Piny branch valleys, showing gneissic formations
and their relation to the overlying beds of Potomac gravels.
and Severn formations; two in the Eocene period, named in order of
deposition the Pamunkey and the Chesapeake; one in the Neocene
period, known as the Lafayette formation; and one in the Pleistocene,
named after the Federal District the Columbia formation.
The Potomac formation rests on the uneven surface of the gneissic
rocks exposed in Rock creek valley, and is composed to a great extent
of coarse sediment and fragmental rocks, brought down mainly by the
great streams that drained the highland. The lower members of this
formation are usually of very coarse materials, and in the Rock creek
region they consist largely of pebbles and bowlders of quartz and
quartzite, well rounded by water action. The Lafayette formation,
resting on the upper surface of the Potomac series in this region, is
not to any extent concerned in the present study, although in some
sections of the Potomac valley the heavy bowlder deposits included in
it were utilized by the aborigines.
Especially heavy accumulations of bowlders oceur along that por-
tion of the old shore-line bordering the exit of the ancient Potomac
— ee ee
+48)s u) ae suo} adeys-jea; 49/4) snoJaWnU pue eWWeY 84} Aq padeys 10 uayosq uaaq you aaey sadaid may
d330 1334 N3A3S 38N43Y dOHS 4O G38 VW NI ONIMOYD 33UL LNNISSHO VY 4O SLOOU
AIX Td 18Od3yH IVANNY H1IN33i315
ASOTONH13 =O Nvay"nE
HOLMES] DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA GEOLOGY 33
river from the highland and its entry into the sea, now the District of
Columbia; and as the streams draining this shore-line after its eleva-
tion from the sea cut down through the sedimentary formations, these
bowlders were exposed, and are now found outcropping in the sides of
the valleys at the base of the sedimentaries and resting on the gneisses.
Other beds of bowlders are found higher in this section, but none
happen to be so well suited to the use of the primitive implement maker
as those representing the work of the waves along the crystalline
beach. The surface of the gneisses was somewhat uneven, sloping
gently beneath the waves, and the bowlder beds laid down on this sur-
face are of uneven thickness and not of uniform character when fol-
lowed out horizontally, coarseness decreasing with distance from the
river channel. The aboriginal inhabitant, seeking for stone suitable
for his use, discovered these outcrops of bowlders along the bluffs of
the Potomae and its tributaries, and soon ascertained that the deposits
were heavier and the quality of the material better and more uniform
in Rock creek valley than in any other section. This discovery led in
time to subterranean search on the more favorable sites and finally to
extensive quarrying, the evidences of which are now brought to light.
Fic. 2—Section of the ravine, showing formations and position of quarries.
Owing to the friable nature of the bowlder beds and of the gravels
and sands overlying them, the terrace slopes bordering the streams
(save where erosion had recently been particularly active) offered no
good exposures of the bowlders in place, but were covered with depos-
its, often many feet in thickness, of gravelly talus derived from the
erunbling edges of the strata. The bowlders contained in this over-
placed deposit were the first to be utilized, and the work then extended
to the bowlder beds proper, and the refuse of the quarrying was added
to the creeping slope gravels or talus.
The section given in figure 2 shows the relation of the gneisses, the
bowlder beds, and the superficial deposits of sand and gravel outerop-
ping in the quarry ravine.
PINY BRANCH QUARRIES
LOCATION OF THE QUARRIES
In passing out of the city by way of Fourteenth street extended, the
bridge over Piny branch of Rock creek is reached at a point 14 miles
15 ETH——3
34 STONE IMPLEMENTS [erH. ANN. 15
beyond the present city boundary, Florida avenue. Here we are
already in the midst of the quarry-shop sites, and the rudely worked
stones may be picked up on all sides.
The quarries occur about half way up the wooded slopes north and
south of the branch, on both sides of Fourteenth street, but the refuse
has descended to the stream beds and is found everywhere in the over-
placed gravels of the lower levels. The most extensive evidences of
ancient working occur on the northern side of the stream west of the
road. Here the terrace is upward of 100 feet in height and its faces
extremely steep. The map presented in plate 11 serves to indicate the
distribution of quarries over an area of about half a mile square. The
bluffs at this point are capped with about 40 feet of the Potomae
formation, clays, sands, gravels, and bowlder beds, the Neocene deposits
of the Lafayette formation which forms the higher levels of the region
having disappeared from the outer promontories, or being but slightly
represented by obscure remnants. Beneath the Potomac beds the
gneisses are exposed (figures 1 and 2) and may be seen at several
N
==
SSS 4 z = =
ae i SEC Wy SRL = Sx, =
Os PSY NG e5a. le, “a PZ aw cS
GI OEE BS ot LZ SES
\ Zi I Vig / ~ Ms \ Ee Ae ASG Jy I Gin Ze Sess
aN (// ff S ‘ss >
AMIS I, YS SY7, Ky oS
= Se fF EE
VAT Srneer
Fic. 3—Panoramie view of Piny branch quarry sites, looking north. The irregular dotted line indi-
cates position of the quarries and the crosses mark the principal points of study,
points, especially about the bridge. They are more fully exposed
farther down toward Rock creek, into which the branch flows half a
mile below. The gneisses, as well as the Potomac beds resting on
them, disintegrate and crumble on and near the surface through the
action of various agencies, thus giving rather smooth though steep
slopes on which the forest maintains itself with much uniformity. The
surfaces are usually covered with a veneering of slope deposits com-
posed of the disintegrated rocks and of vegetal mold, and this over-
placed material abounds, up to the quarry level, in artificial débris. It
was at first thought that this association of the worked stones with
deposits of gravel might be of value as a means of determining the
age or period of occupancy, but examination developed the fact that
the gravel represented no definite period, its deposition extending
from the present back indefinitely into the past.
In figure 3 a generalized view of the Piny branch quarry sites is
depicted; it will give a comprehensive idea of the configuration of the
angi
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or
HOLMES] THE PINY BRANCH QUARRIES v0
locality. The view looks northward across the valley of the branch; a
dotted line half way up the slopes separates the sedimentary and erys-
talline rocks, and in connection with it the quarry sites are indicated
by dark figures. The sites examined by trenching are indicated by
small crosses.
OPERATIONS ON THE SITE
DISCOVERY AND RECONNOISSANCE
So far as known the first discovery of worked stones on the site
of our excavations at Piny branch was nade about 1880 by Mr De
Lancey W. Gill, of the United States Geological Survey, who was
engaged in sketching on the bank of the stream and by chatice ob-
served a flaked stone in the gravel at his feet. Subsequently Mr Gill
came upon a number of heaps of quarry-shop refuse in the second
ravine west of Fourteenth street, at the point selected in 1889 for our
trenching operations. :
In September, 1889, I visited Mr Thomas Blagden, owner of the prop-
erty, to obtain permission to work on the premises, and learned from
him that about the year 1878 a street contractor had been permitted to
collect material for paving from these bluffs, and that various piles of
refuse found by us on the surface were gathered together at that time,
a portion only of the material collected having been carried away. At
that time a narrow roadway was cut leading from the creek up the
little ravine to the site of our recent labors. Mr Blagden subsequentiy
informed me that while a boy, some twenty-five years ago, he had
observed the great quantities of bowlders at this point, and desiring
to know something of the reasons for their accumulation, had secured
help to dig a trench, which was abandoned, however, before the bed of
bowlder refuse was fully penetrated. I have no doubt that the evi-
dences of former excavation discovered at the fiftieth foot of our first
trench, and which caused us no little perplexity at first, is thus fully
accounted for.
In beginning the examination of this site the first step taken was a
careful examination of its topographic features with especial reference
to such eccentricities of contour as might be due to the agency of man.
Extensive working over of surface deposits, especially if the pitting
were deep, would leave inequalities of profile which, if not obliterated
or obscured by natural agencies, would be easily recognized as artificial.
Such inequalities were readily found; indeed, they are so well defined
in places that even the inexpert observer could not fail to detect them.
It was partly on account of peculiarities of profile that excavations
were undertaken at the spot selected, and the results have shown that
these surface indications were not deceptive.
Toward the upper end of the ravine the elevations and depressions
resulting from the ancient quarry work are more pronounced. Hither
the disturbances here are more recent than below or else the leveling
agencies of nature have been less active.
36 STONE IMPLEMENTS [#TH. ANN. 15
THE FIRST TRENCH
In selecting the position and course for a section through a series of
deposits so extensive, and of which so little was known as to depth
and mode and order of occurrence, there was considerable danger of
missing the most instructive and vital spot. It seemed clear, however,
that the section should cut the face of the slope from base to summit,
and if necessary extend across the level surface of the spur and con-
tinue down the opposite side. This would in all probability reyeal
the true character of the art-bearing deposits; their relations to the
geologic formations of the terrace, ancient and modern; the conditions
of original deposition, and the effects of natural causes acting for an
unknown period on distribution.
After looking over the ground carefully it was decided to go well up
the ravine and rather beyond the apparent middle of the heavier
deposits, so that other sections could be run if found necessary, or so
that other investigators following should find a large portion of the
area untouched. The sequel showed that a better selection could
hardly have been made, and the results are so satisfactory, so far as the
main points at issue in the investigation are concerned, as to make
unnecessary the cutting of other complete sections.
The point selected for the beginning of the section was in the bed of
the ravine, a few hundred feet from its junction with Piny branch, and
where a line could be drawn from base to summit of the hill without
serious embarrassment from the forest trees. This line crossed slightly
to the left of the center of a gentle convexity in the profile of the
lower half of the slope, thought to be due in a measure to deposits of
artificial nature.
After a preliminary surface exploitation of the section, made to
ascertain whether or not any considerable excavation would be neces-
sary, a line was stretched on the surface of the ground, and to this
numbered tags were fixed at intervals of one foot, to facilitate the accu-
rate recording of data. To further serve the same purpose, a section
of the hillside was drawn and divided into squares. For convenience
of reference, this section was divided transversely into parts of 10 feet
each. It was also arranged to make cross sections at intervals of 10
feet, representing the conditions exhibited in the front wall of the exca-
vation; these were to be divided into square feet for record. This plan
was substantially carried out, though modifications were made to suit
various exigencies of the case. Sections were made at frequent inter-
vals where increased interest demanded, all being scaled in the same
manner. At every available point photographs of the vertical expo-
sures were taken; and in connection with them detailed drawings were
made recording character of soil and formations and manner of occur-
rence of relics.
Before describing the excavation, the conditions existing within the
immediate channel of the rivulet at the base of the section may be
FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XVI
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
=
0
We
0" \
SECTION SHOWING THE QUARRY FACE EXPOSED BY THE FIFTH TRENCH
Bowlder bed undercut by ancient quarrymen at the right and shop-refuse deposit at the left
HOLMES] THE PINY BRANCH QUARRIES ail
sketched. The channel was about 6 feet deep and 10 feet wide at this
point; the section across it, including both banks, is shown in figure 4.
The slopes of the terrace rise from the steep banks of this inner chan-
nel at an angle of from 20 to 25 degrees through a vertical distance of
60 feet, giving a distance (measured on the slope) to the summit ot
about 160 feet on either side. This notch-like ravine is the result of a
long period of erosion, which possibly extends far back into early
Cenozoic or even Mesozoic time. It had much its present outline, and
no doubt a greater part of its present depth, before man made his
appearance in the region.
The area drained through this ravine is quite restricted, and, if
wholly wooded, the work of erosion would be extremely slow, the refuse
descending from the opposite sides so freely as to clog the channel,
save at the time of great freshets. The clearing of the fields at the
head of the basin has, in recent times, given some additional power to
the floods, and the channel is now not only quite clear, but bears evi-
(a)
a.
Q
PIVULET.
7
Fia. 4—Section across bed of rivulet at base of quarries.
dence of considerable recent deepening. The gneisses are exposed on
the bottom and in the sides of the channel at the point crossed by our
section, save where covered by the half-compacted art-bearing talus.
The latter deposit is in places as much as 8 or 10 feet deep, and con-
tains innumerable relics from the great shops along the slopes above on
the right and left. An excellent illustration of the appearance of the
art-bearing débris, from a photograph taken at a point about 30 feet
below the initial point of the section, is given in plate ur. Partially
shaped implements and broken fragments project from the bank in
great numbers. The exposure here is 8 feet in depth, but the deposits
do not extend far into the bank, forming only a veil over the irregular
surface of the gneiss. The latter is exposed beneath the left foot of
the standing figure and slopes back from the rivulet bed at a lower
angle than does the bank, as shown in the section, figure 4.
A general view of the ravine looking up from the beginning of the
section is given in plate Iv, and will serve to convey a clear impression
38 STONE IMPLEMENTS [ETH. ANN. 15
of the scenic characteristi¢s of this retired and charming spot soon to
be overwhelmed by the growing city. The left hand of the standing
figure rests on the spot at which the excavation in the bank began;
here the art-bearing talus deposit covered the gneiss with a veneering
hardly more than a foot thick; its character and contents are shownin
figure 5. This is the first of the series of* crosscuts or transverse sec-
tions, and represents the front wall of the excavation within a foot
of the beginning of the trench. Partially shaped implements and
artificial refuse, which may have come from any part of the slopes
above, occur throughout the deposits at this point. Near the surface
a leaf-shape blade of ordinary type was found, and at 15 inches in
depth three others, more or less perfect, together with typical turtle-
backs, were encountered.
Surtace soll with flaked
pleces.
Ee ae iS) 3 ine ‘ cae bake A
Melee Grave! with bow/lders and
: Hlakred preces .
> re ey AS gia oh roge eye Beet 5 oa
Do a Sy ) Or .
Ue // Gneiss.
LL
Fia. 5—Cross section at beginning of the first trench.
The exploitation pits (plate v), intended to determine something of
the probable nature and extent of the work to be undertaken, were dug
along the line of proposed excavation from the starting point in the
ravine to the top of the terrace. It was observed that in the lower
half the profile ef the slope was convex, and that in the upper it was
slightly concave. The convexity of the lower part, from the first figure
leaning against the young tree to 20 feet beyond the third figure, is
due to accumulations of refuse along the lower margin of the quarries,
while the depression above (beyond the limit of the picture) is due to
the pits left along the quarry face when the site was abandoned.
Continuing the excavation beyond the point at which the first cross
section (figure 5) was taken, the art-bearing deposits became quite
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
PayIOM opts aaQ—ahnys 8477
payIOM sapis GIOG—aIn}s pwosagy
peyIOMat saps To*—
AbD)S DLYL
QUARRY-SHOP REJECTS—PROGRESSIVE SERIES, BEGINN |
FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XVil
E \WLDER AND ENDING WITH THE THIN BLADE
First stage—One side work
stage—Both sides worked
Second
Third stage—Both sides reworked
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. Xvii
2WLdeR AND ENDING WITH THE THIN BLADE
HOLMES] THE PINY BRANCH QUARRIES 39
shallow. The dark mold of the surface was about 4 inches deep, and
between the first and tenth foot of the section yielded numerous flaked
stones and many artificial fragments and flakes; beneath this and rest-
ing on the uneven surface of the gneiss was a foot or more of quite
compact gravelly clay, containing a few pebbles and occasionally a small
bowlder; at the base the deposit contained much mica, derived from
the decaying gneiss on which it rests. In this lower gravel there were
no traces of art. Up to the twentieth foot these conditions remained
practically unchanged. It will be seen, however, by reference to the
longitudinal section (plate v1), that the surface of the gneiss rises
less rapidly than the surface of the slope, and that the talus gravels
increase in thickness to 5 feet. These pass down into a layer of pink
and white clay,which
rests on the gneiss.
Worked specimens
were found as before
in the top soil, and
artificially broken
bowlders occurred in
the gravel a_ foot
deep. In the lower
part of the dark soil
a small pocket or
cluster of chips was
found, and between
the tenth and twen-
tieth foot several
chipped stones in
various stages of
elaboration were un-
earthed. The cross
section at the twen-
tieth foot is shown in
figure 6. Through-
out the gravel occa-
sional bowlders were found, some reaching 6 inches in diameter. From
the twentieth to near the twentyfifth foot the conditions and the con-
tents of the section showed no important change. The dark soil reached
a thickness of 8 inches, and was underlain by a bed of light sandy sub-
soil, not before differentiated, about a foot thick. Many partially
shaped stones were found in these beds. Beneath this again were
gravels and gravelly clays.
At about the twentyfifth foot the conditions of the deposits were
observed to change. The limit of the compact gravels and clays form-
ing the base of the deposit was reached, and a mass of rather loose
heterogeneous material was encountered. The edge of an ancient
excavation had been reached, though this fact was not at first appre-
SURFACE SOIL WITH
SS ( FLANED PIECES.
"| GRAVEL WITH BOWLDERS.
AND FLAKED PIECES
BOWLDEA GAVEL.
Fic. 6—Cross section at the twentieth foot.
40 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eTH. ANN. 15
ciated; for the idea of aboriginal quarrying had not yet been more
than suggested, and the changes observed in the deposits were at first
attributed to natural distributing agencies. In the light of facts sub-
sequently observed, this body of heterogeneous material came to be
recognized as part of the débris accumulated in an ancient trench,
which was cut obliquely by our trench. The ancient trenching had
been 4 or 5 feet deep at this point, and the side wall was quite broken
and irregular, sloping at a low angle in some places and in others being
vertical or even undercut. The digging had not penetrated to the
gneiss surface at this point, The margin of the old trench is seen at
b, plate vi. From this point (the twentyfifth foot) the work of exca-
vation was carried
through the quarry
SURFACE SOIL mire eowLDEns refuse and little by
= little many novel
2 and striking fea-
| tures were brought
é ; to light, until at the
S a eightythird foot the
upper quarry face
was reached.
Near the lower
margin of the an-
cient digging a
small percentage of
oO i —
> a artificial material
SESS NO | | eos 2 EL) was encountered,
SSD | ee but before the thir-
Bae tyfifth foot was
reached the hetero-
geneous nature of
DBeD S95 9O12O0 SOS 0269022 )( Se the deposits began
DCO BVODOQODO90 Bono L DGS
to be apparent. It
GNENSS. became clear that
nearly the entire
mass from the sur-
face of the ground to the gneiss floor, a thickness of from 6 to 12 feet,
had been worked over by the primitive quarrymen. ‘There was abun-
dant evidence of the nature of the operations carried on both in secur-
ing and in working up the bowlders.
The cross section exposed in the front wall at the fortieth foot is
given in figure7. As might be expected in the refuse heaps of such a
quarry there was little regularity and slight continuity in the deposits,
so that the section exposed along the left wall of our excavation seldom
corresponded closely with that along the right. The running section
given in plate vr is not literal, but is drawn to express in a somewhat
generalized way the conditions observed.
Fie. 7—Cross section at the fortieth foot.
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XVili
BLADE LIKE REJECTS FROM THE QUARRY-SHOP REFUSE—a, b, AND c SHOWING SLIGHT SPECIALIZATION (ACTUAL SIZE)
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL, XIX
REJECTED BLADES OF MOST ADVANCED FORM FOUND IN THE QUARRY-SHOP REFUSE (ACTUAL SIZE)
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XX
REJECTED BLADES OF MOST ADVANCED FORM FOUND IN THE QUARRY-SHOP REFUSE ‘ACTUAL SIZE)
HOLMES] THE PINY BRANCH QUARRIES 41
Between the fortieth and the fortyeighth foot the trench crossed, at
about 3 feet from the surface, what had been a pit or transverse trench
with sloping sides, between 2 and 3 feet deep. This had been filled
with material previously worked over and containing much shop refuse.
The character and relations of the deposits are well shown in the
sections and photographs presented herewith.
The upper figure in plate vir represents a detailed study of the con-
tents of the ancient pit as seen in the left wall of the excavation. Of
this interesting exposure it was impracticable to obtain photographs,
since the cutting was too narrow to permit the use of the camera; but
the drawing was carefully made, and being supplemented by photo-
graphs of the face of the cutting at the fortieth and also at the forty-
fourth foot, serves to assist in giving a satisfactory idea of the leading
characteristics of the deposits. The bottom of the depression had been
somewhat uneven when the filling-in began. The material, most of
which consisted of fractured or partially flaked bowlders, had accu-
mulated rapidly, and for a depth of 3 or 4 feet contained only a very
small percentage of sand, clay, and gravel. Scattered over the bot-
tom and sides was a layer of light, coarse sand which had descended
from above and partially filled in the spaces between the bowlders
and fragments; and throughout the mass, where the interspaces were
filled at all, it was chiefly by coarse sand, small pebbles, and the flakes
from the manufacture of implements.
A very decided bedding of these coarse materials was apparent, its
curves following and repeating those of the bottom of the depression,
but diminishing toward the surface. In the stratum of finer material
overlying the coarser contents of the pit and in the dark loam of the
surface there was also a slight sagging and thickening, indicating that
the obliteration of the pit had been but recently accomplished.
It was observed that the distribution of the filling materials was
unequal, the coarser gravel and larger bowlders being lodged at the
left in the section, which was the lower side of the ancient pit (a, plate VII).
This was to be expected, for the source of supply of filling débris was
from above, and as the tool maker worked over the material upon the
slope the heavier pieces rolled down until stopped by irregularities of
the surface. It was also noticed that the percentage of flakes and fail-
ures was greatest at the left side of the depression from the fortyfirst
to the fortysixth foot, where the flakers, if would appear, must have
occupied the pit margins. 3
That the work was done on this spot, and that little subsequent dis-
tribution has taken place, is clearly seen, as the failures and broken
tools often lie together with the flakes struck from them. It is safe to
conclude also that the accumulation was rapid. The accumulation of
the finer and more compact bed overlying the contents of the pit was
probably slower and was no doubt due partially to natural slope agen-
cies, thoughit contains a large percentage of worked material; the darker
42 STONE IMPLEMENTS (ETH. ANN. 15
soil of the surface was filled with shop refuse, most of which has not
been far removed from the spot of manufacture. The cross sections are
too limited in extent to show clearly the bedding of the accumulations,
but they serve to illustrate the nature of the contents of the pits.
The conditions at the fortyfourth foot are given in (b) plate vir. By
earrying the excavation to the right and left the outlines of the old
depressions were found to be irregular and extended so far that I did
not undertake to define them fully. It appeared, however, that our
section had cut the deepest part of this particular depression. A pho-
tograph covering the rectangular space outlined by a dotted line in the
section is reproduced in plate vu. I am fortunate in being able to
present such an illustration of the composition of the refuse at this
point, as it affords evidence that can not be gainsaid, and the student
may study the nature, conditions, and relations of the component parts
with ease. The picture covers a space about 2 feet wide by 3 high,
the top being 24 feet below the surface of the ground and the bottom
within a few inches of the deepest part of the ancient excavation. The
unusual number of large bowlders is a notable feature, but it will be
found that the broken and worked ones far outnumber the unbroken,
and that several partially shaped tools are in sight, occupying positions
no doubt very much the same as when dropped by the workman. A
turtleback appears near the base beneath the large split bowlder; others
are seen to the left and a little higher, while numbers are seen to be
dropping out of the loose, open mass of refuse near the middle of the
picture. The section abounds throughout with artificial material.
After passing the fiftieth foot the deposits exhibited the usual phe-
nomena, and no features of exceptional interest were encountered until
the seventieth foot was reached. The bottom of the old pits continued
at about the same level, so that the artificial deposits became gradually
deeper as we advanced. Occasionally small masses of the Potomac
gravel (small bowlders and pebbles held together by an indurated sand
matrix) were encountered, indicating the proximity of the ancient
quarry face. The pitting had been carried down almost to the gneiss
floor, which was here nearly level, being covered with a bed of sharp
yellow sand from an inch to a foot thick. It was afterward ascer-
tained that this layer of sand formed a part of the original Potomae
deposits and separated the gneisses from the beds of bowlders above,
as shown in the section. The artificial deposits, about 7 feet deep at
the sixtieth foot, deepened to 10 or 11 feet at the quarry face 20 feet
farther on. 2
Between the fiftieth foot and the sixtieth the refuse was distributed
in alternating beds of gravelly earth and shop deposits, as shown in
the general section. These beds constituted the refuse derived from
extensive operations along the quarry face. After passing the seven-
tieth foot the layers of refuse were inclined toward the quarry face, as
indicated in the section.
(3ZIS IWNLOV) SdOHS AYYVND 3H1 NI SOVW SWHO4 GSLVYHOSV1S ATHDIH LSOW 3H1 ONILNSSSHd3y S30V1a NaNous
XX “Td LHOd3Y IVWONNY HLN3314I4
ADSOIONHL]S JO NvayuNe
HOLMES) THE PINY BRANCH QUARRIES 43
The quarry face (plate x1IT) was encountered at about the eightieth
foot, but sloped back in steps to the ninetieth foot and beyond. It
showed a stratum, 10 feet or more in thickness, consisting largely of
medium size quartzite bowlders embedded in a matrix of nearly pure
sand, so indurated that the bowlders were extremely difficult to remove,
and considerable masses of the conglomerate could be knocked down
and removed without breaking up. The face was extremely irregular,
indicating that when deserted the ancient quarrymen had penetrated
to greatly varying depths; they had descended to the gneiss surface
in excavations from 10 to 12 feet deep, had removed the bowlders by
direct attack from above, froin the front, and by undermining, and had
selected and thrown out those best suited to the purpose of the flaker.
Few of those left in the pits and dump had been more than tested by
the removal of a flake or two. The work of shaping was in the main
carried on about the margins of the pits out of the way of the quarry-
man. The earth, gravel, and undesirable bowlders were thrown back
against the lower side of the pits, lodging in irregular beds sloping
into the pits, as shown in the section.
Between the seventythird foot and the seventyeighth our trench
passed through large pockets or masses of shop refuse. The largest
body, consisting of tons of chips, failures, and broken bowlders, was
confined to a space extending from3 to 7 feet from the surface; smaller
pockets of the same character were found as deep as 9 feet. The
exposure in the sides and front of our trench showed these deposits
clearly, and illustrations are selected from the fine series of photo-
graphs taken. Plate 1x represents nearly the full height of the front
of our trench at the seventyseventh foot, and plates x and Xz illustrate
the composition of the refase in detail, showing a preponderance of
rather large bowlders, most of which have been partially worked or
broken to test the material. The portion shown in plate xt belongs
lower in the section, extending down from the seventh nearly to the
ninth foot in depth. Several shaped pieces are in sight. In plate XII
we have a fine illustration of the clusters of shop refuse at about the
eightieth foot. The clinging wet earth obscures many of the fine flakes,
but enough is seen to indicate the very great amount of work done on
this spot. The mass was made up of unshaped refuse and of shaped
specimens, illustrating the whole range of quarry-shop work from the
first flake to the rude thin blade; the latter, it was gradually learned,
being the almost exclusive product of the flaking operations. A sec-
tion showing the quarry pit and the face of Potomac bowlders is pre-
sented in plate xm. This terraced face, receding in irregular steps,
_appears to have undergone little change since it was deserted by the
prehistoric quarrymen. The bowlders are compactly bedded and retain
their places with great tenacity.
The deepest work of which evidence was discovered was about 11
feet beneath the present surface. It is probable that when deserted
the pit at the quarry face was much deeper, as considerable degra-
44 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eTH. ANN. 15
dation of the slope must have taken place since the desertion of the
quarries. In another trench farther up the ravine the quarry face was
exposed to a depth of from 12 to 15 feet.
Plate cur and the frontispiece, deseribed in the supplement, serve to
illustrate the probable conditions under which the work was carried on
by the savage quarrymen. The miner with a strong wooden pike is
seen dislodging bowlders from the bed; a second workman is breaking
up a large mass of quartzite, and the flaker engaged in roughing-
out the blades is seated near at hand. The life-size group from which
these views were taken was prepared under the writer’s direction for
the World’s Fair, in Chicago. The figures were modeled by U.S. J.
Dunbar, sculptor, and were costumed after drawings published in the
works of Hariot and John Smith, the assumption being that this work
on Piny branch was done by the Algonquian tribes known to the colo-
nists of Jamestown and Roanoke. However this may be, the work
of procuring and working the bowlders is, I am convinced, correctly
indicated by this group.
The quarry was about 60 feet wide where crossed by our trench, and
was 3 or 4 feet deep at the lower margin and 11 feet deep at the quarry
face. The bowlders, forming a large part of the mass worked over,
had nearly all been tested for flakability by the removal of a flake
or two, or had been more or less fully worked. All of the material
removed from the trench was carefully assorted and studied by us, and
the important results reached through its consideration will be given
further on.
If we allow that the ancient operations were somewhat uniform in
extent along the terrace face, say for a distance of 500 feet, the mate-
rial worked over on this side of the ravine would amount to 100,000
cubie feet or more, and the number of bowlders secured and worked or
partly shaped would reach millions.
THE TREE PIT
Lateral excavations from the first trench were made wherever the
appearance of the refuse encouraged it, but the deposits did not vary
in anyimportant respect. About 10 feet north of this trench, opposite
the sixtieth foot, stands a chestnut tree some 3 feet in diameter and
rather massive at the base. For the purpose of determining the relation’
of this tree to the artificial deposits, an excavation was made uncover-
ing nearly one-half of the roots to the depth of about 7 feet. The main
root penetrated the refuse and passed through the undisturbed gravel
and into the decayed gneiss beneath. The roots had made their way
through the deposit of compact quartzite fragments, inclosing many of
them almost completely (plate XIV) and assuming irregular distorted
forms imposed by the angular stones. As a matter of course, the tree
postdates the quarry period, as do other trees much older. In one of
the ravines near Fourteenth street a white oak, at least 200 years old,
grows in the Same manner in a mass of shop retuse.
1 Reap eds yotey / eee
“ew
PL. XXII
FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
FRAGMENTS OF BLADES REPRESENTING THE MOST HIGHLY ELABORATED FORMS MADE IN THE QUARRY SHOPS
FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XxXill
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
(ACTUAL SIZE)
RELATION OF THE FLAKED BLADE TO THE PARENT BOWLDER
FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXIV
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
N OF PLATE XXIIl AND THE FLAKES MADE IN SHAPING THEM,
(ACTUAL SIZE)
TOGETHER WITH THE LOWER SPECIME
WERE FOUND IN A SINGLE CLUSTER
TWO SPECIMENS OF FLAKED STONE THAT,
HOLMES] THE PINY BRANCH QUARRIES 45
The refuse about the roots of the chestnut tree contained more than
the usual percentage of partially shaped tools, and several bushels of
these, showing rude leaf-shape outlines, were collected. A photograph
made shortly after beginning the excavation shows the inclosure of
worked stones in the base of the tree and their prevalence in the mass
of refuse (plate XIv).
THE SECOND TRENCH
A second trench carried across the old quarry in the spring of 1890
failed to furnish features of especial interest and added little to the fund
of information acquired from the trench made the previous year. It was
not expected, however, that this second excavation would expose exten-
sive deposits of refuse or well-marked quarrying. The site was chosen
in a depression, or incipient gulch in the slope, where no marks of dis-
turbance could be detected, whereas the first trench was carried across
a convexity in the face of the hill, which convexity bore every indica-
tion of being the result of artificial disturbance and accumulation. Havy-
ing determined that surface appearances in the first case really indicated
the conditions beneath the surface, the second trench was made where
no indications of artificial disturbance could be noted. This trench was
100 feet north of the first. No well-defined shop sites were discovered,
and evidences of ancient quarrying were quite meager. Artificial refuse
was evenly distributed throughout the overplaced gravels to a depth
of about 5 feet. These conditions would seem to indicate that the shal-
low depression in which the trench was dug had been filled from shops
and quarries at the right and left, or perhaps from random working at
higher points on the slope.
Excavation was begun in the rivulet bank, here about 6 feet high.
The immediate bank was found to consist of a mass of refuse, well
filled with broken bowlders and rejects and chips which exhibited a
sort of rude bedding as if rearranged by the action of the rivulet
or as if deposited on its successive though very narrow flood plains.
Our trenching soon passed through these deposits. The gneiss which
formed the bed of the stream rose rapidly beneath the loose mass
forming the bank, and at 10 feet from the stream approached within 3
feet of the surface. From the tenth to the thirtieth foot the gneissic
surface followed the slope of the hill at a pretty uniform depth of 3
feet; beyond this it passed horizontally beneath deposits of Potomac
bowlders. Overplaced gravels from the tenth foot to the end of our
trench contained but few artificial objects, and these did not occur at
a greater depth than about 5 feet. These gravels for the most part
were made up of a heterogeneous mixture of clay, sand, and pebbles,
with occasional bowlders. Near the bottom they consisted principally
of material derived directly from the disintegrating surface of the
Potomac bowlder beds.
THE THIRD TRENCH
The site for a third trench was chosen with the view of secur-
ing evidence on two questions of especial interest. The first was the
46 STONE IMPLEMENTS [erH. ANN. 15
question of the relation of the ancient quarrying to the present bed of
the rivulet; the second related to the significance of a series of depres-
sions observed along the upper part of the slope a little above the
quarry level (as determined at other points) and immediately below
the upper margin of the terrace slope. The place selected was about
200 feet farther up the gulch than the second trench, and where the
length of the slope was only 80 feet and the height about 40 feet. At
this point the Potomac bowlder bed outcrops at or but little above the
level of the stream bed, and it was thought that evidence of ancient
excavation might be found so near the present bottom of the gulch as
to indicate the comparative recentness of the work. Observations on
this point are given in detail further on.
As to the other question, it was surmised that the depressions along
the upper part of the slope marked the sites of ancient pits, and inves-
tigation showed that this surmise was not far wrong. The depressions
are in all cases a little higher up than the old pits and above the
bowlder bed level, and are apparently the result of miniature land-
slides, by means of which the original quarry pits were filled up.
The phenomena disclosed in this trench are quite interesting and
may be given in some detail. Entering the bank on the level of the
stream bed, we followed the surface of the gneiss for a number of feet.
Within the first 10 feet patches of undisturbed Potomac bowlder
gravel remained on the gneiss surface. At about the twentieth foot the
bowlder bed began to thicken, and its upper surface rose with the slope
of the talus. The bank of the rivulet was between 4 and 5 feet in
height, and was composed of loose heterogeneous refuse, which, as the
excavation advanced, was found to be rudely bedded with the slope as
indicated in the section (plate xv). The loose refuse was from 5 to 7
feet deep, and rested on the gneiss or the uneven surface of the bowl-
der bed. Broken cobbles, rude rejects, broken embryo implements,
and chips were pretty evenly distributed throughout the mass. At
the twentyseventh foot the floor of the quarry made an abrupt descent
of 3 or 4 feet.
In advancing beyond the twentyseventh foot the bottom of the
ancient quarry rose but slightly, and at the fortieth foot it was 10 feet
beneath the surface. The deeper parts were filled with loose material—
clay, gravel, and bowlders—intermingled with which were a number
of fragments including chips and broken, wnfinished tools, but there
was not here or in the vicinity any very decided evidence of chipping
on the spot. The lowest point of this ancient pit was only 2 feet above
the present bed of the gulch at the nearest point.
Between the thirtieth and the fortieth foot no features of particular
interest were encountered. As shown in the longitudinal section, a
number of pockets of shop refuse occurred between the twentyeighth
foot and the thirtyfifth. These inay have been shop sites, but had
more the character of refuse descended from above into depressions or
AXX "Td 1HOd34 IWANNY HLINSS14I4
ASOTONHLS 40 NW3HNE
HOLMES] THE PINY BRANCH QUARRIES 47
pits. The mass of material about these pockets and beyond, up to the
fortyfifth foot, was comparatively barren of artificial refuse. The mid-
dle parts of the mass of filled-in material, as indicated in the section,
is quite homogeneous, as if never worked over by man, and must have
descended into the quarry pit en masse as a miniature landslide from
above. It consists of loose, crumbling, sandy clay of reddish color—a
characteristic of the higher-level beds—containing some gravel and
occasional bowlders. Rather high up in the sides of the trench could
be seen indications of old overplaced débris containing shop refuse
and coarse materials, all of grayish color. Near the surface the over-
placed gravel was
again reddish and |
barren of art.
In approaching
the fiftieth foot,
pockets of shop ref-
use began to ap-
pear, and at from +
to 6 feet deep and
beyond the fifty-
sixth foot charac-
teristic quarry-
shop phenomena
were encountered.
Beds of clay and
refuse of varying
colors were seen
dippinginto the hill
as the quarry face
was approached.
Nature distributes
her materials with
the slope, but art
reverses this; as [207% 72.) Go LIS Sue y
SER arama een Pee oe oe: © cere“ OO.
theearthis thrown [F2w- SS EO RTS
out of a quarry pit
it forms layers con- F16: 8—Section of bowlder beds exposed in quarry face 13 feet in height.
forming roughly to the slope into the pit. The section exposed in this
trench is given in plate xy.
At the fiftyseventh foot a descent of 2 feet was made into a deeper
portion of the ancient quarry as shown in the section. At the sixtieth
foot the bottom of the old quarry was 13 feet beneath the present sur-
face, and at about the sixtythird foot the quarry face was encountered.
When this was uncovered to the full width of our trench, the section
shown in figure 8 was disclosed. Beginning at the top there were
about 5 feet of overplaced slope material, dark above from the presence
of vegetal mold and composed of sandy clay below; beneath this were
48 STONE IMPLEMENTS [ETH. ANN. 15
the Potomac beds in place, comprising, first, about 3 feet of coarse
loose-bedded sands of varied kinds, then alternating layers of sand,
gravel, and bowlders, and at the base a compact layer of bowlders.
The ancient workmen had penetrated this latter bed at this point only
to the depth of a foot or two. On the bottom and against the quarry
face were a few chips and chipped bowlders, but the mass of material
filling up the ancient excavation was barren of art and consisted of a
mixture of clay with sand and gravel, derived from the margins of the
ancient pit chiefly by sliding from the overhanging front wall. This
wall or quarry face as uncovered by us was only 12 or 15 feet high, but
when the ancient miners deserted the spot it must have been very
much higher, probably 20 feet if the period was recent and perhaps
more if the time was remote. As already stated, the configuration of
the slope showed that a slide had taken place, leaving a hollow just
under the crest of the slope and giving a rounded mass on the site of
the ancient digging. Beneath the highest part of this mass our trench
disclosed the deepest point reached by the aborigines. The filling up
by sliding en masse was thus shown by the surface configuration of the
site as well as by the character of the filling material.
It appears that the bottom or floor of the ancient quarry was quite
uneven, but its fuli conformation could not be made out from the dis-
closures of a trench 3 feet wide. In examining the sides of our trench
in the vicinity of the ancient quarry face I discovered that our left
wall had for several feet coincided lere and there with the steep side
wall of the ancient excavation.
The digging of this trench amply repaid the labor expended, as
answers were obtained to a number of the questions presenting them-
selves. It was found, first, that the ancient quarrying was carried on
at a level only 2 or 3 feet above the present bed of the rivulet, and
second, that the trenches had been filled by sliding masses in such
manner as to produce inequalities of the surface not yet effaced. In
addition, the conclusions reached by a study of the other trenches were
confirmed: 1, that there were well-defined quarries with quarry faces
of considerable vertical extent in the Potomac bowlder deposits; 2,
that little shaping was done in the deeper pits save that required in
testing the quality of the stone; 3, that the only work in the shops
about the excavations consisted in the roughing-out of leaf-shape
blades; 4, that the ancient diggings were extremely irregular, much
labor having been expended in exploitation and in reaching the heavier
deposits of workable bowlders; and, 5, that undermining was by no
means the exclusive method of reaching and securing the bowlders.
Study of this trench afforded a remarkable instance of the confusion
possible in the association of works of art with gravel bluffs where
workable stone was sought. Had the cutting for a roadway or other
modern improvement been made along the side of this gorge the
exposures in the walls would have shown “implements” embedded
Cu
PL. XxVI
FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT
ETHNOLOGY
BUREAU OF
SITE OF THE DUMBARTON QUARRY, SHOWING REFUSE-COVERED SLOPES DESCENDING FROM THE QUARRIES ALONG THE MARGIN OF THE CREST
HOLMES] THE PINY BRANCH QUARRIES 49
under unaltered gravels at a depth of 13 feet (a, figure 8), and it is thus
seen that in such a cutting the detection of the true conditions might
be next to impossible without careful and extensive excavation.
THE FOURTH AND FIFTH TRENCHES
A number of trenches were opened about the southwestern point of
the promontory as indicated on the map. It was expected that these
would throw light on various peculiar features of the topography, and
also add to the information regarding quarrying and manufacture.
The results are all that could be desired.
The fourth trench was opened on the rounded point of the promon-
tory 300 feet south of the first trench, while the fifth was made a little
farther around toward the east. The phenomena observed in these
trenches were so nearly identical that L shall omit detailed mention
save of the latter and more interesting.
The fifth trench furnished much of the evidence necessary to com-
plete the story of the ancient quarries. The general conditions were
uniform with those revealed in the first trench. At the thirtyfifth foot
a pocket of shop refuse of unusual interest was encountered. As
exposed by the trench (plate xv1) it was 4 or 5 feet in horizontal
extent and perhaps 5 feet deep, and its upper surface was 2 or 3 feet
beneath the surface of the ground. No part of the quarries, 30 feet
across (measured on the slope) and from 6 to 9 feet deep, was entirely
free from flakes and flaked stones, but the work of shaping had been
carried on most extensively on this one spot. From the deposit upward
of 40 blades, broken near the finishing stage, were recovered, though
the search made was by no means exhaustive; fully one-fourth of the
shaped pieces remained in the excavated débris. This pocket of refuse
was not essentially different in any of its features from those encoun-
tered in the first trench, but it had somewhat more the appearance of
a trimming or finishing shop than any yet seen. There were few large
or rude pieces and the flakes averaged small; still no traces were found
of specialized shapes, or even of well-trimmed edges or points. The
highest form made was a roughed-out blade such as a majority of
those found in caches.
The most interesting feature of this trench was its quarry face, which
was encountered at about the fortieth foot. It was discovered that
extensive undercutting had been done by the ancient quarrymen, and,
as we advanced, the overhanging face was found to extend forward
several feet, as shown in plate xvi. The phenomena of this quarry
face are instructive in one important direction. They reveal, with more
than usual clearness, a favorite method of the ancient quarrymen.
The massive bowlder bed all around this promontory had been depos-
ited on the gneiss. Entering the face of the bluff on the surface of
this rock, rendered friable by decay, the overplaced stratum of com-
pacted bowlders and sand was undermined, so that the quarrying of
15 ETH 4
50 STONE IMPLEMENTS [BDH ANN. 15
the bowlders became a comparatively easy matter. They were easily
loosened and fell into the hand of the workman from the matrix of com-
pacted sand, as clean and fresh in color as when deposited by the sea in
Mesozoic times. By thus working on the gneiss surface, antler picks
or wooden stakes sharpened by fire would serve to perform the work
of undermining and knocking down, whereas our men found it a diffi-
cult task to penetrate the closely compacted conglomerate from its
upper surface or from the front, even with the aid of steel picks.
THE SIXTH TRENCH
The examination of the third trench made it clear that in certain cases
the ancient pits had been filled, or partially filled, by the sliding of sand
and gravel from the quarry wall and from the bluff above. This fact
led to the opinion that some of the unique features of conformation
observed about the outer point of the terrace were, in a measure at
least, due to slides brought about by quarrying operations. To one
familiar with the ancient quarrying in this locality, the concavity on
the horizon of the bowlder outcrop and the convexity of profile just
below, as seen in the sections, would at once be attributed to human
agency. In this case, however, the deformation is on such a scale that
natural agencies could alone have accomplished the result.
On the southwestern angle of the spur, and at a level about 60 feet
below the crest, there is a roundish hump or shoulder 100 feet or more
across and rising perhaps 15 feet above what would seem to be a normal
profile. This ocenrs just beneath the level of the bowlder outcrop, and
thus has the appearance of a great dump heap to the quarries.
The character of the rocks forming the bluff is such that they dis-
integrate very gradually, and with ordinary activity of the erosive
forces a slope of sufficient declivity to invite landslides would not
occur. The question arose as to whether extensive quarrying on the
face of the bowlder bed and the consequent undermining of the super-
posed beds of gravels and sands, here some 40 feet in thickness, might
have brought about the sliding of a mass from above sufficient to produce
the hump observed. The only possible means of arriving at a satisfac-
tory solution of the question was by trenching. <A series of excava-
tions was made covering the profile of the spur from near the summit
to the outer base of the convexity that gave rise to the inquiry. The
section shown in figure 9 serves to indicate the position of these pits as
well as the nature of the profile. The light portions represent the
excavations made, and the dotted line at the top indicates the position
of the mass supposed to have descended to form the hump. The
results of the pitting may briefly be given: The pit at a@ was in shop
refuse similar to that usually found in the quarry dumps higher up,
The pit b was carried 13 feet deep through a mass of sand and gravel
more or less disturbed, but apparently not by human agency. ‘The
material corresponded closely to that of the beds above the quarry
level. Near the base, at 12 feet deep, numerous quartzite chips and
ALID NOLONIHSYM ‘SLHODISH YIV139 “L3341S N ONIGVHD NI GaSOdX3 SSISND GSLVYOSLNISIO 4O 3OVSYNS SHL NO ONILSSY G3G Y30IMOE OVWOLOd
HWAXX “Wd = LHOd34Y IWANNY H1IN331414 ASOTONHL3 JO NW3HNG
HOLMES] THE PINY BRANCH QUARRIES 51
fragments evidently of artificial origin were found. Analogous condi-
tions were observed in pit ¢. Pit d on the quarry level passed through
thin slope gravels, containing some artificial material, into the normal
bowlder beds. Pit e disclosed the sands and gravel of the upper slopes.
Although the observations were not so complete as could be desired,
the evidence secured supports the theory that sliding took place as a
result of the quarrying operations, and that the protuberance on the
slope below represents the transported mass. The presence of shop
refuse in the lower pit, the occurrence of artificial flakes near the bot-
tom of the mass of sand and gravel forming the hump, the absence of
normal dump heaps and of quarry excavations along the bowlder out-
crop aboye, all tend to confirm this conclusion. The movement of a
large mass from the upper wall of the quarries would obliterate the
quarries and carry the quarry refuse down in front of it to the position
of pita. These evidences, taken together with the apparently abnor-
mal conformation of the spur, seem to be sufficient warrant for the
conclusion reached.
Fic. 9—Section exposed by trenching on outer angle of terrace. Flaked stones were found in pits b
and ¢ near the surface and near the bottom only.
OTHER PINY BRANCH SITES
East of the point just described the broad end of the terrace spur
facing Piny branch is very steep, and few traces of quarry or shop
work are to be seen; but lower down the slope, near the base, are
masses of material that must have descended by sliding and creeping.
Shop refuse is distributed through these masses and is found in the
floodplain of the creek at the base. By stream action the flaked stones
and refuse of flaking have been scattered through the recent floodplains
of the whole valley below. On the eastern point or corner of the spur
overlooking the Fourteenth street bridge over Piny branch there are
numerous indications of ancient pitting on the bowlder-bed level, and
shop refuse is plentiful. Following this level around the slopes of the
ravines juSt west of Fourteenth street and across to the eastern side,
the same phenomena are observed. The slopes of the bluff west of
that in which the first trenching was done also bear evidence of having
52 STONE IMPLEMENTS (PTH. ANN, 15
been extensively worked, and all around the bluffs as we approach
Rock creek valley proper, rising gradually to the crests of the terrace
spurs, flaked stones are found.
On the southern side of the branch quarries occur both east and
west of Fourteenth street at nearly the same level. Much work was
done near a spring at a point beneath the “house in the tree” and
opposite Spring road, which extends eastward from Fourteenth street.
Kast of Fourteenth street the only quarry of importance is on the
place of Mr W. J. Rhees. This is on Spring road, a few hundred yards
from Fourteenth street, as indicated on the map. It is probable thatin
this vicinity many evidences of ancient quarrying have been destroyed
by building, cultivation, and landscape gardening. In this direction
the bowlder beds, dipping gently eastward, descended beyond the
reach of primitive quarrymen.
PINY BRANCH SHOPS
GENERAL FEATURES
As indicated in describing the quarry phenomena, shops in which
the bowlders were flaked were established at convenient points about
the pits, and the piles or clusters of flakes, failures, and fragments are
very numerous. The undisturbed clusters are often lenticular in form
as originally accumulated, and occur within the body of the refuse just
as they were covered by quarry refuse in the progress of the work.
Some of those exposed by the trenches have been described and illus-
trated incidentally in the description of the quarries, and something
may now be said of such as were scattered over the surface of the site.
In the bank of the rivulet, about 100 feet higher up the stream than
the initial point of our first trench, the caving in of the bank has
exposed a large deposit of shop debris. It consists in parts of excep-
tionally small flakes, fragments, and failures, and was evidently a
favorite shop to which much of the selected material from the adja-
cent pits was carried.!. Other similar shops are found near by, but in
most cases the spots are obscured by refuse from above, or are partially
obliterated by the sliding or creeping movements constantly acting on
the steep declivities.
Farther away from the pits are what I have termed trimming shops.
These are on high points, on bits of level terrace, or on the level upper
surface of the plateau. To these places bowlders and fragments, after
testing or partial working, were carried to be further trimmed and pos-
sibly, in some cases, fully specialized. Small flakes and well-advanced
broken blades characterize these spots. It is probable that lodges
were pitched on some of these sites, and it would seem reasonable that
1During the examination of the site many scientific men visited the spot and examined the trenches
and masses of fragmental quartzite, observing for themselves the nature and extent of the opera-
tions carried on by the ancient peoples. Among these were J. W. Powell, D. G. Brinton, Henry
3alfour, T. C. Chamberlin, W J McGee, J. A. Holmes, G. K. Gilbert, C. H. Hitchcock, G. Brown
Goode. O. T. Mason, Thomas Wilson, H. C. Mercer, and F. W. Putnam.
TUOR ME MET) ATORLSR IO esIASy
REJECTS FROM THE SOUTH MOUNTAIN R
y\\ oe
AA:
\\ NS
\
iN
ANY
2RY, SHOWING RANGE OF SHAPED
FUPTEENTM ANNUAL REPORT PL. xxvii
Buntay OF EF THHOLOG YT
Pr
\
INR
X
SERIES OF REJECTS FROM
’
OPH O’ TOMen Two
Lai
HOLMES] PINY BRANCH SHOPS 53
the quarrymen should have established a considerable community in
the vicinity. A dwelling site is said to have been observed on the level
ground, now a meadow, at the head of the ravine, and there are some
evidences of primitive dwelling on the terrace overlooking Rock creek
west of Mount Pleasant.
The terrace-like spurs bordering the ravine in which the trenches
were dug are covered with flakes and broken blades left by the work-
men. These are not now in clusters, as must have been the case orig-
inally, but are distributed rather evenly over the surface, as if the
growth of forests and other disturbing agencies had been long at work
shifting them about.
The distribution of shops and shop refuse is shown on the map form-
ing plate 11.
SPECIAL FEATURES
THE QUARRY-SHOP PRODUCT
Examination of the phenomena of the quarries and shops is naturally
followed by a study of the articles produced in them. This is a sub-
ject of the deepest interest, and no pains have been spared to obtain
full and wholly reliable determinations.
At first it was supposed that the rudely flaked stones found scat-
tered over the sites of these quarries were bona-fide implements, and
as such they found their way into literature, much speculation having
been indulged in with respect to their age, to their use, and to the
grade of culture to which they probably pertained. These and similar
articles from the surface are still regarded by some as implements, and
numerous specimens are still (1894) exhibited as paleolithic implements
without any reason save that they somewhat resemble certain rude
forms of European paleoliths.
Viewed in the light of the studies recorded herein, however, the
roughly flaked stones are seen to be not implements at all, but the
refuse of implement making, including many rejects or failures which,
being partially shaped, indicate or suggest more or less fully the ruder
forms of flaked implements used by primitive peoples, but which may
not have even a remote resemblance to the final form to be made. It
was observed that the work on the site was extremely limited in range;
that it consisted in reducing the bowlders, or parts of bowlders, by
flaking processes to thin leaf-shape blades, which were no doubt
intended either for use as simple blades for cutting and scraping, or
designed to be specialized, as occasion demanded, into arrowpoints,
spearheads, perforators, and the like. So simple are the conditions
that a dozen specimens may be made to illustrate the entire range of
shaping work.
In plate xvir is shown a series of flaked stones, taken from this site,
which includes all the ordinary forms of rejects and epitomizes the
full range of shaping operations. Beginning with the bowlder a, from
which two chips have been taken, we pass through successive stages of
54 STONE IMPLEMENTS (ETH. ANN. 15
elaboration, reaching the most highly developed forms in k, 1, and m—
long leaf-shape blades. Profiles of type specimens representing three
stage of progress are placed at the right. The upper is the true
turtleback, the second the double turtleback or incipient blade, and
the third the well-advanced blade. As would be expected, no good
examples of the fully finished (roughed-out) blades were found entire
on the site, and illustrations of approximately finished work had to be
selected from broken specimens of which both halves happened to be
recovered, or from the many single halves. In nearly all cases these
blades have a broad and a pointed end, and an examination of many
specimens indicates that these features were generally foreshadowed in
the earlier stages of shaping and were kept in view throughout the prog-
ress of the work. The blades of most advanced type, represented by
broken pieces only, vary from 2 to 5 or 6 inches in length, and are gen-
erally under 2 inches in width and less than one-half an inch in thick-
ness. It was apparently requisite that blades to be acceptable should
be measurably straight and symmetric, that they should have an oval
lanceolate outline, that they should be within a certain limit of weight,
and that the edges should have a bevel adapted to further elaboration
by flaking processes. Only one piece was found that had certainly
been carried beyond this simple stage; in this piece a rude stem had
been worked out at the broad end, as in the ordinary spearhead. This
specimen (a, plate XVIII) was found near the surface of a mass of shop
refuse, but was without reasonable doubt part of the original deposit.
Two other pieces (b and ¢) found at considerable depths exhibit slight
indications of specialization of form. The specimen shown in d is hardly
more than an ordinary failure, rejected on account of too great thick-
ness or other eccentricity of shape.
For the purpose of conveying a clear notion of the nature of the
final quarry form—the leaf-shape blade—I have brought together in
plates XIX, XX, XXI, and xXx11 a number of the rejects that seem to
approach the form striven for by the quarry-shop flaker. Some are
entire blades, all of which exhibit more or less palpable defects of
form (as judged by the standards made out by a study of the quarry-
shop work and by the ordinary blades found so plentifully on village-
sites). Others were broken near the final stage of the shaping, and in
numerous cases both pieces were found where they had been dropped
by the workman and covered up by the accumulating débris. It will
be noticed that nearly all the whole pieces are excessively thick in some
part, while some are crooked or defective in outline, and we may con-
clude that they were rejected on account of some of these shortcomings.
We are, in my judgment, sufficiently warranted in concluding that most
of those specimens now in fragments were broken in vain efforts to
reduce the excessive thickness (as in a, plate xx) or to correct some
defect in outline. Breakage was liable to take place at any stage of
the work, the danger increasing, however, as the form increased in
tenuity.
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HOLMES] CHARACTER OF THE REJECTS 55
The excessive thickness so fatal to success results from the failure of
flakes to carry sufficiently far back from the margin to overlap opposing
flakes. In the process of shaping stones of varying degrees of ayaila-
bility by fracture, many eccentric forms are necessarily developed; and
these peculiarities of failures, being due to common defects in the flak-
ing qualities of the stone, are often repeated, giving to the superficial
observer the impression that the particular form was the result of
design. Thus, for example, there are many specimens having one flat
side and one convex or pyramidal side. It happened in such cases
that one side was reduced readily to the flattish or slightly convex
surface desired, but that the other worked badly, giving a high peak
which could not be removed. This form and the double-peaked variety
are constantly repeated because the tendency of the flaking from a
bowlder is strongly toward high apexes, great skill being required to pre-
vent this result and to obtain just the proper convexity. To attempts
to remove these high humps by violent strokes is due much of the break-
age in all stages of the work. Examples of this class of failures are
found on every shop site and need not be mistaken for finalities in
shape.!
The incipient tools have very considerable range in size, the blade
shown in b, plate xx1, being 54 inches in length, while others reach
upward of 6inches. The smallest specimens found in the quarry-shops
are a little under 2 inches in length. Plate xxiit is intended to indi-
cate the relation of the roughed-out blade to the bowlder from which it
was derived. Two examples are given, the profile being added in each
case that the conditions may be understood fully. In the specimens
chosen for illustration, both ends retain small areas of the original
surface of the bowlder. The relation of the blade to the original
bowlder is not at all uniform. The fracture was sometimes such that
three-fourths or more of the mass was removed all from the one side
before the desired degree of convexity of that side was obtained, so
that the blade was finally derived from very near one surface of the
bowlder, as indicated in the profiles. The occurrence of such speci-
mens as this has led to the supposition that in some cases a number of
blades were made from a single bowlder by splitting, and this is no
'During the period intervening between the completion of the work on Piny branch and the date
of the present writing (five years), [ have examined many other quarries in various parts of the
country and close analogies were observed everywhere and even identical results where conditions
were identical. I have also encountered in this period numerous illustrations of the baneful results
flowing from a lack of appreciation of the nature of the quarry and shop work and of the rejectage
always associated with it. One very earnest and intelligent gentleman, who had dwelt for many
years in a flint-producing district where the fields were filled with refuse of manufacture, had spent
wu great deal of time in gathering and classifying the varied forms of rejectage, supposing all to be
implements. The result was truly astonishing. He had grouped similar forms together as so many
varieties of tools and had worked out suppositious uses and was able to decide how some forms were
shaped to fit the hand and others were designed for hafting. He had made excellent drawings and
was ready to issue an elaborate and costly work. In his mind every shape was significant, and all
fractures, such as come from necessity in all broken stones and are often remarkable, were indications
of design, and the more eccentric accidents of fracture were evidences of consummate skill on the
part of the jvorkman.
56 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eTH. ANN. 15
doubt correct where fracture was exceptionally favorable, but a bowl-
der did abundantly well in yielding a single specimen of the class
roughed-out on the quarry site.
In a majority of cases the completed blade retains no trace of the
original surface of the bowlder, as the great number of blows necessary
to obtain the desired shape removed it altogether; and in most cases,
no doubt, the specimen was reduced to two-thirds or one half of the
length and width of the bowlder. It is probable that the projectile
point, 15 or 2 inches in length, was often the entire result of flaking up
a bowlder 3 or 4 inches long,
The various forms of worked stones are distributed throughout the
mass of refuse, as would be expected in a quarry-shop. In many cases
clusters of flakes are found, and with them the fragments and failures
produced during a single sitting or by a series of sittings on the one
spot. In b, plate xxti, and in @ and db, plate xxry, three pieces are
presented, illustrating three stages of progress, the first-mentioned
specimen belonging between the other two. These were found, with
the flakes derived from them, in a small cluster in the first trench.!
The large specimen was rejected after having received a few blows from
the hammer, the relief of the side flaked remaining too pronounced to
warrant continuation of the work; the second piece was broken when
both sides had been roughly reduced to approximate contour; while the
third example was splintered after having reached almost the requisite
thinness and contour. Thus we have, as the result of a few minutes’
flaking, a series of forms representing the whole range of quarry-shop
shaping operations and extending from the rudest to the most elaborate
stage.
Occasionally we encounter specimens in which the flaking was
carried all around the margin of the stone in such a manner as to give
a number of steeply sloping facets. These have a close resemblance to
what are known as cores. that is, masses of raw material from which
flakes have been removed to be used as knives, ete. It is difficult to
draw the line between the steep-faceted failure and the typical core
form, as the one shape grades into the other. Four of these core-like
pieces, the best and nearly the only specimens collected, are represented
in plate xxy. It is impossible to determine whether or not they are
really cores rather than mere failures of the blade maker. Certainly
no use was made on the quarry or shop sites of flakes such as would
be derived from them, for had such flakes been worked up on the site
traces of the operations would have been left among the refuse. True,
the flakes may have been carried away, as were the blades produced
in the quarry, to be utilized or specialized elsewhere, but I have not
‘Itis quite possible that by a little careful work all the pieces of the bowlders used on this spot
could have been recovered and the original form restored by fitting the bits together, but the true
conditions were so patent that this was not considered essential. In subsequent years such restora.
tions have been made in a namber of cases, and notably by Dr W. A. Phillips, of Evanston, Illinois,
who has in two or three instances restored the bowlder so fully that each part can be taken off in the
order in which it was flaked by the ancient arrow maker of the gravelly shores of Lake Michigan.
XXXII
PL.
FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
oa
RELATION OF SPECIALIZED LEAF-BLADE IMPLEMENTS OF VARIOUS KINDS TO THE ORIGINAL BLADE
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXII
SCRAPING IMPLEMENTS OF QUARTZ AND QUARTZITE (ACTUAL SIZE)
a,b, and ¢ have one flat side and a beveled edge; e. f, g, appear to be broken projectile points
sharpened at the edge
HOLMES] CHARACTER OF THE REJECTS 57
been able to learn that the primitive inhabitants of the Potomac region
often used flakes such as were taken from these objects, either in their
original form as cutting or scraping tools or in the manufacture of
projectile points, scrapers, and drills; nearly all specialized quartzite
implements are fairly thick bodied and substantial. The great rarity
of typical core shapes on these shop sites should also be noted as indi-
cating the probability that ordinary high-peaked specimens are mere
accidents of blade-making operations.
In some cases large bowlders have been broken and flaked in such
manner as to suggest the notion that the detached pieces were intended
to be used in implement making; but howsoever this may be, much
experience bas tanght me that irregular masses of quartzite are much
more difficult to manage—to reduce to the symmetric blade—than are
the bowlders when the latter are of convenient size. It is different
with more brittle materials, which may be worked up to good advantage
from the angular mass.
In my very careful and prolonged efforts to determine the object of
the quarry-shop work and the character of the product I studied the
numerical relations of the various forms of rejectage with excellent
results, which may be given in some detail.
In shaping implements by flaking there are necessarily failures at
all stages of the work from beginning to end, as already shown, and
these failures are susceptible of grouping into four classes: The first
class includes tested bowlders, rejected in early stages of the work
because of unfavorable material, adverse fractures, flaws, etc, which
occur in countless numbers on the site; the second stage includes
those considerably worked on one side and rejected because of palpa-
ble defects developed or brought out by that work: the third group
includes such specimens as were flaked somewhat fully on both sides
before it became apparent that further effort was useless; and the
fourth class comprises the well-defined leaf-like blade. Now it was
found by study of the shaped refuse that breakage under the heavy
blows of the hammer took place at all stages of the work, and that
nearly as many failures had resulted from breakage into halves or
approximate halves as from imperfectly developing contour. I found,
however, by segregating and comparing the varieties, that one group of
halves had no corresponding group of unbroken forms, and I concluded
that this group of halves represented the true quarry product.
The observations may be formulated as follows (the first series—the
tested bowlders—being omitted because they were practically innu-
merable): In the first trench I found, of the second class (n, plate XVII),
380 whole specimens and 460 halves; of the third class (0), 250 whole
specimens and 320 halves; and of the fourth stage (p), no whole speci-
mens and 380 halves. The latter were halves of comparatively thin,
well-shaped blades, and were not represented by any whole blades of
like proportions. In other words, there were 380 half blades of a
grade of advancement superior to that of the best entire blade. From
58 STONE IMPLEMENTS (ETH. ANN. 15
this the inference was reached that all unbroken blades of this class
were carried away. It would appear, also, that of the shaped stones no
other varieties were carried away, Since no other variety is without a
full percentage of unbroken specimens, the presence of these in the
refuse being sufficient evidence that they were not desired or removed
from the site.
The determination that the leaf'shape blade was the exclusive
shaped product of these great quarries is of greater importance than
at first appears. It affords the key to many of the most puzzling
problems of flaked stone art. It settles the status of multitudes of
rudely flaked stones formerly of enigmatical status, and enables us to
tell the story of the cache and write for the first time the full history
of the countless flaked implements scattered over the land.
TOOLS USED IN FLAKING
As has already been indicated, the flaking tools were probably bowl-
ders selected for the purpose from the multitude of available examples.
Though few were found that show any considerable evidence of wear,
many specimens occur which are more or less battered, apparently by
use. With multitudes of natural hammers of choice shapes and assorted
sizes at hand, it was manifestly useless to shape special tools or to
bring in shaped tools from the outside. The scarcity of well-shaped
and much-used hammers in this quarry is a very notable fact, and has
been the subject of much speculation. It is found that in other quar-
ries, subsequently examined, these objects are very numerous, and this
has led to the surmise that possibly hammers made of other material,
such as buckhorn, were employed in flaking the bowlders. This, we
must admit, is possible, but as the evidence stands today the matter
must be left largely to conjecture.
PROCESSES OF MANUFACTURE
Discussion of the processes of manufacture, of the destiny of the
shaped product, and of other general topics might be left until the
other quarries and shop sites are described, but can as well be taken
up here, since the results obtained by a study of this group of quarry-
shops are repeated in the other cases.
It has been mentioned elsewhere that the first step, after the removal
of the bowlders from the bed by the quarrymen, was to test them for
quality of material. As a rule, the removal of a single flake, or at most
a very few flakes, enabled the expert workman to determine whether or
not the stone was reasonably tractable. The selected material was
removed to the shop sites, where the flaker took up the work.
The process employed in flaking appears to have been exclusively
fracture by free-hand percussion, the act being a quick, firm stroke,
regulated in force by the nature of the resistance to be overcome and
by the result desired; no trace or suggestion of other .kind of proced-
ure was observed. The bold but unsymmetric outline of the forms
ALID NOLONIHSYM LNOSV S3LIS-3DVIIIA GNV SdOHS WOHS GSANIVISO (3ZIS 1WNLOV GHIHL-3NO LNO8V)
SH301MOS SLIZLYVYND WOHS ‘013 ‘SLNIOd 31LOSPOUd 4O SYNLOVSNNVW 3HL NI Sd3LS SAISSSHOOUd ONILVHLSNTT SWYHOS O3xV14 JO SAlNaS
AIXXX "Id 1HOd3Y TVONNY HLINSSLSId INHL3 3O N¥3HNE
HOLMES] PROCESSES OF FLAKING 59
produced and the rather haphazard arrangement of the percussion
points preclude the idea that any process capable of accurately adjusting
the point of contact between the tool used and the article shaped could
have been employed. At best such a method would certainly not be
readily applicable to a stone of the refractory nature of quartzite.
Though the manner of delivering the stroke seems sufficiently deter-
mined, the precise method of holding the stone shaped is left to con-
jecture. My own experiments have been conducted on the assumption
that it was held in the hand. The account of flaking processes given
in the following paragraphs is based on the belief that free-hand per-
cussion with hammers of stone or other hard and heavy material was
the exclusive or principal quarry-shop process.
Referring to the series of graded rejects illustrated in plate xvi, we
observe that the process of manufacture and the steps of development
Fic. 10—First step in bowlder flaking.
were essentially as follows: Grasping a bowlder in either hand (sup-
posing bowlder hammers to have been used), the first movement was to
strike the edge of one against that of the other at the proper angle to
detach a flake (figure 10). The second movement and the third were
similar, and so on until the circuit was completed. If no false stroke
was made and the stone had the right fracture, these few blows, occu-
pying but as many seconds, gave as a result a typical turtleback—a
bowlder with one side faceted by artificial flaking, the other side, save
through accident, remaining smooth. If the removal of a single row
of flakes was not sufficient, the work was continued until the one side
was reduced to the proper degree of convexity, and the availability of
the stone for further elaboration was made apparent. A type profile
60 STONE IMPLEMENTS (ern. ANN. 15
is illustrated in x, plate xvul. If the results thus far reached were
satisfactory, the stone was turned in the hand, and by a second series
of blows the remaining smooth side was flaked away (figure 11), when
the result was a two-faced stone or double turtleback—the incipient
blade. With perhaps a few additional strong strokes the rough stone
began to assume the appearance of the final form. <A type profile is
seen in o, plate Xvul. If at this stage, and, I may say, if at any pre-
ceding stage, the stone developed defects or unmanageable features
(such as too great thickness, crookedness, or humps that could not be
removed), it was thrown away, and thus became part of the refuse;
and it would appear that all the entire specimens collected, since they
were taken by us from the refuse, did develop some of these short-
comings. If, however, the form developed properly, the work was con-
tinued into the final stage, which consisted in going over both sides a
Fic. 11—Second step in bowlder flaking.
second and perhaps a third time, securing, by the use of small ham-
mers and by deft and careful blows upon the edges, a thin, symmetric
blade. <A profile is given in p, plate xv11. Four broken specimens that
must have been all but complete, for they are apparently more perfect
than any whole pieces left on the site, are shown in j, k, 1, and m of the
same plate. It is important to observe that when the thin blade repre-
sented by these halves was realized, the work of the quarry-shop (and
the only work of the quarry-shop, so far as shaping is concerned)
was ended. The process and the machinery had accomplished all that
was asked of them, and all that they were capable of accomplishing.
The neat, but withal rude, blades, and these only, of the shaped prod-
ucts were carried away. Further work, additional shaping—and such
there was in most cases, no doubt—employed other processes and was
carried ou in other fields. Flakes and fragments suitable for elaboration
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT P)
QUARTZITE BLADES OF VARYING SIZE AND OUTLINE, MAINLY UNSPECIALIZED (ACTUAL SIZE). OBTAINED
FROM POTOMAC VILLAGE-SITES
3p
Y
NUAL REPORT
NTH AN
FIFTEE
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOSY
WECTILE POINTS. FROM POTOMAC VILLAGE-
SIZE)
PROBABLY IN THE MAIN PR¢
’
ZITE BLADES
SPECIALIZED QUART
(ACTUAL
SITE
”
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXVII
SPECIALIZED QUARTZITE BLADES, PROBABLY IN THE MAIN ARROWPOINTS, FROM POTOMAC VILLAGE-SITES
(ACTUAL SIZE)
HOLMES] PROCESSES OF FLAKING 61
into implements may have been selected for transportation, but no
evidence of this is procurable.
The course of procedure just described I have investigated in the
most careful manner, and by experiment have followed every step of
the process, and have achieved almost every result. I have found that
in reaching one final form I have left many failures by the way, and
that these failures duplicate, and in proper proportions, all the forms
found on the quarry sites. I was unfortunately prevented from carry-
ing out these experiments as fully as desirable by permanently disabling
my left arm in attempting to flake a bowlder of very large size.
I further find by these experiments—and the conclusion is a most
important one—that every implement resembling the final form here
described, and every blade-shaped projectile point made from a bowlder
or similar bit of rock not already approximate in shape, must pass
through the same or nearly the same stages of development, leaving
the same wasters, whether shaped today, yesterday, or a million years
ago; whether in the hands of the civilized, the barbarous, or the savage
man.
It may be well here to define with some care the apparent limitations
of the classes of procedure concerned in the manufacture of flaked
tools. Direct or free-hand percussion by means of unhafted or hafted
implements is the natural method of reducing large amorphous masses
to something approximating the special shapes reached in the advanced
stages of the art. It was probably the leading method utilized in very
early times; but this process, even in the most skillful hands, has its
limitations in certain directions. For example, blows can not be given
with sufficient regularity to produce great symmetry of outline and
desirable uniformity of flaking; and, again, when implements under
treatment become attenuated, the sharp blow is extremely liable to
shatter them. The skill of the artificers being equal, these limitations
vary with the degree of brittleness and homogeneity of the material
used.
Quartzite is extremely refractory, and the skill of the workman must
have been tried to the utmost to carry the manufacture by the free-
hand process to a stage of elaboration where the other methods would
be operative. It is possible that some method employing indirect per-
cussion may have followed that of direct percussion. By indirect
percussion I mean the use of two tools, one the hammer and the other
the punch, the latter being set on the exact spot to receive the impact
or blow, thus eliminating the element of uncertainty characteristic of
the free-hand blow, although necessarily lacking in percussive power.
By one or both of these methods tke blades were carried to such a
degree of symmetry and attenuation that the artist was able to employ
pressure to advantage. Then, by skillfully using a bit of bone or
antler, he could carry the tool to the highest possible degree of spe-
cialization and finish. That the latter method was employed by the
62 STONE IMPLEMENTS (ETH. ANN. 15
Chesapeake tribes is clearly indicated by John Smith, who, speaking
of a Powhatan warrior, says, ‘‘ His arrow head he quickly maketh with
a little bone, which he ever weareth at his bracert, of any splint of a
stone, or glasse in the forme of a heart, and these they glew to the end
of their arrowes.”! This could not apply, of course, save where the bit
of stone already approximated the proportions and especially the
thickness of the article to be made.
DESTINY OF THE QUARRY BLADES
Now, although the blades produced in the quarry-shops may without
modification have been used for cutting, scraping, perforating, and
other purposes, I am decidedly of the opinion that as a rule they were
intended for further elaboration; this is rendered almost certain, first,
by the fact that the most fully shaped broken pieces found on the quarry-
shop sites are but rudely trimmed on points and edges, specimens of
like grade being little fitted for use in cutting and scraping; and,
second, that all the tens of thousands of specialized forms—spearheads,
arrowpoints, and perforators—are necessarily specialized from such
blades, as shown in a subsequent section. The quarry-workshop was
naturally not a place for finishing tools, but one for roughing-out the
material and selecting that fitted to be carried away for final shaping.
A laborer engaged in such work in a pit in the forest would not be
likely to throw aside the rough hammer used in fracturing cobble
stones to take up and operate an entirely different kind of machinery,
involving a distinct and delicate process. Being a reasoning and prac-
tical creature, he would carry away the roughed-out tools, the long,
thin blades, to be disposed of or to be finished at his leisure and by what-
soever method experience placed at his disposal.
The quarries, being extensive, were worked somewhat systematically
and the product was naturally of great importance to the people con-
cerned. The blades made during a prolonged season’s work were
numerous and were carried to village-sites far and near for use, special-
ization, or trade. There would be in their history a period of trans-
portation attended by storage, and this would explain the cache, an
interesting feature of stone-implement phenomena, and one which
involves just such blades as were produced in the quarry-shops.
THE DUMBARTON HEIGHTS QUARRY-SHOPS
LOCATION
The second group of quarry-worksbops to receive attention is located
on the western side of Rock creek, a quarter of a mile north of the new
Naval Observatory and a mile and a half southwest of the Piny branch
site already described. The quarries occupy a narrow, heavily timbered
spur of the Tennallytown ridge and overlook a deep and picturesque
1 History of Virginia, Richmond, 1819, vol. 1, p. 182.
(3ZIS TWNLOV) VILSOOYNY YVAN S3LIS
-3DVTIA GN¥ SdOHS WOUS AINIVW GSNIVLSO ‘S31883d ZLYVNO WOYS SLNIOdMOUNYV JO SYNLOVANNVW SHI NI Sd3LS SAISSAYDOUd ONILVYLSNTI SWHOS JO S3IN3aS
XXX Wd 1HOd3H IWONNY HiN33LAL ADSOTONH13 40 NvauNe
HOLMES] THE DUMBARTON HEIGHTS QUARRY 63
Tavine. On the plats of the new city subdivisions bordering Massa-
chusetts avenue extended this locality is called Dumbarton heights.
Although hardly beyond the city limits, this site still retains the
extreme wildness of a primitive forest and is penetrated by obscure
trails only. The sound of the hammer is now constantly heard, how-
ever, even in the wildest spots, and suburban avenues threaten it on
all sides. It will probably not be many years before the illustration
given in plate xXXVI, from a photograph taken early in the spring of 1891,
will be the only memento of the primal wilderness now covering these
hills. A fine rivulet, tributary to Rock creek, meanders the deep ravine,
overlooked on the north by the quarry promontory and on the south by
the observatory.
GEOLOGY OF THE SITE
In its geologic features this locality corresponds very closely with the
Piny branch site. A bed of Potomac bowlders caps the summit of
the ridge, extending to a depth of from 1 to 25 feet, and resting on the
somewhat uneven surface of the gneissic rocks. The main ridge, with
which this spur connects by a narrow and very slightly depressed sad-
dle, rises toward Tennallytown, nearly 200 feet higher, and is composed
of sands, gravels, and bowlder beds of more recent age. The outcrops
of bowlders in the gulches and slopes have been worked in many
places by the ancient quarrymen. On the spur or promontory exam-
ined the bowlders outcrop at a level of 280 feet above tidewater, which
is 50 feet higher than the exposures on Piny branch. This difference is
probably to some extent an index of the slope of the ancient gneissic
beach or sea bed on which the Potomac bowlders were laid down.
The bed resting on the gneissic surface seems to have contained a
larger percentage of workable bowlders than any of the superposed
deposits. This led to the almost exclusive working of this bed by
the ancient peoples, who must have familiarized themselves with all
exposed deposits of material. :
The beds containing quartzite bowlders are at this point upward of
20 feet in thickness, but the workable material is confined to a few feet
at the base, with scattering specimens in gravel deposits at higher
levels. The bowlders sought and worked here are almost identical in
every respect with those quarried on Piny branch. The deposits,
however, present some points of difference. At the latter point the
bowlders were pretty uniformly bedded, and the sands and gravels
associated with them exhibited distinct traces of horizontal bedding;
but on Dumbarton heights the bowlders are distributed pretty uni-
formly throughout a matrix of tough argillaceous sand, presenting
the appearance of heterogeneous dumping, rather than of regular bed-
‘ding by aqueous agencies.
Portions of the deposits were here in a most favorable condition to
be worked, as they occupied the summit of the ridge and were exposed
to view over the surface of the entire crest. The bowlders were obtained
64 STONE IMPLEMENTS (ETH, ANN.15
by entering the hillside on the gneissic floor as well as by pitting the
bowldery surface at various points. The latter method was extensively
followed at the western end of the outstanding ridge, which is nearly
flat for a width of 75 feet or more. This relation of the bowlder depos-
its to the surface of the ground had an important bearing on the pres-
ervation of the evidences of ancient work. On the sloping surfaces
the pits are entirely obliterated by the descent of refuse from above,
but on the upper surface they are still distinetly visible.
The worked-over surface is everywhere irregular, but the depressions
are in no case more than a few inches in depth. It is probable that as
arule they were not deep when deserted by the ancient workmen, as
one pit would be filled by refuse from another as the work went on.
Such pits as were left open on the upper surface of the ridge would at
first fill rapidly by falling in from the sides, but the rate of filling would
decrease with the decrease of depth, and when a degree of shallowness
like that observed at present had been reached, the compacted cobbles
would have something of the stability of an artificial pavement; and
where the position did not admit the accumulation of vegetal mold,
centuries might pass without perceptible change. On steep sites, as in
some parts of Piny branch, the friable overhanging deposits must have
descended rapidly into the old quarries, obliterating all traces of the
pits in a very short time.
DISTRIBUTION OF QUARRY Pits
On the map the crest of the promontory resembles the human foot in
profile. The ancient quarries were located mainly on the heel, where
they covered an acre or more. A little work was done along the sole
of the foot, and several pits 2 or 3 feet deep had been dug at other
points.
As the ancient work was prosecuted along the crest and margins of
this promontory, the shop and quarry refuse is largely distributed over
the slopes and has descended to the bed of the creek on the south and
into the ravines and depressions on the other sides. The most striking
feature of the promontory is its mantle of broken bowlders, admirably
shown in plate xxvi. The whitish bowlders appear in strong con-
trast with the somber hues of the forest and its carpet of brown leaves
and dark mold.
TRENCHING
The western projection of the quarry spur bore the most decided
traces of ancient operations, and was therefore chosen as the best
place to begin the work of trenching. Beginning near the extreme
southwest end of the crest, near the upper surface of the gneiss rocks
and at the base of the capping of bowlders, a trench 3 feet wide was
carried horizontally into the gently sloping hillside. Beyond the first
10 feet the digging was not continuous, but consisted of a line of short
trenches with intervals of a few feet. For about 40 feet but little of
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REF XxX XIX
QUARTZ BLADES SHOWING LITTLE OR NO TRACE OF SPECIALIZATION, OBTAINED MAINLY FROM POTOMA(
VILLAGE-SITES (ACTUAL SIZE)
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
SPECIALIZED QUARTZ BLADES, PROBABLY IN THE MAIN ARROWPOINTS, OBTAINED FROM POTOMAC
VILLAGE-SITES (ACTUAL SIZE)
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLI
SPECIALIZED QUARTZ BLADES, PROBABLY IN THE MAIN ARROWPOINTS, OBTAINED FROM POTOMAC
VILLAGE-SITES (ACTUAL SIZE)
iy
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FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLII
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
QUARTZ ARROWPOINTS OF ECCENTRIC SHAPES, OBTAINED MAINLY FROM POTOMAC VILLAGE-SITES
(ACTUAL SIZE)
HOLMES] THE DUMBARTON HEIGHTS QUARRY 65
particular interest was encountered. The mass, to a depth gradually
increasing to 8 feet as we advanced, consisted of earth and gravel,
intermingled with shop refuse. This rested on the uneven floor of the
old quarry, composed of the undisturbed, firmly compacted bowlder-
bearing gravels. The ancient workmen rarely penetrated, save on the
outer margins of the quarry, to the gneiss bed.
At the fortyfifth foot a pocket of refuse, containing broken bowlders,
failures, broken blades, and flakes, in considerable quantities, was
exposed. This was at a depth of about 5 feet. The conditions were
identical with those of the Piny branch sites as the quarry wall was
approached. The characteristics of the exposures in the trenches may
be summed up in a few words. The quarry débris consists of a hetero-
geueous mass of sandy clays, sand, gravel, bowlders of quartz and
quartzite, and shop refuse, all well compacted and difficult to penetrate
and remove with pick and shovel. The shop refuse includes broken
bowlders up to a foot in greatest dimension, rejects representing all
varieties of failures, unfinished tools broken at various stages of
development, and numberless flakes. These are generally distributed
throughout the mass of quarry debris, but at intervals clusters or
pockets were encountered, where considerable shaping had been done
at a single sitting or on a particular spot.
The quarry face was reached at a distance of about 55 feet from the
beginning point of the trenching. It was, at the point reached, quite
abrupt, being nearly vertical for about 5 feet. The full depth was
about 7$ feet. At other points, exposed in various lateral trenches,
the old quarry face was found to be very poorly defined. It would
appear that the ancient quarrymen did not work with any considerable
regularity or system. Numerous excavations had been carried into the
sloping face of the hill, and had been abandoned ear the crest. The
series of terminations constitute an irregularly scalloped and variously
inclined quarry face. A detailed description of the numerous short
trenches, opened at various points along the margin of the promon-
tory crest, need not be given. The conditions are uniform, and at no |
point was the ancient work so extensive as where the first two trenches
were dug.
In one of the side trenches a good deal of chareoal was found, and
at the depth of about 6 feet a charred log more than 10 feet long and
in places a foot in diameter was encountered. It rested on or near the
bottoin of the ancient excavation, and consisted of a shell of echareoal,
the interior uncharred portion having been entirely replaced by sand,
which had found its way through the crevices. There is no reason to
suppose that it was used by the ancient quarrymen in their work, or
that it was anything more than a log which, having fallen into the
deserted pit, was burned by forest fires. Charred wood and small
masses of charcoal were found, but man’s agency was not necessarily
involved in their production.
15 ETH i)
66 STONE IMPLEMENTS (ETH, ANN. 15
The nature of the quarrying, the processes of implement shaping,
and the quarry product correspond closely with those of the Piny
branch site, and a description would but repeat what has been already
said in the previous section.
OTHER ROCK CREEK SITES
North of the Dumbarton heights quarries the bowlder beds oceur
near or on the summits of the hills, and traces of ancient manufacture
are occasionally seen. On a high point less than a quarter of a mile
west of the crossing of Connecticut avenue and Pierce mill road, much
shop refuse is found. This is within a few hundred yards of the Rose
hill soapstone quarry, and represents the extreme limit of the Poto-
mac bowlder deposits in this direction.
The new Naval Observatory on the ridge south of the quarry just
described is built on an ancient quarry site. Quarrying, apparently on
a limited scale, was carried on in the banks of the ravine now occupied
by the power house, as the excavations for foundations and drainage
exposed quantities of the chipped bowlders.
The blutts of Rock creek within the suburbs of the city are lined with
sites on which the ancient bowlder worker established his shops. The
work was everywhere the same, save that as a rule quarrying was not
carried on to such an extent as to leave traces of the pitting. On both
sides of the creek at the crossing of Massachusetts avenue the refuse
of bowlder flaking is strewn over the slopes from base to summit of the
bluffs. The cutting of U street at a point overlooking the Massachu-
setts avenue bridge on the east has exposed an excellent section of the
base of the Potomac bowlder beds. A portion of the exposure is shown
in plate xxvil. Beneath the bowlders is the crumbling surface of the
micaceous gneiss. Considerable flaking was done on the surface at this
point, and clusters of flakes and failures occur on the slope back of the
seated figure. Beyond is the valley of Rock creek and the heights on
the west. In the Zoological park, a little farther up the valley and
connecting around the faces of the Mount Pleasant blufts to the Piny
branch site, are numerous spots on which considerable work was done.
It may be added that on the level upper surfaces of the plateau
occupied by Mount Pleasant and by neighboring suburbs there are
traces of aboriginal occupation, consisting chiefly of finished, often
broken flaked implements of ordinary varieties, and rarely of pecked
and polished tools.
SHOP SITES OF THE MIDDLE POTOMAC VALLEY
FALLS SECTION OF THE POTOMAC
A study of the manufacture of stone implements in the Potomac
region would properly include an examination of the thousands of
ae
un us 10 DULIMO] OU} Ul $0}1s-OBe]}IA Woy OU 'y puE 'D Yf'9 ‘syoofes doys-Auenb 91
SLNSWA1dWI SLITOAHY SDNIdVHS NI Sd3LS SAISSAYDOUd ONILWHLSNTI SWNYO4 G3193713S
ADOTONHL3 JO NvaHNe
HX “Id LHOd34 TWANNW HLN331315
HOLMES} THE LITTLE FALLS SHOP SITE 67
sites up and down the river and in the affluent valleys on the east and
west, but there is a great degree of sameness in the materials employed
and in the work done. While a few typical localities thoroughly stud-
ied illustrate the whole subject, the presentation will not be complete
without a brief sketch of the whole field.
Investigations in the ancient bowlder quarries of the Rock creek
valley were concluded in June, 1890, and attention was at once turned
to the study of related phenomena in the surrounding region. That
portion of the Potomac between the head of tidewater and Great
falls—about 10 miles of the most interesting and picturesque part of
its course—possesses very considerable archeologic interest. The nat-
ural phenomena are quite distinct from those of Rock creek, and as a
consequence there is a distinet class of archeological phenomena. The
falls portion of the Potomac was evidently a great fishing resort for
the, aborigines, where at one time or another every available site was
occupied for more or less permanent G@welling. The section was rich in
the materials most utilized in native art. All kinds of rocks were
found; there were bowlders of quartz, quartzite, and slate; fragments
of these and other rocks; veins of quartz suitable for use in arrow mak-
ing; rounded masses of traps and metamorphosed slates, the favorite
materials for making grooved axes and celts; soapstone in extensive
beds; clay, and occasional bits of rare stones brought down from the
distant mountains. The deposits of bowlders were not of a nature
to encourage extensive quarrying as on Rock creek, but the varied
resources were fully and constantly drawn on by the dwellers by the
river. In cases the villages were distributed over beds of river drift
which furnished nearly every variety of stone and in many forms; and
the art products of such a site, as picked up by the archeologist, are
varied in the extreme. There were considerable deposits of bowlders
on the northern terraces from Georgetown to above Cabin John bridge,
and quartz was everywhere.
The most notable sites of the fishing villages are in the vicinity of
Little falls. Some are on the terraced bluffs overlooking the river on
both sides, while others are on the floodplain, only a few feet above
high tide or above the ordinary river current, being swept freely by every
spring freshet.
On the left bank of the river, almost at the foot of Little falls and
about a quarter of a mile below the bridge, is a site that may receive par-
ticular attention. The floodplain is here several hundred feet in width,
extending from the river, at the point where tide and cascade meet, back
to the canal. This floodplain has been carved by the river out of the
gneiss rocks, the scarred surface of which retains enough soil to encour-
age vegetation; the young growth develops during the summer, to be
torn up by the freshet of the following spring. A portion of this plain,
over against the canal and just above the antiquated Eades mill, half
amile below the bridge, was so free from invasion by the waters and had
68 STONE IMPLEMENTS (ETH. ANN. 15
accumulated so much soil that a small patch has been plowed and
planted during recent years. In the spring of 1880 the great flood
swept the site, tearing out pits and trenches and denuding the field of
its soil. This spot was soon after this event visited by collectors who
obtained numerous spearheads and arrowpoints, with some other well-
fashioned relics. In the spring of 1890 I visited the site and found
many objects of art and obseryed some interesting facts. Mainly the
objects found were rude, representing that part of the art products not
desired by collectors of specimens, but such as are essential, along with
the more finished things, to the story of the occupancy of the site and
the pursuit thereon of native arts and industries. The river had in
former years deposited on the corrugated surface of the plain numbers
of worn and partially worn stones of every variety. - At one point was a
bed of well-rounded bowlders containing many flakable pieces. Living
on this site, surrounded by banks of gravel and heavy beds of bowlders,
the savageartisan did not need to quarry the material from which to flake
his projectile points and his knives. He gathered them at his lodge door,
and with deft hand carried them through all the stages of manipula-
tion from the first flake to the finished implement. Quartz and quartz-
ite were freely used, and the soil is filled with the refuse of manufac-
ture. The rejects are identical in every essential respect, so far as the
rude stages are concerned, with those of the Piny branch quarries.
But here at home the work was carried further; here the various forms
were specialized, the points were affixed to the arrowshafts and spears,
and here, within the limits of the village at which they were made, they
were used and lost. Knives and scrapers and perforators and drills
were made and used, and were lost or broken and left with the other
village refuse.
On this site were found the fine-grain tough stones utilized for
axes and chisels. They were selected by the primitive artisans from
the heaps of drift, in shapes resembling the art form desired. They
were broken and flaked, if need be, into approximate shape, and were
then battered or pecked into final form and ground and polished aceord-
ing to custom or need. Specimens were collected illustrating every
step from the beginning to the end of the process. Along with the other
forms, several picks and chisels of the variety used in cutting soap-
stone were discovered. Their presence is explained by the fact that
near at hand occur outcrops of soapstone, and an ancient quarry has
been observed near the Virginia end of the bridge and within a stone’s
throw of Little falls. Hammerstones, whetstones, pestles, mortars, as
well asfragments of ordinary Potomac pottery and pieces of soapstone
ornaments and vessels, were found. It would seem that every form of
relic known in the Potomac region, from the rudest turtleback to the
most finished tool of polished stone, oceurs on this site—a site, it should
be remarked, so modern inits period of occupancy that it is still swept
by the annual freshets. Numerous illustrations of articles from this
site will appear in subsequent sections of this paper.
FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLIV
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
UNSPECIALIZED RHYOLITE BLADES, MAINLY FROM ANACOSTIA VILLAGE-SITES (ACTUAL SIZE)
N NNUAL REPORT PL. XLV
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL Pp
SPECIALIZED RHYOLITE BLADES, PROBABLY LARGELY KNIVES AND SPEARPOINTS, MAINLY FROM ANACOSTIA
VILLAGE-SITES (ACTUAL SIZE)
HOLMES] DOWLING FARM QUARRY-SHOP 69
An important village-site occurs on the high terrace overlooking the
northern end of the bridge, formerly occupied by Freeman’s green-
houses, now the property of the Baltimore and Ohio railway company,
and another site yielding great numbers of relics is situated on the
Donaldson place, high above the river on the southern side.
In June, 1890, my attention was ealled to a series of chipped stones
obtained from the farm of Thomas Dowling, about a mile above Cabin
John bridge and 8 miles from Washington. The collection was made by
Thomas Dowling, junior, and included many of the rude forms common
on the quarry-shop sites already examined, as well as a number of well-
finished implements. During a visit to the locality it became apparent
that this was an ordinary shop site, which bore also considerable evi-
dence of having been occupied for dwelling. The site is a hundred yards
beyond the Dowling gate, on a terrace, the summit of which is about
20 feet above the Conduit road and 160 feet above the Potomac. Back
of the terrace, which is but a few acres in extent, the hills rise gradually
to their full height of some 350 feet above the river, The surface of
the terrace is Somewhat uneven, and is covered with recks of varying
sizes, including many bowlders and masses of quartzite with irregu-
larly shaped remnants of other varieties of stone. Much of this mate-
rial was utilized by the aborigines. It is tobe noted that the available
material supplied by this site does not correspond closely to that of the
great quarry sites of Rock creek. The hills above furnish but few work-
able bowlders until we go far back from the river. During the early
Pleistocene Columbia period these lower terraces were subject to river
overflow and thus received accessions of bowlders and fragments of
rock from the up-river country, but this material is inferior, both in
quantity and in quality, to that of the Potomac formation. It does not
appear that extensive quarrying was carried on in this locality, as
the deposits would not warrant it.
ANACOSTIA VALLEY
The estuary of Anacostia river varies from one-quarter to three-
quarters of a mile in width in its lower course, but just above Ben-
nings bridge it becomes quite narrow. It is bordered for the most
part by low alluvial terraces which rise from the water to the base of
the slopes of the plateau, here reaching nearly 300 feet in maximum
height. In places low bluffs composed of Columbia gravels approach
the river banks, and in the angle between the Anacostia and the
Potomac the Columbia formation oeceurs in terraces varying from a
few feet to nearly 100 feet in altitude; on these in the main the city of
Washington is built.
The only members of the Columbia formation of particular interest
in this study are the bowlder-bearing gravels. These are extensively
exposed in places, and in the vicinity of the navy-yard reach a thick-
ness of 2U feet or more, though the bowlders are not generally suited
to the use of the implement maker. They are often of quartzite and
r
(0 STONE IMPLEMENTS (ETH, ANN. 15
of a suitable size for flaking, but the material is not sufficiently glassy,
and they are so scattered throughout the great mass of gravel that
quarrying was not encouraged. Workable bowlders were weathered
out in considerable numbers, however, and these were used by the
aborigines. Quartz bowlders and pebbles were also found in plenty,
and in some localities were sufficiently abundant to lead to extensive
manufacture. Such a locality occurs on the left bank of the river near
the Pennsylvania railway bridge. Here the terrace gravels are filled
with workable pebbles, and many rejects and also many finished points
are found on the sites, which were dwelling places as well as implement
factories. The turtlebacks are often very minute, being in many cases
less than an inch in length. Although the inhabitants of the tidewater
section of Anacostia river were thus well supplied near at hand with
the ordinary varieties of stones, they probably found it advantageous
to visit the hills higher up when an unusual supply was ealled for.
The Potomac bowlder beds, which furnish the best materials in the
region, outcrop around the slopes of the hills bordering the north-
western branch of the Anacostia, 10 miles up. In the vicinity of
Riggs mill, 54 miles above Hyattsville and a mile northwest of the
Maryland Agricultural College, the manufacture of quartzite tools was
carried on quite extensively. It has not been ascertained definitely
that quarrying was resorted to, but there is a strong probability that
such was the case. The bowlder beds are very heavy at this point,
and agriculture is much impeded by the millions of rounded stones
that come to the surface in the fields. A small percentage of quartz
pebbles are intermingled with those of quartzite. The heaviest de-
posits of bowlders occur in the middle slopes about the mill, and the
refuse of manufacture is found everywhere. The conditions are much
the same as on the Rock creek sites. Here, however, all stages of the
shaping process are represented, from the tested bowlder with one or
two flakes removed to the finished arrowpoint and spearhead. Many
pieces have one side worked, others have both sides rough flaked, and
a very large number are reduced almost to the typical quarry blade.
There are here more broken blades—that is, of those apparently almost
completed—than at any other point yet examined. At Jeast a hundred
were found in an hour’s search.
It is worthy of special note that on these sites a considerable amount
of specialization was carried on, and some finished points are found,
while there are many fragments of those evidently broken in trimming
the edges and tips and in adding the notches; this was not true of the
Rock creek quarries. This difference is accounted for by the fact that
the Anacostian sites were habitable in places, and traces of encamp-
ments where finishing shops were probably established are found at a
number of points. The occurrence of implements and projectile points
of exotic materials on several of these sites is satisfactory proof of the
presence of dwellings.
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLVI
vy ee
Ben sy he
NS De
Spl
e ¥ ne
SPECIALIZED RHYOLITE BLADES, PROBABLY LARGELY PROJECTILE POINTS, MAINLY FROM POTOMAC
VILLAGE-SITES (ACTUAL SIZE)
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLVII
RHYOLITE ARROWPOINTS, MAINLY FROM POTOMAC VILLAGE-SITES (ACTUAL SIZE)
HOLMES} ANACOSTIA VALLEY QUARRY-SITES Cl
Many similar sites oceur at corresponding localities on the other
branches of the Anacostia. There is little doubt that the inhabitants
of Nacochtank resorted to the quarries of Rock creek and Piny branch;
for great numbers of leaf-shape blades of quartzite, as well as of
quartz and rhyolite, are found on the chain of sites extending all the
way from Bennings to a point opposite Alexandria.
THE TIDEWATER POTOMAC
The Potomac formation, which yields the great body of workable
bowlders, extends far down the river, but is found to yield smaller
amounts of available materials as the distance from Washington
increases. The outcrops are generally at considerable altitude above
the river, and at many points on the lower levels there are deposits of
bowlder-bearing material derived from the erosion of the Potomac beds.
This redistribution is now going on, so that everywhere there are more
or less extensive accumulations of workable bowlders. The superior
formations, the Lafayette and Columbia, also yield considerable work-
able stone, which is reassorted and redistributed by the river. There
are in places deposits of exceptionally heavy bowlders of limited
extent as far down as the confluence with Chesapeake bay. About the
mouth of the Wicomico, for example, bowlders are found in large
numbers. On Popes creek and along Port Tobacco river the gravels
furnish many bowlders of all sizes, which were extensively used by the
shell-bank peoples for mortars and mullers, and for shaping both small
and large implements. The valley of Zakiah creek, in Charles county,
is noted for the great number of arrowpoints and spearheads to be
found on its banks; while the gravels are well supplied with workable
pebbles of quartz and quartzite, suitable for the implement maker.
On the western side of the river, from Rosslyn to Potomac creek,
and extending far back into the hills, extensive deposits of bowlders
are exposed. In all of this district no quarries have been observed,
although it is probable that in hundreds of places bowlders have been
obtained by excavation; but it would appear that the deposits outside
of the immediate vicinity of Washington were nowhere sufficiently
rich in workable material to encourage quarrying on a large seale.
Workshops are, however, found throughout this region, and refuse
corresponding in every respect to that of the great quarries is widely
distributed.
Especially notable sites are the high terraced points about Mount
Vernon and on the island of Chopawomsie, several miles below. From
the former Mr Willian Hunter has made extensive collections, now
for the most part owned by the National Museum, and it is not unusual
to see collections of quartzite and quartz points from the neighboring
fields offered for sale to visitors at Mount Vernon. At Chopawomsie
a bed of bowlders outcrops near the upper end of the island only a
few feet above low water. The débris of manufacture of quartz and
12 STONE IMPLEMENTS (eH. ANN. 15
quartzite tools is very plentiful on the island, and large collections
have been made of these, and of finished implements as well, by Mr
W. H. Phillips, of Washington. The débris of flaking duplicates the
refuse of the quarries in character. :
There is hardly a village-site on tidewater Potomac where quartz
pebbles were not found and worked, and the workshops are innumer-
able. It is evident that manufacture was carried on wherever the
proper material was obtained, and it is equally clear that the processes
employed and the articles produced were uniform throughout.
SITES IN JAMES RIVER VALLEY
The manufacture of quartzite and quartz implements was carried on
very extensively in all the principal valleys draining into the Chesa-
peake on the west. They are found scattered over the country, and on
the more fully occupied sites along the rivers the store of arrowpoints
and spearheads seems next to inexhaustible. The great collections
made by M.S. Valentine, esquire, and bis sons, in the James and neigh-
boring valleys; of Mr C. M. Wallace, mainly about the falls of the
James, and of J. H. Wrenshall, on Dan river, bear testimony to this.
Nearly all of the stones along Moccasin and Gillys creeks below Rich-
mond are of sandstone or soft quartzite, unsuitable for arrow making,
and very few chips are found along the banks of either. The banks of
Shockoe creek are composed mostly of quartz and hard quartzite peb-
bles, and the bed of the creek is filled with them. If any quarrying
was ever done here, no traces of such work have survived the changes
due to grading for various improvements. It is probable that the
aborigines did very little digging, as the creek would wash out more
stone than they could well utilize. On the surface, and especially on
the slopes of the park of ‘‘Chimborazo,” quartz and compact quartz-
ites exist in great plenty, but it is useless to seek for evidences of
aboriginal work now.
Near the ocher mills, about 5 miles above the mouth of the Appo-
mattox, as also at points on the opposite side of the river, pebbles
of quartz occur in the greatest profusion. On the bluff back of the
mills the ground is covered with flakes and spails, and it appears that
much work was done here.
On a bluff 30 feet high between Gravelly run and the mouth of Baileys
creek the ground in the few places where it is exposed is covered with
small flakes and chips. It seems to have been a village-site, or at least
a place where the implements were finished after being blocked out
elsewhere.
QUARRIES OF THE HIGHLAND
MATERIALS QUARRIED
In a brief and necessarily imperfect manner the history of stone flak-
ing within the valleys of the tidewater region has been sketched in the
foregoing pages. Incidentally it was shown that much of the material
.
|
7
MRACVMY ASR TRGVIESIAOORS OUITARTSUL) BMBOT OFTIIIZE:
tESSIVE STEPS IN THE SHAPING OF LEAF-B!
a.b,cd
ROM ARGILLITE, FROM VILLAGE- AND S
classed as rejects
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
YLV
SFROM ARGILLITE, FROM VILLAGE- AND SHOP-SITES AT POINT PLEASANT, PENNS
be classed as rejects
ANIA
FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLVI
AAA SVOMNS4 Te akage TGs Ta O32 Tee-VOeet TMA SRA ITV MORD 2TUSIORA :
atom se bata &
HOLMES] QUARRIES OF THE HIGHLAND (
employed in the tidewater region for stone implements was not indig-
enous. It will now be desirable to study the origin and manufacture
of the exotic materials so extensively employed by the natives of the
lowland.
The local materials were not of the best varieties, including little
else, as I have shown, than brittle quartz and refractory quartzite. The
other materials sought in the highland at distant points are rhyolite,
jasper, argillite, and flint. All are found in limited quantity as pebbles
in the tidewater portions of the valleys in which they occur in place in
the highland, and the refuse left by arrow makers is found sparsely
scattered over the valleys. This refuse is closely analogous in its
forms with corresponding refuse resulting from the shaping of quartz
and quartzite pebbles. In some manner the natives of the lowland
acquired a knowledge of the location of the deposits of these mate-
rials in the highland, and quarries were opened and worked and trans-
portation of the material, shaped or partly wrought, became an
important industry.
LOCATION AND PRODUCT
RHYOLITE QUARRIES
First in importance of the exotic materials used by the inhabitants of
the lowland is a variety of rather coarse-grain rock found in South
mountain, a high group of ridges extending from near the Potomac at
Harpers Ferry to the southern side of the Susquehanna at Harrisburg,
Pennsylvania. It is an ancient eruptive rock of the acidic class, occur-
ring interbedded with other formations and outcropping in narrow belts
parallel with the trend of the range. It is generally bluish gray in
color, though sometimes purplish, and is often banded and mottled by
what may be regarded as flow lines. Dark varieties closely resemble
slate, and the structure is often somewhat slaty. Generally it is
flecked with light-colored crystals of feldspar, by which character it is
easily recognized. Its fracture is often uncertain on account of a shaly
or laminated structure, but it is capable of being worked more readily
into large and long implements than any other of the several varieties
of rock found in the upper Potomae valley.
The history of the discovery of this material may be of interest to
archeologists. On taking up the study of the tidewater region it was
observed that at least one-fourth of the implements collected were
made of a gray slaty stone. These objects were in the main knife-like
blades, projectile points, drills, ete, of usual types of form, though
occasional ruder pieces and flakes were found. In a very few cases
larger masses of the rock were reported, one weighing several pounds
having been obtained from the banks of the Potomac opposite Mount
Vernon. It was of compact flakable stone, and although of turtleback
type had somewhat the appearance of a core or mass from which flakes
had been removed for shaping small implements. It may have been
74 STONE IMPLEMENTS (ETH. ANN. 15
used or intended for use as an implement, although this is not proba-
ble. Itis shown in figure 12. A much larger piece, an oblong blade-
like mass, was found by Mr J. D. MeGuire in the Patapsco valley.
Such shapes are very common in the quarries, and are often mere
rejects of the blade maker.
For several years the source of this stone remained unknown.
Members of the Geological Survey were engaged in examining parts
of the Piedmont plateau drained by the Potomac, and I appealed to
them to keep a lookout for the stone. In the summer of 1892 Professor
Fic. 12—Fragment of rhyolite from the Potomac, 10 miles below Washington.
G. H. Williams, of Johns Hopkins university, an assistant geologist
on the Survey (whose untimely death in 1894 was a serious loss to
science), reported its occurrence in South mountain, and in the autumn
he and Mr Arthur Keith, of the Geological Survey, furnished me with a
map of the formations so far as outlined at that time. The outerops
extended in broken narrow belts through Maryland and Pennsylvania,
as already mentioned.
Barly in November, 1892, I set out in search of the quarries. Taking
a team at Keedysville, Maryland, I crossed the mountain ridge at sey-
eral points, finding excellent outcrops of the rock at many points, but
no trace of aboriginal operations appeared until I reached Maria
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLIX
Wy ii)
Yh)
HI
|
SHARPENED BOWLDERS FROM POTOMAC VILLAGE-SITES (ACTUAL SIZE)
HOLMES] SOUTH MOUNTAIN RHYOLITE QUARRIES 75
Furnace, Pennsylvania, on a branch of the Monocacy, 10 miles south-
west of Gettysburg. Here the mountains rise abruptly and to great
heights from the narrow stream bed, and the rhyolite forms a large
part of the rocky mass. A cluster of flakes was observed on the road-
side some 2 miles above the railway crossing, and extensive aboriginal
quarries were soon found on the mountain side half a mile up the north-
ern slope.
During the first visit only a preliminary examination was made.
The ancient workings observed cover several acres of the wooded moun-
tain side. The pitting is not pronounced, although traces of disturb-
ance are readily recognized and the entire soil is filled with broken
masses of the rock and the refuse of blade making. Near the lower
margin of the quarries a small patch had recently been cleared and
planted in peach trees. Here countless numbers of the partially
shaped pieces were to be seen, and in an hour I had my wagon loaded
with turtlebacks, broken blades, and hammerstones. The rock tends
to break in flattish forms, and the rejects indicate that the blades made
here averaged long and thin as compared with the shapes made from
the compact bowlders of the tidewater region.
As in all the quarries so far examined, blade making was, so far as
the refuse indicates, the almost exelusive work of the shops. Plate
XXVIII is devoted to the illustration of specimens of successive grades
of development, from the mass of raw material reduced to convenient
size for beginning shaping operations to the long slender blades almost
as fully developed or advanced as are the blades found in the caches
and on the village-sites of the lowland.
No evidence was found of attempts at specialization of form, and there
is not the least doubt that finishing operations were conducted subse-
quent to transportation to the villages in the valleys. Shops where
many small flakes were found contained fragments of unspecialized
blades only. The hammerstones were not numerous, and were as a
rule rather unsymmetric globular masses of greenish-gray eruptive
rock—probably a diabase.
These and probably other quarries of South mountain were the
centers from which the natives distributed rhyolite over a vast area
including 20,000 square miles or more of the Chesapeake-Potomac
region. The quarry examined is 75 miles northwest of Washington,
and was readily accessible to the inhabitants of Potomae and Patuxent
rivers. The amount of material transported was very great, and the
industry must have been a most important one, frequent journeys to
the mountains of Pennsylvania being a necessary feature.
By a study of the range of quarry elaboration it is readily deter-
mined that the chief product was a blade corresponding to the prod-
ucts of other quarries, and differing only as a result of the difference
in material, It has already been mentioned that multitudes of speci-
mens derived from this or other similar quarries in the mountains are
76 ‘' STONE IMPLEMENTS (ETH. ANN. 15
scattered over the tidewater province. In a few cases flaked masses
have been seen weighing a number of pounds, much larger than would
ordinarily be carried to points distant from the quarry. It is possible
that in cases they are derived from water-transported masses.
As would naturally be expected, a great many blades of the roughed-
out type are found in the lowland. Several caches have been reported,
and in plates XXIX, XXX, and Xxxxr examples from a number of these
are given. Through the kindness of Colonel, W. H. Love, of Baltimore,
I am able to present the remarkable set of blades given in plate XXIXx.
The cache, plowed up in a garden on Frogmore creek, near Baltimore,
contained eight pieces, three of them being broken. The entire blades
range from 7 to nearly 1L inches in length, and in form are very narrow
and thin, with straight sides, and with the usual broad base and acute
point.
The boldly flaked and handsome blade presented in a, plate XXX, was
obtained, with several others like it, by Mr Brewer on South river,
Maryland, from a few inches beneath the surface of the ground in a
grove near his house. The two specimens ) and ¢ are of very different
type, and the former is slightly specialized, rude notches having been
broken in the sides near the base. These are from a cache of about a
dozen pieces found near a village-site on the floodplain of the Potomae
a few hundred yards below Chain bridge.
Very much like the preceding, though ruder, were a number of blades
found by Colonel W. H. Love on an island at Point of Rocks, Mary-
land. I introduce these specimens here, as they clearly indicate what
must have been a common practice with the South mountain quarry-
men—the carrying away from the quarries of hoards of bits and roughly
trimmed blades of rhyolite. The island has in recent years suffered
much from the great floods that now and then devastate the valley,
and a few years ago an ancient village-site of considerable extent was
exposed by the removal to a few feet in depth of the surface soil.
Pottery and stone implements of usual types were found, and at one
point Colonel Love discovered what appeared to be a flaking shop, as
many bits of broken rock flakes and chipped pieces were scattered
about. Partly buried in the soil was a flattish stone a foot or more
across and 2 or 3 inches thick, on and about which, as well as scattered
through the soil near by, were numerous bits of rhyolite, a dozen or two
being of the type shown in ¢, plate xxx, while others were ruder and
some were mere flakes and fragments. Scattered about were a few
finished and partially finished arrowpoints. The relation of these to
the squarish stone, the presence of hammerstones, and the fact that
the upper surface of the stone was considerably roughened and picked
into holes by sharp points led to the surmise that possibly this was a
shop, the stone being the anvil on which the fragments of rhyolite were
placed to be shattered or shaped. Tam at aloss, however, to understand
just how such appliances could be utilized in the work of flaking. A
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. L
SHARPENED AND BATTERED BOWLDERS FROM POTOMAC SHELL HEAPS (ACTUAL SIZE)
HOLMES] HIGHLAND COUNTY FLINT QUARRIES ad
sketch indicating approximately the relation of the cluster of partially
shaped fragments to the large stone is presented in figure 13.
FLINT QUARRIES
Flint does not occur in any considerable bodies within convenient
reach of the tidewater region. Pebbles are found in limited numbers
in the various bowlder deposits and along the stream courses. Lim-
ited masses of the rock occur in the limestone formations of the Pied-
mont plateau; and one considerable outcrop of the rock in Highland
county, Virginia, is known to have been worked by the natives. In
May, 1893, Mr Gerard Fowke, of the Bureau of Ethnology, at my re-
quest made a reconnoissance in the region to verify the reports of
extensive aboriginal quarries in Crabapple bottom, Highland county,
and furnished the following notes:
“On a spur that rises to a height of 200 feet, just west of the village
of New Hampden, a large amount of flint has been released by the
decomposition of the limestone in which it was embedded. It is mostly
in the form of small nodules or fragments, although some of it is
interstratified with the limestone. Over a considerable area on the
Fie. 13—Supposed anvil stone and cluster of slightly shaped bits of rhyolite.
northern end and at the top of the ridge, the’ earth has been much
dug over by the aborigines for the purpose of procuring the stone.
Most of the pits remaining are quite small, few larger than would con-
tain a cartload of earth. The largest are on top of the ridge, where a
few have a depth of 2 to 34 feet, with a diameter of 20 to 50 feet. The
latter cover an area of about an acre; the others are so scattered that
it is difficult to estimate their extent. There is no outcrop of stone
at any point where digging has been done, and it appears that the
searchers for the material had learned that the flint nodules and frag-
ments were distributed through the soil excavated for them in such
spots as proved to contain them in greatest abundance, making no
effort to quarry out the stone in which they occur. At various places
on the summit of the ridge the flint projected above the ground, and
78 STONE IMPLEMENTS [ETH. ANN. 15
there it had been battered off with stones; but there is no evidence
that quarrying was resorted to.
“Such portion of the hill as is not in timber has a heavy blue-grass
sod, and the ground is visible only in a few small spots where animals
have burrowed. Flint chips and flakes were found at several of these.
At the foot of the spur at its northwestern terminus is a spring,
around which these indications of manufacture are abundant; and it
is reported that before the grass had become so thick a great many
broken or unfinished implements were picked up. Spalls and chips
are abundant in the face of the bank around the spring, but it can not
. be ascertained except by excavation how far they extend. So far as
could be learned the space covered by this workshop seems too limited
to have been utilized for flaking more than a small part of the flint
that could have been obtained by the amount of digging apparent; it
may, however, be more extensive than reported, or there may be others
in the vicinity which have been overlooked. This can be determined
only by researches at such points as seem favorable for the location of
arrowpoint factories.”
It is a notable fact that the existence of these quarries was known
and recorded at a very early date, as the following extract from Max-
well’s Historical Register, Richmond, 1850, will show:
On the lands of Mr John Sitlington, in Crabbottom, Highland county, there is
an area of perhaps 100 acres all dug over in pits. This was the great treasury
of that dark clouded flintstone out of which the Indians made those arrowheads of
that color found all over our state. The rock there is in great perfection, and in
inexhaustible quantity. It would surprise anyone to see what labor had been
expended here and what vast quantity of the rock obtained. Here was the red
man’s California.
Flint implements occur so sparingly over the great tidewater areas
that it seems hardly likely that extensive quarries existed within easy
reach of the lowland peoples. No caches have been recorded, and it
seems unnecessary to illustrate the forms of implements, which do not
differ in type from those of other materials. In the Potomac valley
above Harpers Ferry the village-sites yield flint arrowpoints and spear-
heads, mostly black in color, in very considerable numbers.
JASPER AND ARGILLITE QUARRIES
Although these materials were used by the tidewater peoples, and
although some of the articles found were undoubtedly derived from
quarries, the exact location of these sources of supply can not be deter-
mined. It is not improbable, however, that the quarries in Berks and
Lehigh counties, Pennsylvania, furnished the material. Implements
and other articles of these materials are later referred to.
CACHES
It will be observed that the leaf-shape blades made in the quarries
are identical in character with the hoard or cache blades so well known
all over the country. There can be little doubt that these hoards are
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LI
RUDE AXES MADE BY SHARPENING AND NOTCHING QUARTZITE BOWLDERS BY FLAKING,
FROM POTOMAC VILLAGE-SITES (ACTUAL SIZE)
HOLMES] DISTRIBUTION OF CACHES (9
deposits of blades produced in the quarry-shops or on sites furnishing
supplies of the raw material and transported and stored for utilization
or trade. Few caches of the quartzite blades have been reported from
the tidewater country. It is much more common to find deposits of
blades of other materials not obtained in the region, and therefore
brought from a distance by quarry workers or traders. At the mouth
of South river, Maryland, near the banks of Selby bay, four hoards
have been found, and are now for the most part in the collection of
Mr J. D. MeGuire. Two are of argillite and one of jasper, brought, no
doubt, from workshops in Pennsylvania, some 150 miles away, and
one is of rhyolite, probably from the quarries on the head of Monocacy
creek, in Pennsylvania. <A fifth cluster, consisting of eight fine, long
blades, was found in a garden near Baltimore, and is now owned by
Colonel W. H. Love of that city. Five examples appear in plate
Xx1Ix. Still another hoard, consisting of six long, slender blades of
slaty South mountain rhyolite, was obtained by Mr H. Newton Brewer,
from his farm on South river, Maryland. An illustration from this cache
is given in a, plate xxx. A cache of a dozen blades, found on a village-
site at Hades mill, below Chain bridge, is represented in b, plate xxx,
and a similar lot from an island in the Potomac, below Harpers Ferry,
is illustrated in c of the same plate. Nests of quartzite blades are
reported from different parts of the Potomac valley. One, consisting
of six pieces, all slightly specialized, was obtained from a village-site
in Anacostia by Mr W.,H. Phillips (a and , plate Xxxx1); a second (c, in
the same plate), owned by Mr Thomas Dowling, junior, contains four or
five blades, and is from Bennings; and a third, now in the National
Museum, is also from the vicinity of Washington. Others reported from
Potomac creek and elsewhere have been scattered by collectors who
did not appreciate their importance. We can not say in any case that
the quartzite blades found in caches had their origin in the Washington
quarries, for identical forms were produced on numberless sites through-
out the region yielding the raw material, but, in the nature of things,
the greater quarries would be more frequently represented in the caches
than the smaller.
The quarry-shop type of blade is not confined to the cache or to
cache finds. It is found widely distributed over the country on village-
sites, fishing stations, ete. These objects are plentiful on village-sites
in the region producing the raw material in plenty, and decrease rapidly
in numbers as we recede from that region. Thus a village-site on the
Anacostia yields hundreds of these blades, while a similar site on the
lower Potomac may not yield half dozen. They are found in consid-
erable numbers in such places as the bluff village-sites about Mount
Vernon and the great shell fields of Popes creek, where beds of work-
able bowlders are convenient. The cache is not a necessary result of
the quarry, but the quarry explains the cache.
CHAPTER III
FLAKED STONE IMPLEMENTS
GENERAL FEATURES
The treatment of this division of the subject will be brief, sinee the
object of the present paper is chiefly to develop the history of the great
industries connected with quarrying, manufacture, and distribution,
rather than to discuss the finished implements and their uses. Up to
the present time a rational account of the earlier stages of the work of
the aboriginal artisans, of the history of the implement up to the point
where its functions as an implement began, has not been given. The
finished objects have been voluminously discussed by many authors,
but this discussion began in the middle of the subject as now developed
and is thus incomplete and unsatisfactory. Unfinished forms and
rejects have not been clearly distinguished from implements proper,
and much time has been wasted in classifying and finding uses for
objects that are not implements at all.
Attention has already been given to the destiny of the blades pro-
duced in such great numbers in the quarry-shops and in the workshops
scattered over areas affording the raw material. From these sites were
distributed, often in unfinished condition, the innumerable specimens
found in caches and on dwelling, hunting, fishing, and other sites all
over the tidewater country. The processes of elaboration, by means of
which the blades are roughed-out and prepared for final shaping, have
already been considered at some length.
We are not able to say at just what point in the shaping of the blade
or implement from quartzite and each of the other stones (tor the point
would not be uniform with all varieties) the percussion processes ceased
and the pressure processes took up the work. It was certainly later in
the quartzite than in any of the others, because of its coarse grain and
exceeding toughness and the consequent lack of thin and sharp edges
on which the pressure tool must take hold. The pressure methods were
applied somewhat as indicated in the following paragraphs.
In the method mostreadily available for the final steps a blank form
or a flake having the approximate shape was held firmly between the
fingers and thumb of the left hand. A firm piece of bone having a
rather thin edge or angle like that of a three-cornered file was taken in
the right hand and set upon the sharp edge of the stone and at right
angles to it so firmly that a slight eut or notch was made in the bone,
then, with a quick, firm movement of the right hand, met by a similar
80
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. Lil
RUDE AX-LIKE IMPLEMENTS FROM POTOMAC VILLAGE-SITES (ACTUAL SIZE)
@, made by sharpening and notching a quartzite bowlder; b, made by sharpening a rude grooved ax
HOLMES] FLAKING BY PRESSURE 81
movement of the left, the bone was made to move across the edge of
the stone (figure 14), in doing which it took with it a flake, varying
in length, width, and depth with the skill and power of the workman,
the nature of the stone, ete. A rapid repetition of this operation,
Fic. 14—Flaking by pressure, a bone implement being used.
a the bone tool. b the stone, c the flake.
accompanied by a proper resetting of the tool, quickly reduced the
piece, if it worked readily, to almost any desired outline. The same
result was obtained in various other ways, but always by means of
suddenly applied or spasmodic pressure. The blank form may haye
been held down by the fingers on the edge of a stone, as shown in
figure 15, and the point of the bone held in the other set so as to
Fie. 15—Flaking by pressure, a bone point being used, the implement to be
shaped resting on a support.
catch the edge of the stone to a width corresponding to that caught
by the notched bone in the other position, when a+quick downward
pressure upon the flaking tool would remove the flake. Again, in
larger work, where greater force was required to remove the flakes,
15 ETH 6
82 STONE IMPLEMENTS (BDH. ANN. 15
a tool long enough to place against the arm or chest of the operator
may have been used. In this way-much additional force could be
thrown into the spasmodic movement. Another device, practiced by
some tribes, consisted of a notched or forked bone or pincers, which
was set upon the sharp edge of the blank and given a sudden twist,
thus removing the flake.
These operations apply exclusively to implements of leaf-blade type
and to minute forms of other origin. The various ruder and heavier
varieties of tools were shaped by percussion exclusively.
The flaked implements of the province may be arranged in two great
groups: One consists of small and well-shaped forms, such as knives,
drills, scrapers, and projectile points, almost universally employed by
the native tribes; the other comprises heavier and ruder tools, gen-
erally made on or near the site of intended use, and probably rarely
carried about the person or transported to any great distance. The
latter class includes bowlders sharpened at one end by removing a few
flakes, giving a cutting edge or a pick-like point; bowlders and other
stones, often large, similarly sharpened, and in addition notched at the
sides for hafting; as well as quite heavy bowlders, or other compact
bits of rock, rudely notched for hafting, designed for use probably as
hammers or sledges. A unique group of this class of implements was
developed in connection with the quarrying and shaping of steatite.
It includes digging tools and picks of large size and often of rude
shape, and of eutting tools of chisel-like character, shaped by flaking
but often sharpened by grinding. These are fully illustrated in a
subsequent chapter. We may also add sledge heads and hammers
used for breaking up the rock in rhyolite, jasper, and argillite quarries,
and such flaking hammers and other large tools and utensils as are in
cases shaped by fracture.
Implements of the first-mentioned class originated in the quarries
and in seattered shops, and were not easily made, save from material
of good flaking qualities; the latter could be made of ordinary surface
bowlders and of coarse, inferior stone. The former are almost univer-
sally distributed; the latter are found but little beyond the sites yield-
ing the raw material. The former are light, thin, and symmetric, and
have their genesis mainly through the leaf-shape blade; the latter are
heavy, thick, and not necessarily symmetric, and never reach a high
degree of elaboration.
IMPLEMENTS OF LEAF-BLADE GENESIS
TYPICAL CHARACTERS
Perhaps none of the products of aboriginal art are better known than
those which may be grouped under this head and which are referred to
as knives, drills, serapers, and projectile points. Their employment
must have been general, as their dissemination is almost universal.
in 70
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4180d3Y IWONNY HLiN331413 ASOTONHL3 40 Ny3uNa
HOLMES] LEAF-BLADE IMPLEMENTS 83
Their number is beyond estimate. Their most important characteristic
is their general shape, nearly all being referable to origin through the
leaf-shape blade. Fill out the outline of almost any specimen, large or
small, and the blade form is restored (plate xxxir). As a rule they
are thin, a necessary condition for projectile points (save the most
minute forms, which are merely sharp bits of stone) and a convenience
in the case of knives, scrapers, and drills, which were carried more or
less about the person. The typical scraper, with one side flat and the
other sharply beveled, is an exception; it is illustrated in plate xxxI11,
a, b, ¢, and is a rare form in this region. Another form of scraper is.
of leaf-blade genesis, as seen in the same plate, e, /, g, and in /, plate
Xxx11, which illustrate a prevailing form of scraper made by sharpen-
ing the broken end of a spearhead. Other exceptions to the rule are
minute drills and other points made from bits of angular stone so small
and so approximate in shape that systematic shaping was unnecessary.
All of the implements of these several classes are designed to be set in
handles or in the ends of shafts.
It is the common practice to speak of spearheads and arrowpoints as
if they belong to well-distinguished classes, but the line can not be
drawn between them with any degree of clearness. The larger forms
were, in general, doubtless used as spearheads and the smaller for arrow-
points; yet it is probable that a large percentage of specimens of
medium size were used in either way as occasion required. These
implements were also equally serviceable for other purposes, and any
of them may have been hafted and used for cutting, scraping, or dig-
ging. The slender-shafted perforator or drill, evidently adapted to
boring stone, wood, bone, and the like, and in numerous cases bearing
evidence of use, may also have served at times as a projectile point.
The line separating these classes of objects into functional groups is
therefore somewhat arbitrary, although convenient for descriptive pur-
poses. In presenting illustrations I shall not attempt to separate them
fully by function or manner of use. It is better to arrange them in
groups by shape and size. One group may inclyde simple blades of
the larger sizes, unspecialized forms, which may have been used for
various purposes; a second, the larger stemmed and notched speci-
mens which served largely as knives, scrapers, and spearheads; a
third, the medium-size specimens, mainly spearheads; a fourth, the
smaller varieties, used mainly as arrowpoints; a fifth, drills, and a
sixth, scrapers. These groups will be reviewed briefly in the order
named, but in presenting the numerous illustrations further on the
grouping is based principally on material in order that form genesis and
peculiarities due to material may be better indicated. The grouping
by shape is made secondary.
The materials found in this region did not encourage great elabora-
tion. Quartzite was tough and coarse-grained; quartz was extremely
brittle. The forms are, therefore, not elaborate and do not compare in
$4 STONE IMPLEMENTS [BTH. ANN. 15
refinement with those of the interior where flint was abundant. Rhy-
olite was hardly less tractable, but flint and jasper admitted of much
higher refinement.
There are somewhat marked variations in the shape of objects of like
class, material, and size, and this is possibly due partly to the presence
of different tribes or families within the district. Though there is some
tendency toward localization of particular shapes, all forms are, so far
as I can learn, pretty well distributed up and down the province. Many
of the differences in detail of shape may have their origin in causes
operating within the limits of a particular district or within a single
tribe. Of possible causes of variation may be mentioned differences in
method of hafting, differences in use, variations in models, or the tend-
encies of individual taste.
BLADES—BLANKS, CUTTING IMPLEMENTS
It is the fashion to speak of the leaf-shape blades as knives: but no
one can say of any particular unspecialized blade, save where it shows
signs of use, whether it was a finished tool intended to be used in this
form as knife or scraper, or whether it was simply a blank awaiting
the pleasure of the elaborator. It was not necessary to stem or notch
the knife blade for hafting, as the haft could be made the full width of
the blade, but the projectile point had to be trimmed down or notched at
the stem end to accommodate it to the width of the slender shaft in
which it was set. The large size of some of the stemmed and notched
forms would seem to preclude the notion of their use as projectile
points, yet it is not safe to say that any one of these objects was not
used or could not have been used, on occasion, by some of the warlike
natives of the Chesapeake province as heads for their spears or javelins.
It is a matter worthy of note that colonial writers rarely mention
the use of stone knives, while shell and reed knives are many times
referred to. One mention of the former may be given. Smith,' speak-
ing of medical practices, makes the following remark: ‘“ But to searrifie
a swelling, or make incision, their best instruments are some splinted
stone.” This may, of course, refer either to elaborately shaped imple-
ments or to mere flakes or sharp fragments. Plate xxxy illustrates
blades of quartzite; plate Xxx1rx, blades of quartz, and plate XLIv,
blades of rhyolite.
SPECIALIZED BLADES—PROJECTILE POINTS, ETC
Under this head may be placed, for convenience of description, all
medium and small size points having outlines specialized for hafting,
since all such may have been used for arrowpoints or for heads of
spears or javelins. Colonial writers make frequent mention of the use
of arrows by the Chesapeake peoples, and spears and javelins are
occasionally referred to. Smith describes a variety of forms in the
' History of Virginia, Richmond, 1819, vol. 1, p. 137.
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LIV
b
SLIGHTLY MODIFIED QUARTZITE BOWLDERS USED AS IMPLEMENTS, FROM POTOMAC
VILLAGE-SITES (ACTUAL SIZE)
HOLMES] PROJECTILE POINTS 85
following extracts: ‘They (the Powhatan Indians) vse also long arrowes
tyed in{to] a line, wherewith they shoote at fish in the rivers. But
they of Accawmacke vse staues like vnto Iauelins headed with bone.
With these they dart fish swimming in the water.”! The Susquehan-
nocks, inhabiting the upper Chesapeake, used arrows ‘*fiue quarters
long, headed with the splinters of a white christall-like stone, in forme
of a heart, an inch broad, and an inch and a halfe or more long.”? The
Powhatan Indians pointed their arrows ‘with splinters of christall, or
some sharpe stone, the spurres of a Turkey, or the bill of some bird.”*
Father White mentions the use of spears by some of the Maryland
Indians.
It appears from the writings of Smith and others that great num-
bers of arrows were used, and that the natives expended them on
oceasion without apparent reserve. The manufacture of the points
was undoubtedly a matter of great and vital importance to these
people, and much time and labor must have been expended in procur-
ing, roughing-out, and transporting the material, and in shaping the
implements.
The projectile points of the Chesapeake province have a wide range
in form and size. Thisis due in a measure to the widely diverse nature
of the materials used and to the wide range of use, and partly, no
doubt, to the fact that numerous tribes of people have occupied the
region or have bequeathed to it their peculiar art forms. Projectile
points are fully illustrated in subsequent plates.
NARROW-SHAFTED BLADES—PERFORATORS OR DRILLS
The so-called perforator or drilling point is a feature of importance
in the flaked-stone art of the Chesapeake. These objects are derived,
as are the projectile points, from leaf-shape blades produced in the
ordinary workshops, and are of like form in all materials. They were
probably used in some sort of hand drill, e. g., the pump drill in use
among many tribes; and it is not uncommon to find specimens with
the points rounded and worn smooth by use; yet we are not at all
certain that they were exclusively used as drills, or that they are not
really a variety of projectile points well adapted, on account of their
shape, to use in drilling. The delicacy and brittleness of many speci-
mens must have unfitted them for use in the drilling of hard substances.
Examples in quartzite, quartz, and rhyolite are presented, along with
the projectile points, in accompanying plates.
SPECIALIZED BLADES, ETC—SCRAPERS
Seraping tools were constantly required in the arts of the savage
tribes, and the forms developed are uniform over a wide extent of coun-
) History of Virginia, Richmond, 1819, vol. 1, p. 133.
2 bid, p. 120.
3Ibid, p. 132.
86 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eTH. ANN. 15
shaping wood, and related uses. The most common type is a short,
often rather thick, discoid blade or flake with blunt end, beveled by
minute flaking from one side, which is usually flat, the other side being
convex; this gives a keen and strong seraping edge. This form must
have been set in bits of wood or bone after the manner of the woman’s
knife of Arctic peoples. These objects are, as a rule, not of leaf-blade
genesis. Another variety was often made by sharpening the broken
ends of projectile points. Implements of this class are usually of leaf-
blade genesis. ‘They were set in handles after the manner of ordinary
knives, and are notched for that purpose (plate XXXII, e,/, g). In three
years’ work in the tidewater region I have not obtained more than two
or three well-specialized specimens of each of the classes; other col-
lectors, however, have been more fortunate.
A very few specimens are found of imperfect semilunar shape which
may have been hafted as scrapers or knives. Those brought to my
attention are so rude that it is not possible to say whether they are
designed shapes or only freaks of eccentric flaking.
LEAF-BLADE IMPLEMENTS GROUPED BY MATERIAL
For the reason that satisfactory separation of the various classes of
leat-derived implements—knives, scrapers, drills, arrowpoints, and
spearheads—can not be made, I have brought together a series of plates
and figures illustrating the whole group as developed in the three
materials best representing the native work of the region. In each
case plates illustrating successive steps in form development of the
individual are given, while the other plates and figures are intended
to convey an idea of types of form and range of shape and size.
QUARTZITE IMPLEMENTS
The quartzite implements here represented are derived almost wholly
from bowlders, and in the main passed through the leaf-blade stage.
The material does not admit of great elaboration or refinement of form.
The larger varieties, presumably spearheads, prevail, yet all types of
form known in the whole range of material appear. In numbers the
quartzite tools, taking the whole Chesapeake-Potomac tidewater area,
are perhaps inferior to quartz.
Plate xyir illustrates a series of steps in the individual form devel-
opment of the average projectile point, beginning with the bowlder and
passing forward to the leaf-shape blade—the extent of the quarry-shop
elaboration; and plate xxxtv illustrates the complete morphology of
the fully specialized implement of this class. It is not assumed that
all or any of the seven or eight specialized specimens passed through
exactly the forms indicated by the blades and rejects preceding them,
these being selected merely to indicate in a general way the course
of progress from the raw material to the final forms. The beginnings
NE - ame — he
55
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
a b e q
SERIES OF SPECIMENS ILLUSTRATING PROGRESSIVE STAG
FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LV
d e
NG OF CELTS BY FRACTURING, BATTERING, AND ABRADING
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LV
d e
SERIES OF SPECIMENS ILLUSTRATING PROGRESSIVE STAGES! ING OF CELTS BY FRACTURING, BATTERING, AND ABRADING
HOLMES] QUARTZITE BLADES 87
may have been in large or small bowlders, fragments, or flakes, but
all must have passed through kindred transformations.
Plate xxxv contains a few examples of the leaf-shape blades, the
outlines varying from the oval to the imperfectly ovoid form, with one
point sharp and fhe other blunt, the ratio of length to width also vary-
ing. These are the forms produced in the quarry-shops and in other
roughing-out shops. As a rule they show traces of the bold work of
the free-hand flaking, and the untrimmed edges and points bear strong
evidence that they were not yet ready to be devoted to any use, They
are rarely above three-eighths of an inch thick. They are found ocea-
sionally in caches, but generally on village-sites where the plow turns
them out of the soil along with other classes of relics. Plates xxxvy1
and Xxxvui illustrate many excellent examples of the specialized forms
of leaf-blade genesis. They include pretty nearly the full range of what
may be, with approximate accuracy, designated projectile points. It
happens that none of the scraper or perforator forms are included, but
these are rare in quartzite.
QUARTZ IMPLEMENTS
Quartz implements were derived from the raw material, chiefly in two
forms: first, vein rock, procured from outcrops or by quarrying; and,
second, water-worn pieces in the form of bowlders and pebbles, obtained
from surface accumulations, outcrops of gravel, or from quarries. The
former was used in the highland and down to the margin of the vein-
bearing crystalline rocks—a line somewhat outside of the present fall-
line. The latter was the great source of supply to dwellers in the low-
land. It is not possible to distinguish implements made from the two
forms of the stone save where portions of the water-worn surface are
preserved. This rarely occurs in a well-finished piece, but vast areas
are sprinkled with the wasters of manufacture, allindicating failures in
blade making from pebbles, Notwithstanding the fact that bowlders
and pebbles are nature-selected material—that is, those bits least weak-
ened by flaws and seams—they are still extremely liable to shatter
under the hammer.
Years of study in the tidewater country have led me to the conelu-
sion that pebbles were the source of at least three-fourths of the quartz
jmplements there found. The vein quartz is much more difficult to use,
being hard to reduce to the blade form, while the pebbles are readily
reduced. An evolution series is given in plate XXXVI, the upper line
showing profiles of the specimens represented in the lower line. Plate
XXXIX contains a series of blades such as were derived from the work-
ing of pebbles. The range of form and size is not great. The largest
are rarely so much as 4 inches in length and an inch and a half in
width; the smallest are very minute. In shape the ordinary leaf-like
blade is most common, some are long and slender, others wide and tri-
angular, while a few are approximately discoid. Some of these may
88 STONE IMPLEMENTS (RTH. ANN. 15
have been completed implements, for they are well finished and very
handsome, while others, as clearly indicated by the crude surfaces,
irregular edges, and blunt points, are blanks intended for further
elaboration. A few of those illustrated may be rejects, as they are
rather thick and clumsy. A
If the blades shown in plate Xxxx1x were elaborated a little more by
means of the bone flaker, edges and points trimmed and delicate
notches cut, we should have about the series of specialized implements
illustrated in plate xL. These represent some large specimens, which
may be knives or spearheads, and a number of smaller size, probably
arrowpoints.
Plates XLI and XLII include a pretty wide range of the smaller points,
and, so far as photographie representation is capable, convey a com-
plete idea of the Potomac valley forms. The majority of the speci-
mens are from the collection of Mr W. H. Phillips. The long lozenge
forms, occupying the upper part of plate xLI, are very plentiful and
often extremely neat in finish and graceful in outline. Below are tri-
angular forms, also very pleasing in appearance; and in plate XLII
notched forms and various eccentric shapes are seen.
RHYOLITE IMPLEMENTS
The South mountain rhyolite quarry and its phenomena, and the
transported masses, fragments, and blades referable to it, have received -
attention on earlier pages. It is now necessary only to present an
epitome of the varied and interesting articles of this material that may
be classed as finished implements. This brittle stone was shaped almost
exclusively by flaking processes, and the final forms were in nearly
all cases derived through the leaf-shape blade. The massive, or lam-
inated, free-flaking stone encouraged the making of large blades, and
the range of size in the finished objects is considerably above that of
any other tidewater material. The texture was too coarse to encourage
elaboration, and the specialized forms include very little beyond the
simple blades and spearheads and arrowpoints and an occasional per-
forator. The order and manner of development of the average blade-
derived implement of rhyolite are well shown in the series of drawings
presented in plate xLim. The quarry forms extend to d, and the cache
and disseminated forms appear in e, /, g, and h (side views below, pro-
files above).
As shown in a preceding section, the cache blades of this material
are often long and highly attenuated, and few examples of flaked
blades east of the Appalachian ranges surpass in size the fragmentary
specimen shown at the left in plate xLrv. Just what this blade should
be called inay not be determined, but it seems that such a specimen
was more probably designed to be hafted as a symbol of authority or
as a ceremonial object than as an implement to be used for any prac-
tical purpose. The contour of the fragment preserved would seem to
———— nina ae
ieee
(3Z!IS IWNLOV GYIHL-3NO LNOSV) NOISSY Y31VMA3GIL 3HL WONS S3XV-L190 4O dNOHD
i ] YONNY HiLN33L3I4 ADOTONHLS 3
HOLMES] RHYOLITE IMPLEMENTS 89
indicate that the original could not have been much short of 12 or 13
inches in length. Blades of this general class are all very thin, rarely
exceeding three-eighths of an inch in thickness. The plate contains
six other blades of varying length and outline. The two larger speci-
mens are from the Anacostia site, near the Pennsylvania avenue bridge;
the others are from various points in the vicinity of Washington.
In plate XLV a number of partially or wholly specialized forms are
shown. They may be classed as knives or spearheads. Spearheads
are well represented in plate xLv1, and many smaller projectile points
of varied form are seen in plate xLvul. They repeat in a great measure
the quartz and quartzite shapes.
FLINT AND JASPER IMPLEMENTS
As already remarked of the nse of flint in another place, it does
not seem necessary to dwell at length on implements of this mate-
rial, since they are comparatively rare, aud but repeat the forms seen
in other materials.
Jasper also has a somewhat meager interest in the tidewater proy-
ince. Although the sources of this material are not definitely deter-
mined, it is safe to conclude that certain large and boldly flaked cache
forms found in the Chesapeake country were derived from material in
the mass and not from the small blocks or pebbles sometimes found in
the gravel deposits of the lower Susquehanna and lower Delaware
valleys.
The only quarries of jasper so far brought to public notiee are those
discovered and examined by Mr H. C. Mercer, of the University of
Pennsylvania. They are located in Bucks and Lehigh counties, Penn-
sylvania. In these localities there is evidence of extensive quarrying
and of considerable shaping operations. There can be no doubt that
much of the jasper and many of the jasper tools found so plentifully
in the Delaware and Susquehanna valleys came from these quarries or
others of the same mineral belt, and it is highly probable that the
hoards of blades and some of the larger flaked implemeuts of the tide-
water country came from these distant sources. It was probably diffi-
cult to secure jasper sufficiently massive to permit of the manufacture
of such blades, and these objects must have represented much labor
on the part of the makers. A noteworthy hoard of large jasper blades
was obtained from a cache in a field near the mouth of South river,
Maryland, 120 miles from the nearest known quarry. It may be noted,
however, that no known quarry produces jasper of the dark-green color
characterizing these specimens, which are now in the cabinet of Mr.
J. D. McGuire, of Ellicott, Maryland.
ARGILLITE IMPLEMENTS
The conditions of the occurrence of argillite objects and implements
in the Chesapeake province correspond very closely to those character-
izing the occurrence of jasper. The objects are blades, mostly of the
90 STONE IMPLEMENTS _ (ETH. ANN. 15
cache type, with an occasional specialized implement. The only source
of this material known to have been extensively utilized by the ancient
peoples is on Delaware river some 25 miles above Trenton. Here there
are quarries and roughing-out and specializing shops, and the refuse
clearly indicates the manufacture of just such blades as those obtained
from caches and on village-sites on the shores of Chesapeake bay.
Caches of similar blades are found in many parts of Pennsylvania and
New Jersey, and there can be no doubt that the products of the Berks
county quarries were extensively disseminated over the Delaware and
Susquehanna valleys, and that some of them were owned and stored
in the usual hoards, even so much as 150 miles south of the source of
supply.
In order that the evidences of manufacture as represented by the
argillite quarry refuse may be compared with corresponding features
in the other quarries, a series of the rejects from the Point Pleasant
(Pennsylvania) shops and associated village-sites is represented in
plate xLvim. An examination of the specimens of cache clusters from
South river, Maryland, makes clear their close relationship with the
forms produced in the quarry.
RUDE FLAKED IMPLEMENTS
Besides the thin forms of flaked implements which have their genesis
through the blade-like blank, or through flakes or fragments of like
conformation, there are many heavy forms, some of which may be
regarded as extemporized or emergency tools, since they appear to have
been made to supply temporary or exceptional wants, or for use largely
on or near the spot of manufacture only. They may be grouped for
description under the following classes: i, hatchet-like tools, made of
bowlders by striking off a few flakes, thus giving a rude edge or point;
2, ax like implements, made like the first but having notches broken in
the sides to aid in attaching a handle; their uses were probably cut-
ting, hoeing, and the like; 5, picks and digging tools, much like the
preceding and used in quarrying soapstone, as well as in other similar
uses; +, slightly notched bowlders, used as hammers and sledges; 5,
hammerstones. Where bowlders were not plentiful, implements of cor-
responding classes were made from ordinary fragments of stone. It
seems probable that these ruder implements were in many cases devoted
to the same uses subserved by several more highly finished forms, and
no doubt specimens could be selected connecting the lower with some
of the higher forms by a graduated series. It is the intention to include
here only such classes or groups of utensils as are made ready for use
mainly by processes of fracturing.
The hatchet-like tool, made mainly of bowlders by striking off a few
flakes from one end, is found in great numbers in many parts of the
region. Though belonging to late times it is extremely archaic in type.
It would seem to approach more nearly the proper idea of a paleolithie
57
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
SERIES OF SPECIMENS ILLUSTRATING PROGRESSIVE STAGES IN THE §
FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LVI
E GROOVED AX BY FRACTURING-BATTERING-ABRADING PROCESSES
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LVI
SERIES OF SPECIMENS ILLUSTRATING PROGRESSIVE STAGES IN THE SHMIEBYF THE GROOVED AX BY FRACTURING-BATTERING-ABRADING PROCESSES
HOLMES] RUDE FLAKED IMPLEMENTS sl
tool than any other known form, as hardly more than half a dozen
blows were ever expended in elaborating its shape. It is found on
fishing village-sites and elsewhere all over the bowlder-yielding dis-
tricts. At Rock point on the Potomac, 80 miles below Washington, the
shell banks and village-sites are literally strewn with these objects, and
they are found by hundreds in the great shell bank at the mouth of
Popes creek, The bowlders used were obtained in the vicinity in each
case. These tools were apparently intended to be held in the hand, as
there is usually insufficient space for hafting, and the unmodified end
is round and well suited for grasping. Their great number and very
wide utilization sufficiently indicate that they served some important
function in the arts and industries of the fisher people. To cut up fish,
to break bones, to open oysters, and to cut wood may be regarded as
possible uses. I have selected several specimens, shown in face and
profile in plates xLIx and L, to illustrate the various forms. Typical
examples appear in a and bd, plate xLIx. Specimen a, plate L, is of
medium size and usual shape, and ) and ¢ are more elaborately flaked
and have a greater appearance of battering or of use in rough work
than is usual; the latter are rather exceptional forms. Many have
broader edges and longer bodies. A specimen sharpened at both ends
and probably intended for hafting is shown in ec, plate XLix. It is not
unusual to find implements of other varieties, such as polished axes,
which have become much worn or have ceased to be valued, sharpened
by a few heavy strokes as are these bowlders. This form grades almost
imperceptibly into the notched axes, picks, and hoe-like forms, as will
be seen by reference to succeeding illustrations. These tools are iden-
tical in shape with thousands of the rejects found in our quarries where
a few flakes were removed to test the material of the bowlders. They
are identical also with specimens published by some authors as paleo-
lithic implements. The sharpened bowlder tool is distinguished from
the bowlder reject by the aid of the following observations: 1, it is
found on the sites where implements were used, i. e., on village-sites
and in shell heaps; 2, thus found it has evidently been obtained and
removed from the deposits of bowlders, generally near at hand; 3, as
found on village-sites and in shell heaps it often shows signs of use;
4, the same form in the bowlder-flaking shop is evidently one of the
necessary forms of bowlder-flaking rejectage and never shows traces of
use. The quarry reject is associated with its complement of refuse and
related forms, whereas the implement on the site of use stands alone.
The implement also presents suggestions of specialization when studied
in numbers, but the quarry reject conforms to no one well-defined type of
form. <A similar form is found also in the soapstone quarries, where it
was employed as a quarrying and cutting tool. It thus appears that
objects of this general type, this essentially paleolithic type, may, in the
Potomac valley, be either (1) quarry rejects,(2) acommon variety of village-
site tool, or (3) a quarry tool; but found in the vicinity of Washington,
92 STONE IMPLEMENTS [ETH. ANN. 15
where bowlders were used by tens of thousands in blade making, the
chances are a hundred to one that they are rejects of blade making.
It may occur to some that possibly this village site tool was produced
in the quarries and that the rejected forms of like type are the rejects
resulting from its manufacture. That this is not the case may be
inferred from the facts that it usually occurs in the immediate vicinity
of supplies of bowlders, and that it could be made of bowlders of
inferior material, such as are found in countless places all over the
Potomac region. By those who have studied the various forms on the
ground, the idea that it is in any sense connected with the quarry work
would not be entertained.
The notched ax is found scattered over an extended area which
includes all the western tributaries of the Chesapeake. It is especially
abundant in districts which, like portions of the Potomac valley, are
supplied with abundance of large bowlders. In some localities these
tools are quite numerous, and on sites such as the Popes creek shell
heaps they are obtained by scores. As arule they are extremely rude,
and seem like tools intended for temporary rather than permanent use.
They were certainly not sufficiently valuable to be transported to any
great extent, and I have seen few that show pronounced marks of use.
They were usually made by striking off half a dozen chips from one
end of a flattish, oblong bowlder and by breaking rude notches in its
sides, as shown in plate LI. The appearance is mostly that of a very
elementary form of the grooved ax, the notches evidently having served
to facilitate hafting. They could have been used for chopping, for dig-
ging and hoeing, or for cutting up game and breaking bones. In very
many cases the edge is made by removing the flakes from one side of
the bowlder only, leaving an adz-like profile. It is hard to say whether
the haft was attached with the edge at right angles to the handle, as in
our adzes or hoes, or whether the blade was placed as in our ax. Some
idea of the variety of forms taken by these tools is conveyed by the
specimens shown in plates Lir and Lil, Occasional specimens show
considerable elaboration, and it is quite possible to assemble a series
showing a complete gradation from the simplest notched ax to sym-
metrically shaped and well-finished forms of grooved axes.
Allof the forms referred to as picks, and which pertain largely to the
quarrying and working of soapstone, are abundantly illustrated under
the head of cut-stone implements, with which they are placed, not
because they are themselves in any sense cut stones, but because they
were employed in cutting the soapstone and because it seems better
that all phenomena pertaining to that interesting and important sub-
ject be kept together. To obtain a complete notion of the ruder forms
of flaked-stone implements it will therefore be necessary to turn to
the pages treating of steatite.
A few other implements of correspondingly rude character are
shaped exclusively by flaking, though in many cases continued use
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL.LVIII
OUTLINES OF GROOVED AXES ILLUSTRATING THE RANGE OF FORM COMMON IN THE TIDEWATER
REGION
HOLMES | RUDE FLAKED IMPLEMENTS 93
has given them the appearance of pecked, abraded, or polished forms.
In a, plate LIv, we have a hammer or sledge—a flattish bowlder notched
on the sides for hafting. The flat face is shown at the left and the
profile at the right. The smaller objects of this class may have been
used for sinkers and the larger possibly for anchors, for sledges, or
even for weapons of war and the chase, and, properly hafted, would
have been as highly effective as the more elaborately finished articles.
The lower figure in this plate is an oblong bowlder that was probably
hafted as a sledge, and the ends have been fractured by use. Exam-
ples of this class sometimes show traces of wear by the haft.
The foregoing varieties of rudely flaked stones are those most char-
acteristic of the inhabited sites, including fishing grounds, shell heaps,
and village-sites generally, in the Potomac and Chesapeake valleys.
CHAPTER IV
3ATTERED AND ABRADED STONE IMPLEMENTS
GENERAL PROCESSES OF MANUFACTURE
The term pecked implements is used to designate such articles as
owe certain of their more marked characteristics of form to the bat-
tering processes of bruising and crushing by successive blows—the
bushing or bush-hammering of modern stone workers. ‘The aboriginal
stone worker produced this effect largely by means of pecking the
object undergoing manufacture lightly with a suitable stone tool. The
process is a tedious one, and especially so in the hands of a novice, but
the skilled operator with proper stone and suitable tools soon defines
a groove or removes an excrescence.
The battering processes do not generally stand alone, but are asso-
ciated to greater or less extent with (1) flaking, which, when employed,
precedes the pecking, and (2) grinding and rubbing which follow it.
Percussive drilling of hard stone is a variety of battering, and rotary
drilling and sawing go with the auxiliary process of grinding. Imple-
ments shaped largely by battering are so often finished by abrasion
that the term ‘polished stone implements” is often applied to the entire
group, but as I desire to deal here mainly with the more decidedly
dynamic shaping agencies, abrading will not be referred to save as an
auxiliary process.
All, or nearly all, primitive peoples with whom we are acquainted
understand and practice the art of shaping stone by battering and its
auxiliary processes. Archeologists have reached the conclusion, from
a study of certain groups of prehistoric remains, that the battering-
abrading operations belong to a somewhat advanced stage of human
progress, and that their employment was preceded by a period in which
fracturing processes alone were practically used. This is probably in
a broad way true of the race, and is certainly true of many peoples or
nations. The reason for this order must be sought in (1) the nature
of the operations involved, (2) in the materials available to primitive
artisans, and (3) in the capacities and needs of men.
Of the four leading shaping acts, which may be designated as frac-
turing, battering, abrading, and incising, it may be hard to say which
is the most elemental. However, the ease with which, or the order in
o4
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LIX
GROUP OF GROOVED AXES FROM POTOMAC-CHESAPEAKE VILLAGE-SITES
HOLMES] PROCESSES OF MANUFACTURE 95
which, they would come into actual use wouid not depend on the sim-
plicity of the single act, but, supposing materials and needs uniform,
on the ease with which they could be made to produce desired results.
Without going into details, which [ have discussed elsewhere,! it may
be stated that although the flaking act is not more simple or elemental
than the others it is not decidedly more difficult, and that it has an
enormous advantage over them in being capable by a single opera-
tion—a simple blow—of producing effective and constantly needed
implements for cutting and piercing, whereas the other acts must be
repeated many times without marked results, and repeated in such
manner and order as to bring about a result not comprehensible save
through long periods of experiment. Therefore, | conclude that where
materials are favorable the powers and wants of men will tend most
decidedly to the adoption and general practice of the flaking processes
in advance of the other stone-shaping processes. At the same time it
would seem that there need be assumed no great gulf between the two
classes of operations. It is indeed hard to see how one could exist
for a long period without the development of the other. Assuming
that in general flaking is the first to be utilized, we can understand
how the other process would be suggested to man. When a mass of
stone is to be broken and flaked into shape, a flaking stone or ham-
mer is called for. This hammer in use becomes bruised and gradually
takes upon itself a purely artificial shape—the result of battering. If
irregularly ovoid, it is in use turned between the thumb and fingers
until its periphery becomes symmetric. Viewing this result it would
seem but natural that the workman should understand and apply to
producing other shapes the processes by means of which the tool in
his hand is reduced to specialized shape. Again, the stone flaked, if it
be somewhat tough, is often battered on the edges by the hammer in
vain attempts to remove flakes, so that portions of the surface are
changed in contour and exhibit the battered character. It seems
remarkable that such operations should go on for long ages producing
visible results without attempts to utilize the means of modifying
shape thus distinctly suggested. At any rate the time did come when
primitive men recognized the adequacy of battering as a means of
shaping stones. Natural forms were first modified in use and the
operations came to be understood and applied. Battering, called in its
typical development pecking, was resorted to as a means of increasing
the adaptability of available forms to ordinary needs, and a new and
important group of shaping operations sprang into existence.
The tidewater country furnishes much evidence on the practice of
this branch of the shaping arts among a rude seminomadic people. On
ancient sites we find artificially modified water-worn rocks—bowlders
and pebbles of hard and tenacious materials—cast away at all stages
of the shaping operations from the first traces of pecking, where the
1Proceedings of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, Madison meeting, 1893,
pp. 289-300.
96 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eTH. ANN. 15
work of removing an objectionable lobe or projection was just begun,
to the stage where the traces of natural contour are all but obliterated.
We find also specimens that have passed into the wholly artificial
state, into symmetrie and perfected tools, as well as others which have
been modified by use, reshaped, reused, and practically worn out.
Similarly we observe various worked stones of tough and hard varie-
ties in which the pecking has been preceded by flaking. In some
cases the whole surface has been flaked over, and in other cases pro-
jecting portions only have been removed. Examples are found in
which the battering process has been merely commenced, and others
on which the work has gone so far that only the deeper flaked con-
choids are traceable. Of course many wholly artificial and highly
finished articles have passed through this series of operations, preserv-
ing no record of their earlier morphology.
SPECIAL PROCESSES
CLASSES OF IMPLEMENTS
With a people so simple and primitive as those inhabiting the tide-
water country, the range of pecked and polished implements and other
objects is not great. Two standard forms employed by them in common
with nearly all the native peoples of America are the celt or hatchet and
the grooved ax. These are too well known to call for presentation except
in so far as they may be needed in explaining the processes of manu-
facture or in indicating local peculiarities of shape. Besides the two
leading forms there are pestles and mullers, mortars, picks, chisels,
pierced tablets, winged ceremonial stones, plumnmet-like forms, beads,
and pipes; to these we may add hammerstones and grinding and polish-
ing stones. Few of these objects occur in large numbers, and a very
small percentage only of any variety exhibit high elaboration or neat
finish. The artificial shapes of many of these objects are due largely
or entirely to the effects of use. Illustrations of several classes of
forms are given in the accompanying plates.
So far as I have been able to learn, no example of the carving of a
human figure or animal form has been discovered in this whole province,
a circumstance confirming the story of the potter’s art as well as the
records of colonial times, which indicate that although the peoples eul-
tivated maize and were an able and enterprising race they were in many
respects not far removed'‘in matters of art from the base of the Amer-
ican culture seale.
MATERIALS USED
The materials employed for shaping by the battering processes must
possess a high degree of toughness combined with the hardness neces-
sary to effective use when finished. Quartzite, quartz, flint, chert, and
various other brittle forms of rock are ill fitted for reduction by peck-
ing, and were not extensively used for highly finished tools. Granites
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LX
we
HY i
SN
i t
Ss}
n
'
.
.
‘
FLAKED SPECIMENS ILLUSTRATING THE REJECTAGE OF CELT MAKING; RUDE FORMS FROM SHOP
NEAR LURAY, VIRGINIA ; THREE-FOURTHS ACTUAL SIZE
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXI
FLAKED SPECIMENS ILLUSTRATING THE REJECTAGE OF CELT MAKING; THE WORK OF PECKING
NOT CEGUN ; FROM SHOP NEAR LURAY, VIRGINIA; THREE-FOURTHS ACTUAL SIZE
HOLMES] RAW MATERIAL . 97
and certain varieties of eruptive rock were preferred; these are heavy,
hard, tough, and fine grained. The tidewater country furnishes none
of these rocks save such as were brought down in fragmentary form
by the rivers and deposited along their banks. The search for mate-
rials was not confined to the tidewater country but extended far up into
the hills and ranges on the west. Shapes approaching the form desired
were selected when possible, and the water-worn pieces often had the
double advantage of being already approximate in shape as well as
especially compact and durable. The exact source of the raw material
used in any given case is difficult to determine, (1) because the pieces
used are commonly erratic, and (2) because the implements and other
articles made are of a nature to be treasured and hoarded up and of a
size permitting ready transportation. Perhaps 75 percent of the imple-
ments made were of the compact basic volcanic rocks of the Piedmont
region, and 80 or 90 percent were made from the water-worn masses or
bowlders. .
EXAMPLES OF THE IMPLEMENTS
The manufacture of pecked implements can not be studied so readily
and satisfactorily as can that of flaked stones, for the work was not
often so extensive as to lead to the opening of quarries and the develop-
ment of permanent workshops where evidence could accumulate, yet
we are still able to secure full information with respect to the processes
and steps of manufacture. Village-sites in the vicinity of deposits of
the raw material yield ample evidence as to the nature of the various
operations.
Two series of illustrations presented herewith will suffice to show
the processes and progress of the shaping of pecked tools. These
series (plates LV and LVII) are composed of a number of different speci-
mens selected of a size and shape to represent as nearly as possible
the appearance that would be assumed at successive stages of progress
by a single specimen undergoing manipulation.
The evolution of the celt is shown in plate Ly. ‘The first three
specimens are rejects or unfinished forms thrown aside during the pree-
ess of shaping. We begin with a water-worn stone, 1, approximating
in general outline the tool to be made. A few flakes have been
removed, making the edges thinner and sharper and thus saving a
large amount of pecking. In 2 the surface has been gone over roughly
with the pecking hammer, reducing the ruggedness; in 3 the pecking
is well advanced, and in 4 the grinding is well under way; 5 represents
a specimen well polished and with marks of use, and 6 is a celt that
appears to have been much shortened by use and resharpening.
The range of contour is not great in these simple tools, yet there are
marked variations in proportion; thus we have cylindrical, flat, pyra-
midal, and pointed forms, and there are always local variations indicat-
ing differences in people, material, functions, ete. In plate LVI a group
of celts from the tidewater village-sites is presented.
15 ETH——7
98 STONE IMPLEMENTS [ETH ANN. 15
A series of forms illustrating the development of a grooved ax is
shown in plate Lyi. These specimens were obtained from village-
sites in the neighborhood of the head of tidewater on the Potomac.
On account of the length of the series I have omitted the bowlder
which would naturally precede the artificially shaped series. The first
figure represents an early stage in the work of shaping. The side
shown has been flaked into shape save at the top where a portion of
the bowlder surface is still seen. The work of pecking away the
irregularities has extended over most of the surface, and the deeper
conchoids at the edges, and one or two some distance from the margin,
are still visible. The opposite side is less fully worked, the original
surface of the bowlder being less than half removed. The groove has
not been commenced save perhaps as indicated by a very faint depres-
sion at the left. In this rudimentary state it is difficult to determine,
save by the general outline, whether a celt or a grooved ax was to be
made.
In the second example the bowlder chosen was originally much nearer
the general outline desired than in the firstcase. Little flaking had to
be done. The groove is already well under way, although fully one-half
of the original surface remains untouched either by the flaking or by the
pecking hammer.
Ina third specimen, omitted from the series to reduce its length, the
battering operations are well advanced, small portions of the original
surface only remaining. There is a freshness and crudeness about the
work, indicating that the specimen, if regarded as complete, had not
yet been devoted to use.
The next example (the third illustrated) bears evidence of use, and
was probably finished, though the edge has been broken by accident or
flaked for remodeling. It is somewhat crude in surface, and retains
small patches of the original bowlder surface.
The fourth specimen figured is apparently a finished implement,
though bits of the bowlder surface still appear. The battered surface
has been considerably rubbed down and the edge has been ground.
The last specimen of the series is a highly elaborated and well-finished
specimen, purely artificial in every part. The battered surface is entirely
removed by abrading operations, and the blade and the groove are well
polished—first by the finisher and second, no doubt, by use. A final
specimen, originally in the series, but omitted for want of space, shows
much evidence of use and repeated sharpening of theedge. The blade
is Shortened and blunted, and the poll is well worn. In size the axes of
this region vary from less than 2 inches in width by 3 in length to 6 or
7 inches in width by 12 in length. Their shapes are probably less
varied than those of many other regions, yet the extremes of shape
are very wide apart. The series of outlines presented in plate LVI
will serve to convey an idea of the range of form.
A broad distinetion in shape is based on the manner of hafting.
In one group the groove extends entirely around the implement, while
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXil
SPECIMENS ILLUSTRATING THE REJECTAGE OF CELT MAKING; THE WORK OF PECKING BEGUN;
FROM SHOP NEAR LURAY, VIRGINIA; THREE-FOURTHS ACTUAL SIZE
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXill
SPECIMENS ILLUSTRATING THE REJECTAGE OF CELT MAKING; THE WORK OF PECKING WELL
UNDER WAY AND GRINDING COMMENCED; FROM SHOP NEAR LURAY, VIRGINIA; THREE-
FOURTHS ACTUAL SIZE
HOLMES) GROOVING OF IMPLEMENTS 99
in another group one lateral edge is straight, being so arranged as to
permit the wedging of the haft band. There are specimens, however,
varying so far from the type forms as to bridge the gap between types.
The specimen seen in a, plate Lvri1, is flat and rectangular in outline,
with encircling groove in the middle; b is similar, but with groove
more shallow on one margin, and placed about one-third of the way
from the top; ¢ has a wide encircling groove near the top and a nar-
rowing toward the point; d has the groove very low on the shaft and
the blade is wide at the edge; e has one straight side for wedge hafting,
and a wide projecting shoulder below the groove in the opposite edge;
J has the groove bordered by low ridges all around.
A very good idea of the appearance and range of form of these imple-
ments may be gained from the numerous examples brought together in
plate L1x. These specimens belong partly to the National Museum and
partly to the collection of Mr W.H. Phillips. Nearly all are from the
village-sites of the Potomac valley.
MANUFACTURING SHOPS
Pecked, ground, and polished implements were made in large num-
bers by our aboriginal tribes, but not in such abundance as were the
flaked tools. They were in a measure luxuries, requiring time and
skill in manufacture, and serving no, purely utilitarian purpose that
could not be served almost as well by the products of pure flaking—a
shaping process many times more economical of time and labor than
the battering-grinding processes. Asa result of this relation of the
two great classes of processes, the phenomena of manufacture observed
by the archeologist present many decided differences.
The manufacture of implements in large numbers required abun-
dance of material, the deposits of which had to be uncovered and then
broken up and removed, and this resulted in the opening of quarries
and in the accumulation of large bodies of débris. This is true of the
manufacture of flaked and cut-stone implements, as we have seen, but
the battered-abraded tool used in limited numbers usually had a spo-
radi¢e or random origin, suitable pieces of stone being picked up and
utilized; the amount of the product depended very considerably, no
doubt, on the plenitude of convenient pieces of stone. Rarely, there-
fore, do we find sites where the making of these forms was carried on
extensively. The phenomena of manufacture by pecking and grind-
ing, being scattered, have not been so well understood as the phenom-
ena of flaking.
The variety of stone most used for the manufacture of celts and axes
is a compact, greenish-gray trap or trap-like rock derived originally from
the highlands of Maryland and Virginia, but obtained by the aborigines
very largely from the bowlder beds of the tidewater rivers near their
exit from the highland or at other points higher up the streams where
partly rounded fragments had been deposited in large numbers. A
100 STONE IMPLEMENTS (ETH. ANN. 15
great deal of shaping was done on the various village-sites about the
Little falls of the Potomac and on other streams at the crossing of the
fall-line.
The most striking example of this class of site yet observed is located
in Page county, Virginia, 24 miles east of Luray. The spot was first
visited by Mr Gerard Fowke in 1892; but his report,! dealing with evi-
dences of dwelling and mound building, contains slight mention of the
phenomena referred to here. The site, which must be that of an im-
portant aboriginal village, occupies several acres of bottom land located
on the eastern side of Pass ereek, a few hundred yards above its con-
fluence with Hawksbill creek. The only notable topographic feature of
the site is a mound some 3 feet high and 200 feet in diameter, in which
Mr Fowke found human remains in almost incredible numbers, besides
occasional implements and utensils deposited with the dead. There are
many graves scattered over the terrace, a row of eight, each containing
decayed human bones, together with implements and earthenware, hay-
ing been freshly disturbed by the plow at the time of my visit. The
materials utilized in implement making by the inhabitants were derived
from great accumulations of pebbles, bowlders, and partly water-worn
fragments of rock occurring in the banks and bed of the stream and
now exposed where the floods have torn channels through the alluvial
bottom; and probably also from deposits of similar but rather coarser
materials outcropping in the face of a terrace which rises to a consider-
able height from the eastern margin of the narrow bottom. On the
village-site about the mound the phenomena of manufacture are more
or less confused with those of utilization, but separation of the varied
features is in the main possible and easy. The evidence of manufacture
consists of large quantities of rejectage, comprising broken masses of
stone, tested bowlders and rejects of all stages of development, together
with flakes and hammerstones. The phenomena of dwelling are—aside
from the mounds and graves—arrow points and spearheads, drills, worn
celts and axes, pitted stones, mortars, pestles, and pottery.
Two principal materials were utilized and two distinct classes of
implements were made, leaving equally distinct varieties of rejectage.
Quartzite was utilized in making the ordinary flaked tools, mostly pro-
jectile points, and the ground is filled with turtlebacks, flakes, and
broken blades of naterial, duplicating the rejectage of the well-
known tidewater sites. The greenish-gray trap or trap-like rock was
employed in the manufacture of battered-abraded tools, mostly celts,
and the flat ground about the mound and extending from the stream
back to the base of the terrace is strewn with the rejectage. This
stone occurs in bowlders and irregularly water-worn masses in the
banks of the stream and scattered over the floodplain, but not to any
extent in the higher-cut terraces which represent the Lafayette period.
It was assumed, therefore, that the implement rock had a local origin
! Archeologic Investigations in James and Potomac Valleys, Bull. Bur. of Eth., 1894.
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXIV
SPECIMENS ILLUSTRATING BREAKAGE IN CELT MAKING; PECKING AND GRINDING WELL
ADVANCED; FROM SHOP NEAR LURAY, VIRGINIA; THREE-FOURTHS ACTUAL SIZE
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL, LXV
SPECIMEN ILLUSTRATING ROUGHED-OUT CELT, VERY THICK AT THE LOWER END; FROM
SHOP NEAR LURAY, VIRGINIA; THREE-FOURTHS ACTUAL SIZE
This object might readily be taken either for a reject of leaf-shape blade-making or for a completed implement
of one of the larger varieties; but, found on a celt-making site, it may safely be classed as a reject of celt
making, It is a typical celt blank, defective, however, in having insufficient thickness of poll and at the
same time too great massiveness at the broader edge. The latter condition would have made the pecking
necessary in producing an edge very prolonged and Jaborious
HOLMES] MANUFACTURING SHOPS 101
somewhere within the drainage of Pass creek. Mr W J McGee, who
accompanied me to the spot, undertook to trace the material to its
source and met with almost immediate success. Observing that the
particular variety of stone did not occur to any notable extent in the
beds of neighboring streams, he followed Pass creek to the forks, and
there found it confined mainly to the bed of the middle fork. Ascend-
ing this, he soon encountered a body of intrusive rock, a rather coarsely
crystalline diabase, not identical save in parts with the rock used by
the Indians, which is of finer grain and has the appearance of a sedi-
mentary slate or shale altered by contact with the intruded mass.
It appears, as remarked by Mr McGee, that the spot occupied by the
village was probably the only spot to be found on which this stone
could be found in forms well suited to the needs of the implement
maker, and at the same time in sufficient quantity to make extensive
manufacture possible. It is not improbable that the village came to
be located here as a result of the discovery of these conditions.
It was found that in nearly all cases the work of shaping by the
battering-abrading processes was preceded by flaking the rounded
masses into approximate shape. Rejects representing all stages of the
work of flaking, pecking, and grinding are found in numbers. There
is the bowlder or mass with a few flakes removed in testing, or the
shattered fragments resulting from breakage under the preliminary
testing or shaping blows; there are hundreds of rejects representing
early stages of manipulation, the thick turtleback forms duplicating
in general appearance the corresponding rejectage of projectile-point
making; there are the approximate blade-like forms but rarely ap-
proaching thinness; there are many pieces broken under the flaking
hammer at all stages of the work; there are also many specimens in
which the pecking has just begun, and others more advanced, and
these stages are represented by much breakage under the pecking
hammer; finally, there are the completed implements with ground edges
and surfaces, in which the pecking and grinding has to a large degree
obliterated the conchoids of flaking.
Although the celt is usually classed with the pecked and polished
implements, it is readily seen that on this site flaking was of greatest
importance as the main difficulties were encountered, the chief shaping
work accomplished, within the flaking stage. The pecking removed
excrescences and added to symmetry, and grinding reduced the edge
to an even curve and uniform bevel. Grooved axes also were made on
this site, but to a less extent, the operations being well represented,
however, in the rejectage and in numerous finished implements occur-
ring on the site.
The series of specimens presented in plates LX to LXTv illustrate a
progression from incipient stages through a succession of rejects, frag-
ments, and unfinished forms to broken specimens of well-finished
tools. The reference letters are continuous through the set of plates.
102 STONE IMPLEMENTS (ETH. ANN. 15
The first step—the testing and shaping of the crude mass—though
represented by much rejectage, is omitted for economy of space. An
illustration of a slightly advanced stage is given in a, a thick, clumsy
form, rejected no doubt on account of the breaking away of portions
of the upper end. <A half blade representing a somewhat more ad-
vanced stage is given in }, in which a portion of the water-worn surface
remains; and ¢ and d illustrate further progress in flaking out the thick
blade. In e and / the battering has begun, the former having been
rejected probably on account of defective shape at the upper end, and
the latter having broken under the hammer. In the fragment g the
pecking was well under way, and in hk much of the surface has been
pecked and the edge with portions of the sides ground. In this case
the flaking seems to have been so successful that little pecking inter-
vened between the roughing-out by the flaking process and the finish-
ing by the grinding process. The specimen shown in 7 is the upper end
of a well-advanced specimen, and j is the blade of what must have been
aperfected implement. It is, of course, impossible to say whether these
latter pieces were broken during the finishing operations or in use.
COMPARISON OF CELT MAKING WITH BLADE MAKING
A comparison of the rejected forms produced in celt making as prae-
ticed in such shops as that of Pass creek with corresponding forms
from the flaked-blade shops such as those of Piny branch will prove
instructive. In general appearance the rejects of the two sites are very
much alike. Ata glance we see that the form constantly kept in view
in both cases is of leaf shape, one end being decidedly pointed and the
other broad and abruptly terminated. We observe, however, that in
the flaked group—the leaf-shape group proper—the pointed end was
designed to be finished for use, and that in the group shaped by flaking,
pecking, and grinding—the celt group—the broad end was designed to
form the edge of the implement, and this distinction can be traced in the
rejectage back toward the inceptive stage by the difference in degree
of attention given to the twoends. In the one case the narrow end was
to be specialized for use and the broad end for hafting; in the other, the
broad end was to be specialized for use and the narrow end for holding
or hafting. In general, we may say that rejectage in the one class was
the result of too great thickness, and in the other class of (in many
cases) too great thinness. Two excellent examples of failure in celt
making resulting from too great thickness at the broad end and thin-
ness at the small end are shown in plates LXV and LXVI.
As made on the Pass creek site, the grooved axes were roughed-out
by flaking pretty much as were the celts, rude notches being broken
in the sides as the only possible contribution of the flaking process to
the groove making. In plate LXVII specimens of axes are given, show-
ing traces of the conchoids of flaking, though the implements are well
advanced through the subsequent pecking and grinding stages.
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXVI
SPECIMEN FROM CELT SHOP NEAR LURAY. VIRGINIA; PROBABLY REJECTED ON ACCOUNT OF
DEFECTIVE WORK WITH FLAKING HAMMER; POSSIBLY AN IMPLEMENT INTENDED FOR
LOCAL USE; THREE-FOURTHS ACTUAL SIZE
HOLMES] CELT AND BLADE IMPLEMENTS 103
Plates LXvir and LXxrx are devoted to the illustration of the ham-
merstones of this site. They are interesting as representing all the
forms used in flaking, as well as pecking and grinding, on a site where
nearly every form of tool was made and where every shaping process
was employed. Ido not consider it probable that any fully satisfac-
tory separation of the specimens used for one purpose from those habit-
ually employed in another can be made, though it is to be expected that
each process separately practiced would lead to pronounced specializa-
tion. The first specimen of the series (a, plate LX VIII) is a water-worn
pebble modified by crushing and flaking of the edges, probably in part
or wholly by use, while } retains little of the natural surface, and at
least a part of the flaking was manifestly designed to give shape to
the object. The specimen shown in ¢c, plate LXIx, is a stage further
advanced, the surface being partly battered into roundness, and d is
still more highly specialized. The last specimen of the series, e, has
been much reduced by pecking and perhaps, in part, by abrading,
and exemplifies the pitted hammerstones characteristic of the eastern
United States.
MISCELLANEOUS PECKED IMPLEMENTS
As already remarked, the pecked and abraded implements of the tide-
water province comprise few objects aside from the celt and the grooved
ax. Several varieties are represented, but the numbers are limited
and the shape and finish, save in a few rare exceptions, are rather rude.
The accompanying plates, from LXx to LXXV, inclusive, illustrate such
varieties as I encountered during the period of my investigations.
Numerous more perfect implements of several of the classes have been
found, but they are now out of my reach.
Plate LXX contains four examples of perforated tablets, two having
two perforations and two having one each. The fragment a, made of
gray Slate, is from the Potomac near Washington and is covered with
apparently meaningless engraved figures. The specimen shown in )
is of red-banded slate and was obtained from the great shell deposit
at the mouth of Popes creek, Maryland. The large specimen ¢ is of
banded slate and was found in the highland in Virginia. The small
fragment d is from the District of Columbia.
Four examples of winged ceremonial stones are illustrated in plate
LXxI. The roughed-out form a was obtained from a village-site at
Little falls, and the other specimens, all fragmentary, came from the
vicinity of Washington.
The pitted stones and mortar shown in plate LXxII are from the great
shell heap at the mouth of Popes creek, and are common forms. The
same may be said of the upper figure in plate Lxxiu. The pestle
shown in J was found on a village-site at Halls landing, Patuxent river;
the pestle e was picked up in a field above Little falls, and the sinker
came from a village-site near Little falls.
104 STONE IMPLEMENTS (ETH. ANN. 15
Of the peculiar stones illustrated in the upper figures of plate LXXIV
I will not venture to say more than that they are apparently abrading
implements, but whether they were for the shaping of stone tools or the
dressing of wood, bone, or thongs can not be determined. The mate-
rial appears to be a dark-gray eruptive rock. The lower specimen is of
a somewhat gritty stone and was probably a simple grindstone. All
are from sites about the head of tidewater on the Potomac.
The hammerstones brought together in plate LXxv represent the
varieties most common on the village-sites of the province. All are
from the tidewater Potomac. The smaller specimens in the ao line
~ are of quartz and the others are of quartzite.
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXVII
SPECIMENS ILLUSTRATING THE MANUFACTURE OF GROOVED AXES; FROM THE CELT SHOP
NEAR LURAY, VIRGINIA; THREE-FOURTHS ACTUAL SIZE
CHAPTER V
INCISED OR CUT STONE UTENSILS
SCOPE OF THE TOPIC
This chapter is made to include two distinct yet necessarily associated
groups of phenomena: 1, all that relates to the origin, manufacture,
nature, use, and historic significance of utensils shaped by the incising
methods; and, 2, all that relates to the utensils and implements employed
in the shaping operations. In order that the whole subject of the
manipulation of the softer varieties of stone might appear together as
a unit in this place, the various flaked, battered or pecked, and polished
implements used in quarrying and carving were passed over with mere
mention in the sections to which they strictly belong, and are presented
in some detail in the following pages, with a series of illustrations,
PROCESSES AND MATERIALS
Under the head of cut stone we have to deal with but few materials,
and only one of these (steatite, or soapstone) was of importance in the
native art of the tidewater country. Mica, serpentine, clay-slates, and
others of the softer caleareous and argillaceous rocks were sparingly
shaped by the process in some sections. The shaping operations
were necessarily confined to narrow limits by the lack of effective
cutting tools. Steatite and like soft and tough massive substances
were cut with pointed pick-like tools and by edged, chisel-like blades,
probably in most cases set in some sort of handle for direct free-hand
operation, or with other classes of handles, to be operated with the
aid of a mallet of bone or of antler or wood. Mica must have been
cut with sharp edges or points, such as are furnished by the fracture
of glassy varieties of stone.
Subsidiary to the incising processes in the shaping of soft stones are
several of the other processes, such as sawing, drilling, scraping, and
grinding.
USE OF MICA
So far as we can learn, mica was not extensively used by the Chesa-
peake-Potomac peoples; but it can not safely be affirmed that it was
not used in some quantity in nearly any given locality, since the
material is not sufficiently durable to be preserved, save under very
favorable conditions. Mica does not occur in forms suitable for work-
ing within considerable distances of tidewater sites. It is said to have
105
106 STONE IMPLEMENTS (ETH. ANN. 15
been worked by the natives in several counties of southern-central
Virginia and in Pennsylvania and the Carolinas. The processes of
mining, as observed in the mines of North Carolina, appear to have
been much the same as in the quarrying of steatite. The deposits
were uncovered and the massive crystals were broken up with ham-
mers and the best sheets secured to be used for mirrors, or cut into
desired shapes for ornaments. In the spring of 1893 Mr De Lancey
W. Gill went to Mitchell county, North Carolina, under my direction,
to collect materials representing the ancient mica-quarrying industry
for the Columbian Exposition at Chicago. Numerous quarrying imple-
ments resembling those used in the soapstone quarries were found, and
the excavations are reported to be quite as extensive as in any other
class of the aboriginal quarries of the east.
STEATITE UTENSILS
CHARACTER, USE, AND DISTRIBUTION OF THE MATERIAL
Steatite (or soapstone) was used somewhat extensively by the natives
of the tidewater country in the manufacture of pots, dishes, and cups,
as well as of smaller articles, such as pipes and ornaments. It was
obtained along the western border of the tidewater country, either from
the surface or by quarrying, and the articles made are scattered over the
entire province, occurring somewhat less frequently as we pass outward
toward the Atlantic shore-line. The larger objects were extremely heavy
and their transportation was necessarily limited largely tothe waterways.
Steatite is of common occurrence over a wide belt of territory extend-
ing through the New England states and continuing down the Atlantic
slope to Alabama. In Maryland and Virginia the best-known deposits
occur along the eastern border of the Piedmont highland, often within
the border of the tidewater area. Its geologic relations and character
are now pretty well made out.
Being a tenacious rock, it resists erosion and is consequently well
exposed in stream banks, in cliffs, and on the crests of hills and ridges.
The outcrops have been worked by the aborigines in innumerable places
in Vermont, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecti-
cut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, the Carolinas,
and Georgia. More recently the whites have mined it extensively, and
many of the quarries originally worked by the Indians have been re-
opened for commercial purposes, and the traces of the ancient opera-
tions thereby partially or entirely obliterated. At the same time this
work has resulted in calling the attention of students of archeology to
the subject and in giving them an excellent opportunity for investi-
gating the ancient industry.
SURFACE INDICATIONS OF QUARRYING
As a rule the surface indications of the ancient operations are not
distinctly marked. The pittings are commonly not very deep; on
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXVIII
i
a. hy
f : fet
aa
sara
ih)
HAMMERSTONES FROM THE CELT SHOP NEAR LURAY, VIRGINIA; THREE-FOURTHS ACTUAL SIZE
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXIX
HAMMERSTONES FROM THE CELT SHOP NEAR LURAY, VIRGINIA; THREE-FOURTHS ACTUAL SIZE
HOLMES] STEATITE QUARRYING 107
slopes where filling-in takes place rapidly they are wholly obliterated.
Few instances occur in which the depressions now remaining are more
than 2 or 3 feet deep. The diameter of the pittings does not generally
exceed 20 or 30 feet, yet in cases they had the form of trenches or
chains of pits extending for hundreds of feet along the strike of the
deposit. Mr Fowke describes an excavation seen by him near Cul-
peper, Virginia, which is 150 feet in diameter and of undetermined
depth, being filled with water and débris.
SPECIAL INVESTIGATIONS
EarRLy KNOWLEDGE OF STEATITE
The use of soapstone by the native races is frequently mentioned
by early writers, but no information is given of the acquisition and
shaping of the material. One of the earliest accounts of the work in
this country is that of Mr Paul Schumacher, who discovered typical
quarries in the state of California. His illustration of the quarry
face, with its partly developed nodes of the stone, published in the
eleventh annual report of the Peabody Museum, would equally well
illustrate the operations in our eastern quarries. The vessels and other
articles produced are very numerous and differ widely from eastern
forms.
Subsequently, Dr Elmer R. Reynolds, of Washington city, made
some studies in the Rose hill quarry near Washington, and published
a paper on the subject in the thirteenth annual report of the Peabody
Museum. About this time Mr F. H. Cushing, representing the Smith-
sonian Institution, made extensive excavations in an ancient quarry in
Amelia county, Virginia, and prepared a model of the exposed quarry
surface illustrating the various phases of cutting out the incipient
vessels. No report of his work was published, save a note in the
American Naturalist for 1878.
In 1882 an important paper by Mr J. D. McGuire on the soapstone
quarries of Maryland and the District of Columbia was read before the
Anthropological Society of Washington, an extract of which is pub-
lished in the second volume of its transactions. The present writer’s
preliminary paper on the Connecticut avenue quarries appeared in the
American Anthropologist for October, 1890.
A very interesting and extensive quarry was discovered in about
the year 1877, on the ground of Mr H. N. Angell, near Providence,
Rhode Island, and a note describing the phenomena observed appears
in the American Naturalist for 1878. These phenomena are essentially
identical with those of more southern localities.
A like example was observed on the farm of J, T, Case near Bristol,
Connecticut, in 1892, and excavations were made therein by Marshall
H. Saville for the Peabody Museum. Many interesting specimens
were obtained, not differing materially from those of other quarries.
Vermont has furnished a similar example, aud Pennsylvania abounds
108 STONE IMPLEMENTS [ETH. ANN. 15
in such quarries. According to Charles H. Stubbs, in a note in the
Smithsonian Report for 1882, an important quarry is located near
Christiana, Lancaster county, in the latter state.
Explorations conducted for the Bureau of Ethnology during the
years 1890-1894 extend from the Patuxent valley in Howard county,
Maryland, to the southern borders of Virginia. I made it a rule in
this as in other departments of field work to visit and examine as
many sites as possible, and then to select certain favorable examples
for detailed study, making these the types of groups of phenomena too
extensive to be fully gone over. Excavation has been undertaken at
but two points—the Rose hill or Connecticut avenue quarry, near
Washington, and a quarry near Clifton, Fairfax county, Virginia, 22
miles southwest of Washington.
DEVELOPMENT OF THE QUARRYING INDUSTRY
The early occupants of the Potomac region, in their search for
materials capable of serving them in their simple arts, probably dis-
covered and attempted to utilize loose masses of the soft and tough
stone known to us as steatite or soapstone. The progress toward its
extensive utilization was no doubt very slow, and unless previous
knowledge of such stone had been gained elsewhere, must have con-
tinued for centuries. Step by step the peculiar qualities and adapta-
bilities of the material were developed and diligent search was made
for it throughout the highland. When the convenient loose masses
were exhausted, the rock in place was attacked where it outcropped in
the stream beds and on the hillsides, and partially detached portions
were pried or broken off; then the process of uncovering followed and
the quarrying industry was initiated. Sharp stones were employed to
cut off projecting pieces, and finally cutting tools were made and
improved, so that the solid stone could be removed to considerable
depths.
We are not able to discover just what devices were employed in the
preliminary quarry work. The earth was probably loosened with
wooden pikes and with picks of stone and antler, and was thrown up
with the hands or earried out in baskets of bark or cane, or in skins,
As the quarrying advanced the older pits were filled with the débris,
and evidences of the operations were much obscured. It is only when
the pits are fully cleaned out that we come to realize the full nature
and extent of the ancient work. Our excavations brought to light sur-
prising evidences of the energy, perseverance, and skill of the native
miner, and showed the practice of an art totally distinct from that
carried on in the bowlder quarries of Piny branch.
MINING AND SHAPING OPERATIONS
The method of conducting the quarry work was substantially as fol-
lows: When a suflicient area of the solid stone had been uncovered, the
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXX
a
H oH}
Fans
- i
Hi
y HH
)
HH
c d
PERFORATED TABLETS OF SLATE; THREE-FOURTHS ACTUAL SIZE
a, b, and d, from tidewater Potomac, and ¢ from midd!e Potomac
HOLMES) STEATITE MINING AND SHAPING 109
workmen proceeded with pick and chisel to detach such portions as
were desired. If this surface happened to be uneven, the projections
or convexities were utilized, and the cutting was not difficult; if the
rock was massive and the surface flat, a circular groove was cut, out-
lining the mass to be removed, and the cutting was continued until a
depth was reached corresponding to the height of the utensil to be
made; then, by undercutting, the nucleus was detached or so far severed
that it could be broken off by means of sledges or levers. If the stone
happened to be laminated, a circular groove was cut through at right
angles to the bedding, and the discoid mass was removed without the
need of undercutting. If the conditions were favorable, a second disk
was cut adjoining the first, and then a third, and so on, pretty much as
the housewife cuts up the thin layer of dough in biscuit making.
In cases where the floor and walls of a well-developed quarry are
fully exposed, as in the Clifton and Amelia county quarries in Vir-
ginia, the details of ancient operations are clearly displayed. In cases
it is seen that the task of cutting out the mass was just begun when
operations in the quarry closed, while in others it was well under way
and the bulbous nuclei stand out in bold relief. In cases where under-
cutting has taken place the rounded form resembles a mushroom on
its stem and is ready to be removed by a blow; while in many other
cases we see only roundish depressions in the quarry surface, in the
bottoms of which are stumps or sears indicating that removal of the
mass had taken place. It often happened that the work of cutting
was stopped by the discovery of defects in the stone. In very many
cases defects were not discovered until too late, and the operations
of removal at the last moment became abortive; instead of breaking
off at the base, as was intended, the cleavage of the stone was such
that the body split in two, leaving a portion remaining attached
to the stem. The drawing presented in plate Lxxyt will give a more
satisfactory idea of the whole range of phenomena than can any mere
description.
A notable feature of the cutting out of these masses of stone is the
attendant shaping of the mass, which was rudely sculptured as the
work went on, the contour of the vessel being approximately developed.
Although I have seen no good examples of this class, it is contidently
stated by others that rude nodes were carved at opposite ends of the
mass as incipient handles, and that excavation of the bowl was begun,
so that when severed from the stem the vessel was already well under
way.
QUARRY PRODUCT
So far as I have observed, the quarries rarely yield evidence of the
prosecution of any other shaping work than that of obtaining the
rounded bodies of stone and the partial development of vessels.
Pipes, sinkers, ceremonial stones, and ornaments were made by the
same people, but mostly no doubt from choice bits of stone carried
110 STONE IMPLEMENTS (ETH. ANN. 15
away for the purpose, or perhaps often from fragments of vessels
broken in use.
About the quarries and in the quarry débris are specimens exhibit-
ing every stage of the vessel-shaping work; irregular fragments and
well-rounded masses just as cut from the quarry, but usually showing
some defect of texture or shape, explaining their desertion or rejection;
other pieces partly shaped before the defects became apparent; and
very many specimens broken by the blows of the shaping tools, as
illustrated in plate LXXvI1; so that every step of the work and every
phase of the shaping operations are fully represented. The rough-
dressed shapes vary a good deal with the different quarries, though on
the whole there is decided uniformity in the work as carried on through-
out the soapstone belt. Final forms, as shown by village-site remains,
are limited to shallow trays or dishes, trough-like forms, and deep
basins. Nowhere in eastern United States were pots made of the deep
globular form so common in California.
A prevailing shape in the Potomac-Chesapeake region is an oblong
basin with ear-like projections or handles at the ends. The largest
specimens are about 25 inches in length. The width is often hardly more
than half the length, and the depth averages perhaps one-half the
width. This form may have been suggested by wooden dishes or mor-
tars of like shape, examples of which are still in use among some of
the Algonquian tribes. Other forms approach more nearly a circular
outline, as viewed from above, and these usually have greater depth.
In cases the outline is somewhat rectangular. Roughed-out cups of
small size are sometimes found.
The handles of steatite vessels differ much in size and shape as well as
in position. Some are placed near the margin or rim, but others, where
the vessels are deep, occur low on the profile. The accompanying illus-
trations (plates LXXVIII, LXXIX, and LXXX) convey accurate notions
of many details.
The form development of a vessel of ordinary character is illustrated
in plate Lxxvyint. The ovoid nucleus as cut out of the quarry appears
in a, the handles being only slightly suggested. Excavation of the
bowls was begun by a series of pick strokes outlining the basin, as seen
in b, a core-like elevation remaining in the center until removed by con-
tinued cutting, as suggested ine and d. The form of the roughed-out
vessel as developed in the quarries is quite fairly indicated ine. In
some cases the excavation began with a pit in the center and was car-
ried outward by successive strokes toward the rim; and in very many
cases the work was unsystematic and crude, as is well shown in plate
LXxtx. In specimens found on the surface of the ground the tool marks
are much obscured by weathering, but in those from a depth they are
as fresh as if made but yesterday. The cutting implement was in some
cases pointed or spike-like, but generally had a chisel-like, though
rounded, cutting edge half an inch or more in width, leaving impres-
sions such as are shown in plate LXx1x, which illustrates two somewhat
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY JFIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXxI
WINGED CEREMONIAL STONES FROM THE VICINITY OF WASHINGTON, D. C.
a, 3} inches in length; b, 24(7) inches in height; c¢, 2 inches in height; d, 14 inch in height
HOLMES] STEATITE QUARRY PRODUCT 111
smali rejects from the Connecticut avenue quarries. This edge was
sometimes rather rough and uneven, leaving scratchy lines, suggest-
ing a flaked rather than a polished tool. The character of the work
varies a great deal; in some cases the strokes were bold and profes-
sional in appearance, in others timid and uncertain. Three excellent
examples of roughed-out vessels are shown in plate LXXx; a and b are
from quarry sites, where they were rejected and deserted, while ¢ is
from a village-site at College Station, Maryland, several miles from the
nearest quarry. These specimens show decided differences in shape of
bowl and placement of handles.
IMPLEMENTS USED IN QUARRYING AND CUTTING
CHARACTER OF THE TOOLS
The tools and utensils employed in the quarrying and shaping of
steatite may be reviewed witb considerable care, since they prove to be,
as far as brought to light, largely of classes peculiar to the work and
hitherto practically unknown to archeologists.
It is safe to assume that there were many implements of wood as well
as bone and antler used in uncovering and removing the stone that
have wholly disappeared. These hypothetic utensils would no doubt
include levers, pikes, mauls or mallets, picks, hoes, and shovel-like
tools.
Naturally very many of the tools used were of stone, and these are
found in considerable numbers on the quarry sites and on shop and
village sites in the vicinity. There is no clear distinction to be drawn
between those used in quarrying and cutting out the raw material and
those employed in shaping the vessels, yet it may be assumed that in
general the heavy, rude tools were for quarrying and that the more
delicate, sharp-edged or pointed tools were for shaping and finishing.
The heavier tools consist of rounded sledge-like masses used for driv-
ing wedges and for breaking off portions of the stone, of heavy wedge-
like stones, often much battered as if from blows by heavy sledges,
and of pick-like forms, some rude, others well shaped by flaking and
pecking. One variety of the picks is roughly grooved by flaking and
pecking, and another has a plain shaft, often a little curved as if to
be attached to a handle somewhat as our picks and adzes. In several
of the quarries we have found ordinary grooved axes, most of them
having been remodeled or resharpened by flaking to make them effi-
cient in picking and cutting; then there is a large class of chisel-like
tools of varied sizes and shapes, sometimes improvised from stones of
approximate proportions slightly flaked or ground to effective points,
sometimes flaked out of the raw material, which is generally a greenish-
gray basic eruptive rock obtained from the highland, and possibly by
quarrying.
Generally these tools were made by skilled hands and are developed
into such highly individualized shapes that we are compelled to allow
yl STONE IMPLEMENTS [BTH. ANN. 15
that the industry in which they were employed was one of importance
and long standing. Nearly all the forms are represented in the several
plates accompanying this chapter.
The number of the tools and their importance to the steatite-working
peoples is illustrated by the following observations: Around a single
pit located in a plowed field on Patuxent river, and nearly obliterated
by successive plowings, I found during a single visit some 30 entire and
broken implements, and from the excavation in the quarry near Clifton,
Virginia, nearly four dozen of the chisel-like tools, some broken and
some entire, were found.
MANNER OF USING THE TOOLS
There are three or four ways in which the cutting tools could have
been used. The simplest was that of holding the pointed stone in the
hand or hands, and thus striking the potstoue.
This would, however, be a most unsatisfactory
method and would hardly be applied where
opportunity was afforded for superior methods.
Another manner of use was that of setting
the sharpened stone or chisel in a short handle
of buckhorn, and striking this with a stone
or billet of wood. The chisel marks left in
many cases suggest this method very strongly,
and the heavy end of the tool as found is usu-
ally furnished with a short and rough-flaked
point suitable for setting in a handle, as sug-
gested in figure 16. Many specimens of this
class are too minute to be utilized in any other
way, and some are slightly notched as if mere
knives.
Fig. 16—Probable manner of haft- A third method is that of hafting the pointed
ing the smaller chisels. = 5
i stone as an adz or ax is hafted. The grooved
tools were undoubtedly used in this way, and many of the grooveless
forits could have been attached as is the ordinary primitive adz. This
would give much greater efficiency in all the work of eutting and
roughing-out, and the boldness and irregularity of the stroke marks
left on the quarry face and on the detached masses and partly finished
vessels make it practically certain that this was the manner of their
attachment. With short handles, such as indicated in figure 17, effect-
ive and very neat work could be done, and it may be remarked that
such a tool could be handled in the cramped quarters in which the
cutting was often carried on almost as conveniently as could the chisel
driven by a mallet.
Among the chisels there are numerous slightly curved forms, some
with one ground point that could have been hafted as in a, figure 17,
and others with two points that may have been mounted so as to make
both points effective, as in), figure 17. The shortest two-pointed tool, a
~~~
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXiL
LAW a
; Wy y
PITTED STONES AND MORTAR FROM TIDEWATER VILLAGE-SITES
a-b, one-third actual size; c-d, e, one-half actual size
HOLMES] STEATITE QUARRYING TOOLS 113
very neat and delicate specimen, is hardly more than 3 inches long,
while the largest is 11 inches in length.
STEATITE QUARRIES
THE CLIFTON QUARRY
The most interesting example of the soapstone quarries examined by
the Bureau during the progress of the work described in the present
paper was the Hetzel-Hunter quarry, near Clifton, in Fairfax county,
Virginia. Late in the fall of 1893 Mrs Margaret Hetzel, of Clifton
and Washington city, communicated to Professor O. T. Mason, of the
National Museum, the fact that in prospecting a soapstone deposit near
Fig. 17—Probable manner of hafting the single-pointed and the two-pointed chisels or picks.
Clifton the owners had discovered traces of aboriginal operations, and
expressed a desire that the Smithsonian Institution should undertake
an examination. This was reported to me by Professor Mason, and the
quarry was put on the list for examination so soon as the field season
of 1894 opened. Late in March the work was taken up, and Mr Wil-
liam Dinwiddie was sent out with instructions to clear out the ancient
excavations in such a way that, if possible, the entire floor and the
quarry faces would be exposed for study and photography. This was
done in the completest possible manner, and in a few weeks a most
striking illustration of the enterprise and skill of our aboriginal tribes
was exposed to view. A trench or gallery some 25 feet wide and
reaching in places a depth of 16 feet had been carried into the face
of the hill to a distance of 60 or 70 feet, and a second pit, inferior in
dimensions, had been opened beyond this. Almost the entire excavation
had been carved out of the solid steatite by means of stone picks and
15 ETH——8
114 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eTH. ANN. 15
chisels, and all the evidences of the cutting and sculpturing—even
the whitened surfaces of the tool marks—were as fresh as if the work
of yesterday.
The quarry is located on a small branch of Bull run, 2 miles north-
west of Clifton and 22 miles a little south of west of Washington city,
The steatite outcrops in the bed and banks of a small rivulet, crossing
it at right angles, and seems to be an irregular bed or stratum inter-
calated with the gneiss of the Piedmont formation. It varies from 20
to 40 or 50 feet in thickness, and has a nearly north-and-south strike
and a dip of from 70° to 50° toward the west.
The ancient peoples probably began work by removing detached or
partly detached masses from the stream bed, and then little by little
followed the ledge up and into the steep hillside toward the north.
This hill is a spur of a low ridge on the west, and is some 40 feet in
height. It slopes off rapidly to the junction of the quarry rivulet with
another branch two or three hundred feet below. The surface is coy-
ered with soil and disintegrated gneiss.
Our investigations developed the fact that there had been two main
pits or excavations—a loug and wide gallery mentioned above, and
higher up a second pit about 20 feet in diameter and 8 or 10 feet deep
connecting with the first but lying at the left, as indicated in the
accompanying sketch map, figure 18.
So completely were the ancient excavations filled up that inexperi-
enced eyes would hardly have detected anything unusual in the appear-
ance of the rounded slope of the hill. The main trench was marked
by a slight depression toward the upper end, and the débris aceumu-
lated low down along the sides formed barely perceptible convexities.
No doubt the excavations had been largely filled as the work advanced,
and material from the upper pit had helped to obliterate what remained
of the main final depression.
The location of the upper pit was indicated by a shallow depression
some 20 feet in diameter and 2 or 3 feet deep, where modern exploiters
had sunk a prospect hole. This pit had been left open, and its position
high on the hill had prevented rapid filling.
When the Bureau began its work of excavation the owners of the
quarry had already uncovered a portion of the ancient quarry floor,
which rises from the stream bed at a low angle, so that at 30 feet it is
about 10 feet above the stream and not more than 4 or 5 feet beneath
the slope surface. But little stone had been removed by the ancient
workmen, although evidences of excavation and cutting were distinctly
seen, and a few stumps, scars, and bulbous chiseled masses appeared at
the upper edge.
Soon after beginning work the floor was found to descend into numer-
ous pits and depressions where the superior quality of the stone had
led the quarrymen to persist in their work. The general level of the
floor was maintained for a distance of some 70 feet back into the hill,
and the deeper pittings at the back reached 15 or 16 feet beneath the
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT
MORTAR, PESTLES, AND SINKER(?) FROM THE TIDEWATER PROVINCE
@, 114 inches in length; b, 14 inches in length; c, 7(?) inches in length; d, 3 inches in length
PL. LXxxiil
HOLMES] THE CLIFTON STEATITE QUARRY LIE
profile of the slope. Much impure stone had been cut away in efforts
to reach the purer masses, and this was a most laborious work. But
itis safe to say that one-half or three-fourths of the excavation was
accomplished by cutting out, with chisels and picks, the solid and
massive steatite. The whole surface, with its nodes and humps and
depressions, covered everywhere with the markings, groovings, and
pittings of the chisel, presented a striking example of the effectiveness
(
v
3
3
z
Fie. 18—Sketch map of the Clifton quarry; scale about 50 feet to the inch.
of native methods and the persistence of native efforts. A view of the
quarry, after it had been thoroughly cleaned out and swept, is shown
in plate LxxxI. The photograph was obtained by erecting a platform
20 feet in height in the stream bed at the foot of the quarry. The
deepest part of the pitting is at the back, where the figure of a man
may be imperfectly made out. The farther extension of the quarry is
116 STONE IMPLEMENTS (ETH, ANN. 15
indistinctly seen at the left beyond the measuring rod. The irregu-
larly noded and pitted surface is rather imperfectly shown in the
picture. The width of the seam of workable stone is indicated by the
width of the quarry, and the change in direction at the farther end of
the main pit seems to have been due to a change in the character of
the stone.
In plate Lxxxirt I have brought together a number of the cutting
implements selected from the two or three score recovered. Many
examples are of small size and show varying degrees of finish. Those
shown are of a dark-gray eruptive rock and have been carefully shaped
and finished. The larger specimen a,a@ has been ground into nearly
symmetrical shape and has a fine conical point. The chisel b,b was
flaked into general shape and both ends were reduced by grinding
to excellent flattish cutting edges. The smaller specimen ¢ has a
neatly sharpened point and is wide at the opposite end, and like the
smaller example d, which is obscurely notched near the top, was prob-
ably set in an antler handle for use as a chisel. Among the finds was
a well-shaped and much-used hammerstone of quartzite, which had
probably served to trim and sharpen the cutting tools.
Traces of an old village-site were discovered on the stream bank, a
hundred yards or more below the quarry, and here various objects of
steatite, including a partially shaped but broken pipe, were found.
The more ordinary dwelling sites of the operators of this quarry were
doubtless on the larger streams below, and probably extended far down
the Potomac. This quarry can not be a great many miles from the
‘‘antimony mines” reported by the native guides to the English who
first explored the Potomac. The fact that these peoples were enterpris-
ing enough to work an ‘antimony mine” suggests the probable iden-
tity of these Indians with the workers of the soapstone mines as well
as of the quartzite quarries of the general region.
THE CONNECTICUT AVENUE QUARRIES
Extensive deposits of steatite are found within the limits of the
District of Columbia, but only one locality presents abundant traces
of ancient operations. This site is by some called the Rose hill quarry
and by others the Dumbarton quarry. It is situated on Connecticut
avenue extended, 4 miles from the Executive Mansion, three-fourths
of a mile east of Tenallytown, and a mile and a half from each of the
two great quartzite-bowlder quarries already described.
LITERATURE
The quarries in this locality seem to have been first studied by Dr
Elmer R. Reynolds, who in 1878 published! a careful description of the
‘Thirteenth annual report of the Peabody Museum, 1878, p. 526.
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXIV
ABRADING STONES FROM THE VICINITY OF WASHINGTON, D. C.
a, b, c, three-fourths actual size; d, actual size
HOLMES] CONNECTICUT AVENUE QUARKIES 117
site and of the articles collected by him. About that time visits to
the site were made by Dr Charles Rau, Professor O. T. Mason, Mr
F. H. Cushing, and others, and extensive collections of articles, mainly
from the surface of the ground, were made. Mention is made by Dr
Reynolds of excavations conducted by these gentlemen, but no definite
information on this point is on record. Mr Cushing informs me that
slight excavations were made on the southern hill. A paper published
by Mr Louis A. Kengla, formerly of Washington, gives considerable
additional matter, accompanied by illustrations of fragments of vessels
obtained in the District of Columbia.!
SITE AND SURFACE INDICATIONS
The mass of steatite exposed on this site, being firmer and tougher
than the gneisses with which it is associated, gave rise, as erosion pro-
gressed, to two very decided prominences, separated by a sharp ravine
cut by a small stream, tributary to Rock creek, known as Soapstone
creek. The natural exposures are confined to the bed and the steeper
banks of the stream and to the crests of the hills, the latter rising in
somewhat conical form—the one on the southern side of the ravine to
about 80 feet and the one on the northern side to fully 90 feet above
the stream.
The northern hill has a rounded, oblong summit, in which the steatite
is exposed or approaches very near the surface for a length, nearly
north and south, of more than 100 feet and a width of 20 or 30 feet.
The rock seems to be bedded with the greatest length of the crest, and
consists of nearly vertical, more or less massive layers of steatite. The
slopes of the hill are covered with deposits of disintegrated gneiss and
vegetal mold, and consequently the gneiss with which the steatite is
surrounded and interbedded is in no place visible. The whole site is
thickly covered with forest trees and underbrush.
In 1891 the extension of Connecticut avenue led to the removal of
the lower portions of both hills, as indicated in the sketch map a, plate
LXXXxIII, the cut in the southern hill exposing portions of the strata to a
depth of 60 feet, and obliterating a number of the ancient pits. The
steatite brought to light by the grading is, however, of very poor qual-
ity and unfit for commercial purposes, which is true also of the entire
deposit, as indicated by the cessation of recent quarrying operations
conducted by the Hunter brothers. A section of the two hills appears
in ¢, plate LXXXII.
The evidences of ancient pitting are confined chiefly to the summits
of the hills, but no one can say to what extent the exposures of soap-
stone in the sides of the ravine were worked. The southern bank of
the stream has recently been excavated to a considerable depth by the
118 STONE IMPLEMENTS ETH. ANN. 15
but on the northern side there is an obscure excavation of considerable
dimensions that may be at least partially due to aboriginal operations.
Pits sunk in the sides of the hills would soon be filled by débris
descending from above, but on the crests they would necessarily remain
clearly marked for a long period of time; their obliteration in the lat-
ter case would depend on the very slow accumulation of vegetal
mold or of wind- blown material. In any attempt at estimating age
from mere appearances, therefore, the relation of the exeavation to
the surrounding surface must be considered; this has already been
pointed out with some degree of care in describing the quartzite-
bowlder quarries.
The excavations undertaken under my supervision were confined
largely to the summit of the northern Ill, as the ancient quarries had
there remained wholly undisturbed save by the normal agencies of
nature. <A row of pits, forming almost a connected trench, extended
along the crest and for a short distance down the northern end of the
hill. There were five weli marked depressions in this series, the out-
lines being irregular (see plate LXXXIv). All were less than 25 feet in
diameter, and the greatest depth was not above 2 or 3 feet. Dr Elmer
R. Reynolds describes one pit on the southern hill as being over 3
feet deep. The heaps and ridges of débris thrown from the pits by
the ancient miners extended along the sides of the row of pits, and
were not above a foot in height. This débris consisted for the greater
part of earth and irregular masses of steatite. Among the latter
were found many fragments of unfinished vessels and rejects of various
kinds. Shallow depressions, marking the sites of ancient pits, occur
along the sides of the crest on the southern and western slopes of
the hill.
EXCAVATIONS MADE
Our examinations of the Connecticut avenue quarries were com-
menced by carrying a trench across the southern pit of the series on
the northern hill. This exposed portions of the ancient quarry face on
the southern, eastern, and western sides, while the northern edge of
our excavation penetrated the full depth of the ancient quarry, which
was here not more than 4 or 5 feet.
Beginning with the deepest part of this first trench, a wide trench
was carried northward along the chain of ancient pits. Cross trenches
were dug at frequent intervals, and others were subsequently dug on
the southern slope. In all, not less than 800 square feet of the ancient
quarry floors were exposed and cleared off, and a very good idea of the
nature of the ancient quarrying was obtained. The principal pits were
worked to a depth of from 2 to 6 feet by the aborigines, and the bot-
toms and sides present the irregular appearance necessarily produced
by prying out such masses of potstone as the quarrymen were able to
detach. A view taken in the main trench is shown in plate LXXXv,
FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXV
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
HAMMERSTONES FROM POTOMAC VILLAGE-SITES ; THREE-FOURTHS ACTUAL SIZE
a, quartz; b, c, d, quartzite
HOLMES) CONNECTICUT AVENUE QUARRIES 119
aud a section across one of the pits is given in ), plate Lxxx1. The
beds of steatite are quite massive, exhibiting irregular lines of cleay-
age; the quality is, however, in the main, rather inferior. A sketch
plan showing the trenches made on the quarry site is given in plate
LXXXIV.
As in the quartzite-bowlder quarries, little evidence remains of the
methods of quarrying. Tools of the classes already referred to were
no doubt used to loosen and remove the earth and to pry up masses of
the stone. Heavy rounded stones and hafted sledges served to break
up the larger pieces and to detach projecting portions. In several
places on the floor and sides of the quarry the surface of the potstone
slows the usual pick marks, and in one place a slight grooving was
seen where the work of dividing a large block had begun. The exposed
surfaces seem for the most part to represent cleavage planes, and until
solid massive rock was encountered the laborious process of cutting
was uncalled for.
So far as the evidence obtained on the site shows, work was confined
almost exclusively to procuring material for use in vessel making, but
apparently the pots were not often shaped or even partly shaped in
place, to be afterward detached by undercutting and wedging as
observed in many other places. It appears that as a rule the rough
block was first obtained, then trimmed down to the approximate size and
form, and afterward hollowed out ready for the finishing operations,
which were in most cases conducted elsewhere. There were naturally
many failures from breaking, from splitting along partially developed
cleavage planes, and from imperfections in texture; and many hun-
dreds of these failures yet remain on the site, in the pits, in the heaps
of débris, and scattered far down the slopes of the hill and along the
stream bed.
TOOLS RECOVERED
The tools with which the work of quarrying was accomplished were
sought most assiduously. It was expected that they would, in a meas-
ure at least, correspond to the tools known to be used by the modern
Indians of the region, as many steatite pots are found on ordinary vil-
lage-sites. This was found to be the case to a limited extent only. It
was found that the tools used were, as a rule, made for and especially
adapted to the work, which is unlike any other industry of the aborig-
ines. The implements prove, therefore, to be in a measure unique,
forming a class of their own.
The remoteness of the site and the rugged conformation of the hills
on which the quarries are located render it improbable that the locality
was used for dwelling or for any other purpose than that of quarrying
and shaping the potstone.
The tools found all pertain to quarrying and to roughing-out the ves-
sels, and may conveniently be divided into three classes: 1, those
improvised on the spot for local temporary use; 2, those made for the
120 STONE IMPLEMENTS (ETH. ANN. 15
purpose on distant sites; and, 3, those pertaining originally to other
uses, brought from the villages and utilized in the quarries. A major-
ity are of the first of these classes. They are, as a rule, quite rude,
and were derived from quartz veins and bowlder beds in the vicinity
of the quarry. Specimens collected approach as nearly a paleolithie
type as any tools found in the Potomac region. Nothing more primi-
tive is possible. The hills and slopes in the vicinity abound in out-
crops of vein quartz, which breaks up into angular fragments. These
are now so plentiful on the neighboring fields as to burden agriculture.
Such angular fragments were gathered for use in the quarries. Some
were already well adapted to use, while others were slightly trimmed,
to give them better points and edges. Illustrations of these tools
appear in figures 19 and 20,
Fig. 19—Rude pick of quartz, slightly sharpened by flaking.
A number of angular masses of quartz were discovered that were
not apparently adapted to any use and that showed no signs of haying
been used. They may be fragments of larger masses broken in use.
A few bruised cobbles were found that must have been utilized in some
way in the quarry work.
It is not considered necessary to take further notice of specimens
showing no decided evidence of design or use, or that do not by their
natural conformation show especial adaptation to use. The objects of
quartz that show evidence of shaping by percussion are all of one
type. They are thick, angular masses, weighing a pound or more; one
end is brought to a short, sharp point, and the other is somewhat
rounded, as if to be held in the hand or hands for striking. Of the
FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXVI
GY
BUREAU OF ETHNOL
SURFACE OF A SOAPSTONE QUARRY. SHOWING VARIOUS PHASES OF THE CUTTING OPERATIONS
In the Clifton quarry an area of upward of 2,000 square feet is covered with these evidences of ancient industry
HOLMES] CONNECTICUT AVENUE QUARRIES 121
same general shape are two picks made from quartzite bowlders and
resembling heavy-pointed turtlebacks (figures 21, 22). In no ease
does the form of these tools suggest the attachment of a haft, although
| such attachment would probably be feasible.
Three chisel-like tools were found in the main trench on the summit
of the hill. They are of peculiar types, and we may fairly assume that
Fia. 21—Rude pick made by sharpening quartzite bowlder.
they were made for use in the potstone shop. One made of gray erup-
tive rock is blade-shaped and has a fine chisel-like point or edge. Itis
shown in a,a, plate LXXXVIII.
122 STONE IMPLEMENTS (ETH, ANN. 15
Another specimen (illustrated in b,b, plate LXXXV1) is of greenish-
gray slaty-looking eruptive rock, very slightly altered by chemical
changes. It is rather rudely chipped along both sides, and the point
has been made quite sharp by grinding. Properly hafted as a pick, or
as a chisel to be driven by a mallet, this little celt would have been a
very effective tool in shaping and trimming the vessels. As it stands,
without hafting, it is too small for effective use. A small chisel from
the southern hill is given in ¢,¢ in the same plate.
From the soil that filled one of the shallow pits on the southern
margin of the crest of the hill, a chipped tool of unusual shape, given
in a,a, plate LXXXVI1, was obtained. It resembles somewhat the drills
or perforators of the same material found on village-sites, but is larger,
ruder, and less symmetrical, and was probably made especially for use
in the trimming of soapstone vessels.
Fig. 22—Rude pick made by sharpening quartzite bowlder.
Another is made of a blackish argillite-like rock that has become
gray on the surface through oxidation of some of its constituent min-
erals. In its general configuration it is somewhat like the quartzite
blades produced in the quarry-shops of the district, but it differs from
them in having a chisel-like point or edge. This edge is somewhat
oblique and shows but little evidence of use, although chemical changes
in the stone may have obliterated such evidence. It is shown in b,b,
plate LXXXVvU.
A quite perfect specimen of this class, having a well-rounded body
and neat, Sharp edge, was picked up on the southern hill; it is shown
ind,d. A much larger example of the same class was brought to light
by the grading operations along Connecticut avenue, on the eastern
9
PL. LXXVII
FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
A) N((
oH
i
( "
~
==
THIRD ACTUAL SIZE
FROM THE CLIFTON QUARRY; ABOUT ONE-
,
iNCIPIENT VESSELS BROKEN DURING THE SHAPING OPERATIONS AND LEFT WITH THE QUARRY
REFUSE ;
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXVIII
SERIES OF FORMS SHOWING STEPS IN THE STEATITE-SHAPING PROCESS RANGING FROM
THE OVOID MASS CUT FROM THE QUARRY TO THE ROUGH FINISHED VESSEL ; FROM
THE CLIFTON QUARRY; ABOUT ONE-THIRD ACTUAL SIZE
HOLMES] CONNECTICUT AVENUE QUARRIES 123
slope of the southern hill (plate Lxxxyii1). A nest of four well-shaped
chisels, two of which appear in plate xcr, was discovered by me near
the summit of the hill; all were sharpened by grinding.
One of the most important finds made during the excavations at this
place was a large grooved ax of the wedge-hafted type (a, plate xc1r).
It was found in one of the shallow pits on the southern margin of the
hilltop, a foot from the surface and resting on the surface of the soap-
stone in place. There is no doubt that this tool was used by the
ancient quarrymen in dislodging, and possibly in trimming, the masses
of stone. Its edge shows considerable wear, apparently from use as a
pick, and its surface irregularities are filled with steatite. Its weight
and shape would make it a very effective tool. If proof that the
workers of these quarries were Indians were necessary, the discovery
of this object would seem to be satisfactory. Finds on the sites of
ancient soapstone quarries in Maryland include many of these grooved
axes. In most cases they have been more or less completely remodeled
by flaking to fit them more fully for use as picks.
CORRELATION WITH BOWLDER QUARRIES
The question arises as to what correlations can be made out between
the steatite quarries and the quartzite-bowlder quarries of the District
of Columbia. Are they all probably of one age and the work of one
people, or are they separated by long periods of time and by marked
differences in art characters? It is observed that the two ‘classes of
quarries are located in the same valley and only a mile and a half apart;
that they correspond as closely in extent and in appearances as could be
expected if worked at one time and by one people; that modern neo-
lithic implements are found in the steatite quarries, and that the prod-
ucts of the steatite quarries are found on many modern village-sites.
It appears that the steatite.was not quarried to a depth equal to that
of the quartzite bowlders, but it will be seen at a glance that the diffi-
culties attending the working of the former are much the greater.
With increasing depth the steatite becomes firmer and more massive,
and the difficulty of detaching the necessary masses with primitive
tools increases. With the bowlders the difficulty does not increase
with the depth in the same degree, and greater depths could be reached
with comparative ease.
It is true that the bowlder quarries exhibit more decided evidence of
great age than do the steatite quarries in that the pits are much more
completely filled up and obliterated. This fact may, however, lead to
erroneous conclusions if the conditions under which the two classes of
pits existed are not considered. The deepest steatite pits were not over
5 or 6 feet in depth, but they were excavated in solid rock and on the
crests of hills where there was little or no material to fall into them
save the leaves from the trees. Such of the pits as were not on the
summits were entirely or almost entirely filled up. The cobble pits on
124 STONE IMPLEMENTS (ETH. ANN. 15
Piny branch were in all cases situated on the slope of the hills, and
were therefore directly beneath overhanging masses of loosely com-
pacted sands and gravels and may have been more completely filled up
in one year than the steatite pits in a century.
The character of the two sites corresponds very closely in the respect
that both are in hills so steep as to be quite unsuited for camping or
dwelling. Both are therefore naturally free from village refuse, and
the tools found, for the most part if not exclusively, consist of those
actually used in the work of quarrying and roughing-out the articles
produced.
In the cobble quarries no tools of a durable material were needed
save the natural bowlders found by thousands in the quarries. Care.
fully shaped hammerstones, polished celts, and grooved axes had no
place in the industries carried on in these localities. A grooved ax,
such as that found in the Connecticut avenue quarry, would be an
effective tool in the work of quarrying steatite, and could be used with-
out the least danger of breakage. The chisels were especially adapted
to, and no doubt made for, the cutting out and carving of the steatite.
The nature and range of the work of shaping carried on in both
classes of quarries has a close correspondence. No finished pieces of
work of the classes made there were found in either class. In the cob-
ble quarries the blade was roughed-out to a convenient shape for
transportation and subsequent elaboration; in the steatite quarries
the pots were roughed-out and carried away to be finished else-
where. It is significant also that on many village-sites in the vicinity
the shaped objects of both materials are found freely and intimately
associated.
Review of the evidence thus shows many significant correspondences
in the work of the two classes of quarries, and no differences that
require the assumption of wide distinction either in time, people, or
culture. The historical aborigines are probably responsible for all the
phenomena observed.
THE SHOEMAKER QUARRY
About 2 miles southwest of the Rose hill quarries, and not far from
the grounds of the American University, there are several obscure out-
crops of steatite. Numerous partially worked vessels have been found,
but if quarries ever existed they are now entirely obliterated by the
plow.
THE LITTLE FALLS SITES
A slight outerop of steatite occurs in the creek bank at the Virginia
end of Chain bridge over the Potomac, just below Little falls and at the
head of tidewater; but no traces of ancient work have been observed.
That the work of quarrying and cutting this rock was prosecuted in the
vicinity is indicated by the discovery of steatite picks and chisels, and
many articles made of steatite, finished and unfinished, on the village-
5 FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXIX
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
QUARRY-SHOP REJECTS SHOWING EARLY STAGES OF THE STEATITE SHAPING WORK AND SHOWING THE
CHISEL OR PICK MARKS WITH PERFECT CLEARNESS. FROM THE CONNECTICUT AVENUE QUARRIES;
ABOUT ONE-HALF ACTUAL SIZE
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL, LXXX
Aaceadig
Harmer any
wits
f
EXAMPLES OF UNFINISHED STEATITE VESSELS
@ and b (11 inches and 8 inches, respectively, in length) are from the Cliton quarry, and ¢ (114 Inches in length) is from
a village-site at College Station, Maryland
Toner wane
HOLMES] LITTLE FALLS QUARRY-SITES 125
sites in the vicinity. These are well represented in the collections of
Thomas Dowling, junior, and F. W. von Dachenhausen, of Washington.
Typical mining and cutting tools are rarely found at any considerable
distance from the quarries. Several small chisels of the usual type,
shown in plate xc, were obtained from a village-site between Chain
bridge and Eades mill, on the northeastern side of the river; and two
sinker-like objects of soapstone from this locality, one discoidal with
a peripheral groove and the other oblong with a groove passing along
the sides and across the ends, are shown in a and b, plate xcix. A
small, partially finished ring or bead is represented in ¢ on the same
plate.
THE BRYANT QUARRY
Following the trend of the soapstone belt northeastward from the
Tenley quarries, the first observed occurrence of a primitive quarry is
at Four Corners, on the estate of Mr Bryant. Near this gentleman’s
mansion are two clusters of trees, each less than an acre in area, in
which the steatite outcrops, and on account of which the land has not
been utilized for agricultural purposes. Considerable work las been
done on this site. In the first cluster of trees, 100 yards south of the
house, a number of shallow depressions are seen marking the sites of
ancient pits and trenches. Numerous worked pieces and partially
shaped pots are scattered about, and a few tools have been found,
mostly by Mr W. H. Phillips, who kindly directed my notice to this
site. The material, the nature of the work, and the tools used cor-
respond very closely with the same features of neighboring sites.
QUARRIES OF THE PATUXENT VALLEY
Numerous steatite quarries have been discovered in Montgomery and
Howard counties, Maryland, within the limits of the Patuxent valley.
Our knowledge of them is due chiefly to the enterprise of two resident
archeologists, Mr J. D. McGuire, of Ellicott, and the late Thomas Bent-
ley, of Sandyspring. The former gentleman has an extensive series of
the quarry utensils and products, and has published a valuable paper
concerning them.’ I have been permitted to make illustrations of sey-
eral specimens from the Bentley collection by Mrs E. P. Thomas, the
collector’s daughter, and additional illustrations have been obtained
from the local collections of Mrs Charles Kirk and Miss Frances D.
Stabler, of Olney.
Schooley’s mill site—At Schooley’s mill, on the eastern side of the
Patuxent and about half a mile below Snells bridge, steatite of excel-
lent quality outcrops in a number of places. These outcrops have
recently been worked to some extent by the residents of the vicinity,
but traces of ancient quarrying have not been entirely obliterated. It
is difficult in most cases to distinguish the modern from the ancient
! Transactions of the Anthropological Society, vol. 11, 1882, p. 39.
126 STONE IMPLEMENTS [ ETH. ANN. 15
pits, but there are a number of irregular depressions in a grove on the
hillside just above the mill that may be regarded as of aboriginal,
origin. Masses of steatite appear at many points, and some of these
bear evidence of the use of stone picks in detaching masses of the
rock, A number of broken pots were observed, including several varie-
ties of form. One is a flat-bottom basin or pan of circular outline
and vertical periphery, about 13 inches in diameter and from 3 to 4
inches deep, the bow] being roughed-out to about half thatdepth. The
entire surface retains the marks of the roughing-out pick, which has
been boldly handled. Another specimen, half of which was found,
represents an oblong shallow basin with projections for handles at the
ends. Another appeared to be part of a deep, almost hemispherical
bow]. neatly worked but retaining no traces of handles.
In an hour’s search two fragmentary tools were found. They are
ordinary chisel picks, one showing the point and the other the head or
rounded end. The surfaces have the appearance and feel of ordinary
sandstone, but on examination the material is found to be a very fine-
grained argillite. Part of the surface of the larger specimen has been
shaped by pecking, the remainder having been flaked.
Thompson quarry—The region about Browns bridge over the Patux-
ent abounds in deposits of steatite, and the ancient workings are exten-
sive. The first outcrop encountered after leaving the Laurel and Sandy-
spring pike is on the farm of Mr Benjamin Thompson, midway between
the tollgate at Ednor and the bridge. <A grove of trees with much
undergrowth borders the road on the right, covering an area of 2 or 3
acres. Inthe grove the soapstone outcrops at many points; numerous
large masses protrude from the beds of leaves and mold, and present
the deeply excoriated surfaces characteristic of weathered steatite. At
the roadside and in the lanes, as well as in the neighboring fields, frag-
ments and protruding masses of the rock are seen. <A eareful search
revealed no very definite traces of ancient pitting, but an interesting
feature was encountered near the entrance to the wood at the right.
An angular mass of the rock rises about 2 feet above the ground, and
the highest corner of this has been partially encircled by a deep, wide
groove, which still shows the pick marks as seen in plate xcr. It
seems remarkable that pick marks exposed to the weather should have
been preserved for so long a period, yet the work must undoubtedly be
attributed to the aborigines who disappeared from this region a century
and a half ago.
The fragments of pots observed here are of ordinary types. A fine
medium-size chisel (d, plate xcrv) was found in a field adjoining the
grove, and other fragments were picked up at different points in the
vicinity. A boy living near by had found two fine picks, made by
remodeling grooved axes, illustrated in ) and c, plate xcm.
Brown quarry—On the farm of Mr T. E. Brown, within about half a
mile of the last-mentioned bridge over the Patuxent, steatite is quite
NOILVAVOX3 3HL JO 1003 3H1 Lv 039
WV3YLS 3H1 NI 03190343 WHOJLV 1d V WOYS G3S¥V3dd¥ LI SV “LNO ONIHV310 Y3L4S¥ AHYYVYND NOLSINIO SHL JO MBIA
HOLMES] THE WILSON STEATITE QUARRY 17h
plentiful. In the fields near the house masses project from the ground
and fragments are scattered about in great profusion. A number of
worked places were seen, and a grooved pick made from a grooved ax
and the point of an ungrooved pick of medium size were collected.
Wilson quarry—tThe site most productive of implements for working
steatite is located within 50 yards of the Patuxent, half a mile below
Brown’s bridge, on the farm of Mr W. F. Wilson. The quarry sites
have been cultivated to such an extent that but slight indications of
the ancient pits are seen. <A few small outcrops of the steatite are
found, and within a radius of 60 feet about one of these over thirty
Fic. 23—Implement used in entting steatite; from quarry in Howard County, Maryland.
tools were picked up. This series includes chisels of ordinary varieties
(c, plate xcrv) and rude grooved picks of the extemporized variety,
one of the latter appearing in plate XCI.
Fragments of unfinished vessels of various forms were observed on
the land of Mr Wilson on the northern side of the river within the
limits of Howard county. Several acres of forest land are covered
by rough-looking masses of dark steatite. In some places it has
been worked and indistinct pits can be traced, and rudely shaped
pieces of the material, together with specimens of the tools, were
encountered, Beyond this spot, on the farm of Mr Henry Kruhm,
128 STONE IMPLEMENTS (RTH. ANN. 15
another quarry is located. The outcrops are limited, but character-
istic fragments of worked steatite and three rather rude chisels were
found, two of which are shown in figures 23 and 24.
QUARRIES NEAR OLNEY
During a short stay at ‘Fair Hill,” the residence of Mr Richard
Kirk, at Olney, Maryland, my attention was called to a number of rude
soapstone dishes that lay strewn about the grounds, and Mrs Charles
Fie. 24—Implement used in cutting steatite; from quarry in Howard County, Maryland.
Kirk had in her possession an excellent specimen of the two-point
chisel-pick (shown in figure 25). Ancient quarries are located in the
meadows below the house and in the adjoining woods on Brooke grove
farm; they are now almost obliterated by recent quarrying and by
farming over the sites. Worked pieces of steatite and specimens of
the tools used are still occasionally picked up in the vicinity. The
rude vessels are all of usual types, and no example was seen that
approaches at all near a finish.
;
:
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT
IMPLEMENTS USED IN CUTTING STEATITE ; FROM THE CLIFTON QUARRY
at, two-thirds actual size; b. c, d, actual size
PL. LXXXII
HOLMES] STEATITE QUARRIES AT OLNEY 129
The chisel pick mentioned above was found by Mr Charles Kirk on
the quarry site. It is made of iron-impregnated sandstone, which
appears and rings like metal. It has been worked rudely into shape
Fia. 25—Implement used in cutting steatite; from the Olney quarry.
by flaking, and then finished apparently by grinding. It is 8 inches
long, 3 inehes wide, and half an inch thick, and would appear to be
one of the most effective tools of its class yet found. I was so fortu-
nate as to find on this site the small chisel shown in a, plate XCIv,
15 ETH 9
130 STONE IMPLEMENTS (ETH. ANN. 15
which is almost identical in size, appearance, and material with one
found in the Rose hill quarry in the Distriet of Columbia. The point
is well shaped, and shows the effects of use. The head terminates in a
sharp edge, which is not worn, and must have been protected by a
haft when in use. The material appears to be a fine-grain greenish-
gray argillite. A second chisel of small size (a, plate xcv) was subse-
quently picked up in the field near the Kirk
residence. Half a dozen fine soapstone
tools were obtained from this vicinity by
Miss Frances D. Stabler, who resides at
Sharon, a neighboring estate.
About a mile south of Olney, on the farm
of Mr Mackall, the location of an ancient
quarry was noted, and the usual refuse of
aboriginal operations was observed. A
chisel made of blue-gray porphyry and a
very rudely grooved or notched fragment of
quartz, once hafted as a pick, were picked
up. This quarry is said to extend to the
farm of Dr Kirk, which lies south of Mr
Mackall’s place.
Another site formerly occupied by the
aboriginal soapstone worker is situated
about 4 miles west of Olney, on the prem-
ises of Mr Holland. This place did not
yield any form of tool, but the unfinished
vessels occur as usual. Other sites are
reported in this vicinity.
The collection of Mrs Mary Bentley
Thomas, of Sandyspring, was made from
the quarries of the vicinity, several of which
are mentioned above. There are many
specimens of the partially shaped vessels
illustrating all phases of the work. The
picks comprised in this collection are very
engin fine. Some are modified grooved axes,
Boe others are fragments of rock roughed-out
y : by flaking just enough to make them ayail-
Fic. 26—Implement used in cutting able, with the addition of a haft, for work-
steatite; from Sandyspringquarry. - r
ing the soft stone. One of the former is
shown in plate xcv1, while the latter type is illustrated in figure 26.
One of the most striking implements found in this colleetion, and of
wider interest than the other quarry tools, is a gouge of the New Eng-
land type, which has been roughly grooved by the steatite worker in
order that a haft might be attached (figure 27), This specimen serves
to add to the force of the remark, suggested by the remodeling of
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXXill
Sketch map of the Connecticut avenue quarries. The area of the soapstone
outcrop is inclosed by a dotted line and the tops of the two halls are
marked by crosses
b
Section of the pittings on the northern hill. The dotted line indicates the original profile
MODERN QUARRY.
4 SOAPSTONE CR.
Section through the two hills, Connecticut avenue quarries
MAP AND SECTIONS OF THE CONNECTICUT AVENUE STEATITE QUARRIES
.
TANS
——
===
ee SSE
——
GE
SSS
SS
ASXXX1 “Id = LYOd3Y IWANNY HIN331414
ADOIONHL3 40 NwayNE
HOLMES) STEATITE QUARRIES AT OLNEY 131
grooved axes for the rough work of the quarries, that the date of this
work is comparatively recent. It would seem that older tools from all
sources were pressed into service for carrying on a new art.
Fic. 27—Gouge-like implement grooved for hafting and used in a steatite quarry
near Sandyspring, Maryland.
FALLS CHURCH AND HOLMES RUN QUARRIES
Near Falls Church, and some 34 miles southwest of Little falls, Vir-
ginia, steatite has been found, and some traces of ancient work have
been reported. Similar reports come from several other localities in
Alexandria and Fairfax counties.
In 1891 a soapstone mine was opened on what was then the Bassett
place, on Holmes run, 7 miles from Alexandria and the same distance
from Georgetown. As the work advanced a few shallow depressions
SZ STONE IMPLEMENTS (ETH. ANN. 15
marking the sites of ancient pits were observed, and in cutting through
them several rudimentary vessels and numerous mining and cutting
tools, broken and entire, were encountered. The ancient work had
extended to the depth in one place of 7 or 8 feet. Several specimens
from this site are illustrated in the accompanying plates. An ordinary
grooved ax, broken in use, is illustrated in plate xcv11, and two other
axes modified by flaking to give them sharper cutting edges (plate
XOVII1) are of special interest as further illustrating the subordination of
general to special function among the tools of the aboriginal quarrymen.
AMELIA COUNTY QUARRIES
On the southern side of James river, in Amelia county, Virginia, a
very interesting site was studied by Mr F. H. Cushing, who conducted
extended excavations and made a model of an ancient pit illustrating
the manner in which the masses of partially shaped steatite were cut
out and removed. The tools recovered and the quarry rejects were
identical with those from the more northern sites.
MADISON COUNTY QUARRIES
Between 5 and 6 miles from Orange, on the road to Madison court-
house, Virginia, is a negro church, at which a road turns off north-
ward. At a point about 200 yards from the church the latter road
strikes an outcrop of steatite, along which it runs for 500 or 600 yards.
Most of the deposit has been so much worked by residents that it is
now impossible to determine whether there is any trace of aboriginal
work except at the extreme northern end of the outcrop. Here there
are a few small pits that seem due to ancient work.
CULPEPER COUNTY QUARRIES
There is a very extensive quarry of steatite near Waylands mills, on
the Orange road, 9 or 10 miles west of Culpeper court-house. At the
top of a hill, something over 100 feet high, the steatite outcrops and
the pits begin at once. They are all to the right of the road, and vary
from a foot to 4 feet in depth, with the exception of one, which is fully
150 feet in diameter, the bottom being filled over an area of 50 or 60 feet
across with muck, so that its depth can not be determined. Almost
the entire surface has been dug over for half a mile in extent.
On the farm of H. I. Aylor, about 25 miles from the mill, is another
steatite quarry, in which it is reported that aboriginal digging was
extensive, and that fragments of pots and the like were plentiful.
Specimens may be found at neighboring houses, especially at the negro
cabins, where they are used for “chicken troughs.”
BRUNSWICK COUNTY QUARRIES
On the farm of Bassett B. Wilkes, at Charlie Hope station, 6 miles
west of Lawrenceville, Virginia, there are several pits, extending over
an acre in area, where steatite has been quarried by the Indians. The
FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXXV
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
VIEW IN EXCAVATION ON THE NORTHERN HILL, SHOWING SURFACE OF MASSIVE STEATITE ONLY SLIGHTLY MARKED
BY THE QUARRY IMPLEMENTS
HOLMES) STEATITE QUARRIES IN VIRGINIA 133
stone crops out near the top of a narrow ridge on which considerable
manufacturing seems to have been carried on, as fragments of vessels
are numerous.
RELATION OF CLAY AND STEATITE POTTERY
It might appear that peoples employing earthenware would hardly
resort to the difficult task of quarrying and working steatite for vessel
making, since the uses to which both classes of utensils were devoted
must have been nearly identical; but that the historical tribes made
pottery and at the same time employed soapstone vessels is known
through colonial records, and also from the frequent occurrence together
on village-sites and in shell banks of vessels made of both materials.
It has also been observed that pulverized steatite was often used in
tempering ordinary pottery, and that the vessels so tempered are occa
sionally modeled in the form of steatite vessels, having the heavy pro-
jections or handles at the sides.
The occurrence of grooved axes and celts in the quarries, and the
adaptation of these tools by slight modification to use as picks and
chisels, indicates with sufficient clearness that the quarrying of steatite
was a comparatively recent industry, practiced after all forms of pol-
ished implements had been perfected, and in all probability by the
Algonquian peoples.
VARIOUS ARTICLES OF STEATITE
The number of miscellaneous carvings of steatite found in the tide-
water districts is very limited, and the execution is usually inferior.
They are in striking contrast with the work in neighboring districts in
North Carolina and Tennessee, which furnish pipes and ornaments of
remarkable beauty.
The fragment of a neatly carved platform pipe shown in a, plate
XOIX, was found on an Anacostia village-site, near the Pennsylvania
avenue bridge. The rudely shaped, channeled, sinker-like objects, b, c,
d, are from village-sites near Little falls of the Potomac, and the bit of
pipestem e is from a dwelling site near the Clifton quarry, Virginia.
The specimens illustrated in plate c are from village-sites in Virginia,
and represent several stages of the shaping operations—a was roughed-
out by breaking and sawing; ) was reduced to approximate shape by
cutting and abrasion, but the bowl is not yet excavated; and ¢ appears
to bea finished specimen, though quite rude in appearance. The object
shown in d has been carefully trimmed, but the work is not sufficiently
advanced to show whether a pipe or an ornament was to be made.
That such a very limited number of miscellaneous steatite carvings
should be found in the tidewater country is a matter of some surprise.
CHAPTER VI
DISTRIBUTION OF STONE IMPLEMENTS
THE AREA INVESTIGATED
The tidewater portions of Maryland and Virginia have an area nearly
equal to that of the state of Maryland. About one-fourth of the area
is occupied by broad arms of the sea, chiefly Chesapeake bay and its
tributaries, and the land is a much diversified plain, broken by erosion
into hills and terraced valleys. It extends inland from the Atlantic
seaboard to the base of the highland or Piedmont plateau, which rises
on the west to the Appalachian mountains. The curved line separat-
ing the two topographie divisions—the lowland and the highland—is
marked by falls in all the rivers, and by the location of town and cities
through which pass the great highways of travel connecting the north
with the south. On this line are located Philadelphia, Havre de
Grace, Baltimore, Laurel, Washington, Fredericksburg, Richmond, and
Petersburg (see plate 1), This was the shore-line of the Atlantic when
the formations constituting the lowlands were laid down.
The separation of the lowland from the highland is not a topographic
separation only; there are pronounced biologic and geologic distine-
tions, and these combined in archaic times to produce marked anthro-
pologie distinctions. The tidewater region furnished a plentiful supply
of game and fish, and in the brackish and salt water areas an abun-
dance of oysters. The natives lived much on the water, and were per-
haps more nearly a maritime people than any other group of tribes in
the east. Their peculiar biologic environment had a marked influence
on their art, giving it unique forms and exceptional distribution; while
their unusual geologic surroundings had a still more pronounced effect
on their implements, utensils, and weapons, limiting the forms and
sizes and determining to a considerable extent the kinds employed in
the various districts, independently of biologic and other conditions.
In early historic times the tidewater country was inhabited by
numerous tribes of Indians, mainly of Algonquian stock, subject to the
renowned Powhatan. A few other nations were located about the
headwaters of Chesapeake bay and others appeared at times along the
western and southern borders. The period covered by this occupancy
practically closed about the middle of the last century. Its beginning is
not determined, but it probably does not date back very many centuries.
Of antecedent or prehistoric peoples, if such there were, we have no
134
—=
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXXVI
THREE CHISEL-LIKE IMPLEMENTS OF DARK ERUPTIVE ROCK FROM THE CONNECTICUT AVENUE
QUARRIES ; ROUGHED OUT BY FLAKING AND SHARPENED BY GRINDING; ACTUAL SIZE
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXxv/I
a
eat
alt
STEATITE-CUTTING IMPLEMENTS OF ERUPTIVE ROCK FROM THE CONNECTICUT AVENUE QUARRIES; ACTUAL SIZE
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXXVIII
FRAGMENT OF A STEATITE QUARRY IMPLEMENT OF GREENISH-GRAY ERUPTIVE ROCK, EXPOSED
BY GRADING OF CONNECTICUT AVENUE; THREE-FOURTHS ACTUAL SIZE
HOLMES] DISTRIBUTION OF THE IMPLEMENTS 135
information, for the art remains are simple and homogeneous, giving no
hint of the presence in this region of any other than the historic tribes.
The region is nearly identical with that explored by that intrepid and
illustrious adventurer and colonist, John Smith, whose accounts of the
natives are among our most valuable contributions to the aboriginal
history of the Atlantic states.
DISTRIBUTION OF MATERIALS
GEOLOGIC DISTRIBUTION OF STONE
The geology of the tidewater country is wholly unlike that of the
highland, and the rocks available to the aborigines in the two regions
were not only different in distribution but peculiar in the shapes they
took and in other features that affect the character of the utensils
made and employed. In the highland, west of the dotted line on the
map forming plate 1, the varieties of rock occur in massive forms and
with definite independent distribution. The workable varieties, such
as quartz, quartzite, rhyolite, jasper, and flint, were much sought by
the aborigines of the lowland. Fragmental material was to be ob-
tained almost everywhere on the surface, but choice varieties were
confined to limited areas and often to distant regions, and where the
surface exposures were not sufficient to supply the demand, quarrying
was resorted to and the work of extracting, transporting, and trading
or exchanging the stone must have become an important factor in the
lives of the people. The masses of rock were uncovered, broken up,
and tested; the choice pieces were selected and reduced to forms
approximating the implements to be made, and in this shape they
were carried to the lowland.
In the lowland all varieties of hard stones are fragmental, and the
species are intermingled in varied ways. These fragments of rock are
not merely broken, angular pieces, such as characterize the surface of
the highland, but are rounded masses and bits known.as bowlders or
cobbles and pebbles, and comprise chiefly sueh tough, flinty, homoge-
neous stones as are available in the arts of primitive man. Nature, in
her own way, selected from the highland along the stream courses the
very choicest bits of the crumbled rocks, reduced them in hundreds of
cataract mills and in the breakers of the seashore to rounded forms,
and deposited them in what are now the lowlands, in great heaps and
beds, ready to the hand of primitive man.
At first it would seem to even the keenest observer that a cobble or
ovoid bowlder or pebble would be a difficult form of stone to utilize in
making knives, spearheads, arrowpoints, drills, and scrapers. The
smooth, rounded mass had to be transformed into a thin blade, every
contour of which is incisive or angular. So far apart are the two
classes of forms that few people have thought of the bowlder as a
prominent source of these objects. But when we look into the matter
136 STONE IMPLEMENTS [ETH ANN. 15
more carefully we find that nature has not provided any other form of
the several tough varieties of stone so perfectly suited to the purposes
of the stone-implement flaker as the bowlder or pebble.
Each river brought down from the highland only such varieties of
stone as belonged to the drainage of that river, so that in one valley
one set of materials prevails and in another a different set of materials
appears, varying with the geologic formations of the region drained.
tivers having identical formations have nearly identical bowlders;
long rivers crossing numerous formations have many varieties; short
rivers crossing but few formations have but a limited number.
There is also a selection as to size by each drainage way. Near the
base of the highland, where the force of the current is reduced by meet-
ing tidewater, the larger bowlders are dropped, the smaller ones are
deposited farther down, and the pebbles and sand are carried far sea-
ward. Small and weak streams transport fewer pieces and drop them
sooner. This selection does not hold good with ice transportation,
which agency has carried irregular masses of stone to many widely
distributed points. Notwithstanding the fact that all water-transported
stones are more or less rounded, there is a selection with respect to
degree of roundness. If dropped early in the progress of transporta-
tion, the bowlder is imperfectly rounded; if carried far, it is fully
rounded. Near the margin of the highland, therefore, there is a large
percentage of imperfectly rounded stones, and farther out there is a
small percentage of decidedly irregular forms. These conditions are
probably considerably modified by the action of the waves along the
ancient seashore which skirted the base of the highland. Suci frag-
ments as were subjected to wave action became fully rounded and were
deposited in beds along the ancient beach-lines. It is not easy to dis-
tinguish the beach-rolled material from that rounded by the flow of
streams, both agencies having no doubt frequently acted in turn on
the same material.
Again, we observe that on river banks near the base of the highland
many varieties of rock are present, but with each mile as we descend
the number is diminished—the softer species are reduced to sand as
they move toward the sea and one after another disappears. Quartz,
being the hardest, is last to yield to the erosive agents, and at various
points along the ocean beach well-polished quartz pebbles are found.
A comparison of the Potomac and Patuxent rivers with respect to
these points is instructive. In ancient times both streams, as they
descended from the mountains, gathered fragments of rock and carried
them downward until the soft and friable ones were reduced to sand
and the tough, flinty varieties became bowlders and pebbles. The
latter consisted chiefly of quartz and quartzite. The Potomac was a
long stream, heading far in the west and cutting through many ranges
of mountains and hills. It crossed heavy beds of quartzite in the
region of the Blue ridge. This rock is tough and massive, and breaks
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HOLMES] GEOLOGIC DISTRIBUTION OF STONE BA
up into rather large fragments; thus it is that we have many large
quartzite bowlders deposited in the valley about Washington and
below, the sizes diminishing toward the sea. Between the Blue ridge
and tidewater the river crosses a belt of gneiss rocks intersected by
many veins of quartz. This latter rock is hard and brittle, and breaks
up into small fragments, which, when rounded, are usually of the size
denominated pebbles. These were taken up by the waters in countless
numbers and distributed with the quartzite bowlders from Washington
to the sea. But the quartz is harder than the quartzite and resisted
the erosive agents more successfully, so that after the quartzite disap-
pears there are still quartz pebbles in plenty.
The other stream, the Patuxent, has a limited drainage and does
not cross the quartzite belt but drains the quartz-bearing zone. Below
the point of its entrance into the tidewater country at Laurel, we find,
of the flakable stones, chiefly quartz in small fragments; lower down
all are well rounded, forming pebbly gravels. It is thus seen that
nature has selected the rocks used by the tidewater peoples and has
distributed them in groups varying with original location, with hard-
ness, with toughness, with shape, and with size.
GEOLOGY AND ART
The effect of the natural conditions of distribution on the stone art
of the various districts was necessarily pronounced. One community
located conveniently to deposits of large bowlders used large stones,
and the tools shaped from them average large. Another community
located in a pebble-bearing district utilized pebbles, so far as they are
capable of utilization, and this people had few large tools and many
small ones, the average size being small. Dwellers in quartzite-bearing
districts had quartzite tools, those having quartz deposits had quartz
tools, and those residing near the base of the highland had many
varieties of stone and hence used a much greater diversity of stone
tools, since the working qualities or capacities of each stone vary from
the rest.
As a result of these conditions the tidewater Potomac is rich in
chipped tools, both of quartzite and of quartz, of home production.
The Patuxent yields a large percentage of quartz tools, most of which
are native. The Potomac yields to the collector a large percentage of
large tools, the Patuxent a large percentage of small ones. These
remarks relate to the native varieties of material and implements
made from them. Exotic materials had their own peculiar distribu-
tion, which will be examined further on.
Nearly all rude, bulky implements of chipped stone, and all failures
or rejects of manufacture, are, as a matter of course, found on or near
the sites from which the raw materials were derived. Rejects are
large and clumsy on the upper tidewater Potomac because of the large
size of the bowlders available; they are small on the Patuxent because
the pebbles utilized were small.
138 STONE IMPLEMENTS [E1H. ANN. 15
Again, we observe that the percentage of failures—the turtlebacks
and other refuse of manufacture—decreases rapidly with the distance
from the source of supply of the raw material. This may be illustrated
by a suppositious case. In the vicinity of Washington we have a great
deposit of quartzite bowlders. In figure 28 the dotted line may be ~
taken as roughly indicating the area yielding workable bowlders, and
the angular markings show the distribution of rejects of manufacture.
The successful blades and the finished tools produced radiate much
more widely, but also diminish with distance from the source of sup-
ply, as indicated by the smaller strokes in figure 19, a generalized case
also. Favorite routes of travel would receive the fuller supply of these
PR y
Fic. 28—Distribution of rejects of manufacture, confined largely to the area yielding the raw
material.
objects, and dwelling and important hunting and fishing sites would
have large supplies, as indicated by “ village-sites” in figure 29. On
the source of supply of the raw material, failures and unfinished imple-
ments or rejects exceed finished implements in numbers, but beyond
this the latter are almost wholly prevalent. So-called paleolithic
forms, the rejects of manufacture, are thus confined to certain areas—
the areas producing the raw material—and it is easy to see how, in
various sections of the country before the true nature of these forms
was known, certain localities were thought to have been especially
favored by the hypothetic paleolithic man.
It would appear from what has been said that the artificial distri-
bution of materials is limited by, and is indeed a modification of,
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XC
IN CUTTING STEATITE; FROM VILLAGE-SITES AT LITTLE FALLS OF THE
POTOMAC ; ACTUAL SIZE
IMPLEMENTS USED
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HOLMES] GEOLOGY AND ART 139
the natural distribution, and that each class of artificial objects is
scattered in a way peculiar to itself. But the human agent is an
important factor. Other things being equal, human distribution of
small things is far, of large objects near; implements of war and the
chase travel far, domestic utensils remain near; improvised articles
or devices are near, highly elaborated and valuable objects go far;
along thoroughfares distribution is far, across thoroughfares it is
near. Again, much-occupied sites are richly stocked with utensils,
while slightly occupied spots have but few; sites near the source or
sources of supply have a wealth of art, very distant ones have almost
nothing; and sites convenient to a plentiful supply of one material
have many tools of that material; sites remote from any of the sources
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Fic. 29—Distribution of implements, much more general and extensive than the distribution of
rejects.
have a limited supply from many sources. So, too, a sedentary people
will not distribute widely, while wandering or semisedentary tribes will
transport their possessions to many distant places; and sites occupied
by numerous tribes in turn will have diversified art remains. It may
be further noted that on sites devoted to single or simple industries
the range of tools will be small, while on sites where occupations were
varied the range will be large; and that where peoples were varied,
occupations varied, materials varied, and time was long, we will have
the widest range.
The tidewater peoples were by no means content with the materials
supplied by the province in which they lived, although these naturally
140 STONE IMPLEMENTS (ETH. ANN. 15
received first attention. Not being favored by nature in the quality
and range of their material, they seem to have searched far and near
for those finer-grained, homogeneous varieties so much used in other
regions. They sought flint in the mountains of Virginia fully a hun-
dred miles beyond the tidewater limit; they discovered the slaty-look-
ing voleanie porphyry called rhyolite in South mountain 75 miles
northwest of Washington, and jasper and argillite were obtained from
eastern and northeastern Pennsylvania. It is probable that in some
cases the tidewater peoples made long journeys in search of these
rocks and spent a considerable season quarrying and roughing-out the
blank forms and selecting choice bits to be carried home. On the other
hand, much of the material from these distant places may have reached
the lowland by exchange or trade, and a certain amount, not ascer-
tainable, of the supply of implements of exotic materials was no doubt
due to visits and incursions of the peoples occupying the region of the
source of supply, as, for example, jasper by the Susquehannocks of
the north and flint by the Monacans of the west. It may be that in
time, by careful comparison of the forms of implements characterizing
various exotic materials, something may be suggested of the presence
of neighboring peoples in, or at least of their influence on, the art of
the tidewater region. Distribution is really very general, implements
made of all of the varieties of stone mentioned being scattered more
or less fully over the Chesapeake-Potomac country as far south as
James river.
Jasper, the quarries of which have recently been located by Mr H.
C. Mercer, of Philadelphia, is most plentiful in the upper Chesapeake
and Susquehanna regions. Argillite, which was obtained in the Dela-
ware valley, did not find its way to any great extent into Maryland and
Virginia, although several caches of blades have been discovered in
the middle Chesapeake region and implements are occasionally found.
Rhyolite implements are most plentiful in the Patuxent and Potomac
valleys, and especially in those portions of them adjoining South
mountain. The quarries of this stone are in Pennsylvania near the
head of the Monocacy, and the implements are very numerous on that
stream, while fragments of considerable size have been carried far
down the Potomac, Transportation was, no doubt, mainly by water.
Probably one-fourth of the spearheads and arrowpoints of the Potomac
region are made of this rock. Dark or blackish flint was used in mak-
ing smaller projectile points, and these are rare in the tidewater
country, but increase in number toward the west, and prevail in the
middle and upper Potomac region.
It should be noted that of these exotic materials we have in the tide-
water country very few large or rude implements, and as a matter of
course failures of manufacture are rare, save those that result from
breakage during such specializing and finishing operations as were
conducted subsequently to transportation from the quarry. Of quartz
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL, XCill
RUDE GROOVED PICK OF DARK ERUPTIVE ROCK FROM THE WILSON QUARRY; THREE-FOURTHS
ACTUAL SIZE
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
IMPLEMENTS USED IN CUTTING
FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCIV
on
STEATITE; FROM QUARRIES IN THE VICINITY OF SANDYSPRING, MARYLAND
a and b, actual size; e, two-thirds actual size
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCV
POINTED IMPLEMENTS OF DARK ERUPTIVE ROCK USED IN CUTTING STEATITE
The lower specimen is from the Kirk place, Olney, Maryland: actual size
HOLMES] GEOLOGY AND ART 141
and quartzite, the native flakable stones, there are countless rejects of
manufacture of all grades, as described in the foregoing pages.
It may be said of quartzite and quartz that a portion of these mate-
rials, perhaps a large portion, especially of the latter, was gathered
from the highland beyond the tidewater limit, and no one can say from
the examination of ordinary finished implements of these materials
whether or not they were made from a native bowlder or pebble or from
a foreign mass or flake; yet the presence of countless numbers of the
rejects of manufacture from bowlders and pebbles of these materials
within the tidewater area, and the rarity, so far as I have been able to
discover, of refuse of manufacture in the highland, seem to make the
true conditions clear.
Cut, pecked, ground, and polished implements of usual types are
common in this region. Steatite, used in making pots, pipes, sinkers,
ceremonial stones, and ornaments, was quarried in hundreds of places
along the eastern border of the highland. The unfinished objects are
found on and about the quarry sites and on dwelling sites near by.
The finished utensils and implements are scattered far and wide over
the tidewater province, but grow less plentiful as we approach the
Atlantic coast. The picks and chisels used in working the soapstone
are confined to the quarries and to shop and dwelling sites in the
vicinity. Scores of these objects have been gathered from the Chain
bridge sites, within an hour’s walk of numerous quarries of the stone
they were used in shaping.
Grooved axes and celts were made for the most part of tough bowl-
ders of volcanic and rarely of granitic rocks obtained from the stream
beds or about the margins of the highland. Failures resulting from
the manufacture of these implements are frequently found on village-
sites along the banks of the larger streams but rarely very far beyond
the range of the raw material. The implements themselves are of the
widest distribution.
COMPARATIVE DISTRIBUTION OF IMPLEMENTS
DISTRIBUTION BY CLASSES
The liability of the various stone implements of the tidewater region
to transportation is approximately expressed in the partial list given
below. Beginning with those least subject to transportation and end-
ing with those most subject to it we have the following tentative order:
Mortars, generally extemporized from large, flattish or ovoid bowl-
ders having atleast one concave surface, which was gradually deepened
by use or purposely hollowed out, were probably rarely far removed
from the site of their first utilization. Many other improvised tools
and utensils—mullers, pestles, hammerstones, ete—were equally home
stayers, being merely natural shapes picked up and adapted to the
needs of a place or occasion.
142 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eTH. ANN, 15
Sharpened bowlders, embracing extemporized chopping or bone-break-
ing tools, occur on all river sites where bowlders were at hand. The
edge or point was made by removing one or more flakes, which required
but a moment’s work. They were not transported far beyond the limits
of the bowlder-producing area.
Notched and sharpened bowlders, used as improvised axes and picks
or hoes, are closely related to the preceding, but intended to be hafted.
Their transportation was but slight, as they are rarely found far beyond
the range of deposits of heavy bowlders. Half a dozen blows with a
hammerstone were sufficient to fashion one of these objects. They were
probably not sufliciently essential or valued to be transported, save in
exceptional cases. Blunt-end hammer-like objects notched for hafting
are distributed sparsely over corresponding areas.
Picks and chisels, used for working steatite, traveled but little beyond
the quarries and the neighboring villages where the finishing was done.
These consist of rude, sharp stones, of axes and celts worked over or
“upset” to secure good points and edges, and of thick leaf-shape chisels
reduced to approximate shape by flaking and then ground to an edge
at one or both ends.
Net sinkers are not common. The rude specimens were probably
earried back and forth to some extent along the streams, and small
well-finished pieces may have been carried everywhere.
Pestles, cylindrical stones symmetrically shaped and well finished by
battering, were apparently carried from place to place and perhaps for
long distances. Ruder specimens were extemporized and not trans-
ported.
Hammerstones—Many of these objects are improvised from bowlders
and were quickly cast aside, as already indicated, but others were
carried far out into the bowlderless region.
Soapstone vessels are widely distributed, reaching in rather rare cases
points 50 miles or more from the highland in which the material was
quarried.
Grooved axes, celts, scrapers, drills, knives, spearheads, arrowpoints,
as well as pipes, ceremonial stones, and ornaments were freely trans-
ported, covering the full range of the peoples employing them, and
not infrequently, no doubt, passing from district to district through
other hands.
Rejects resulting from failures in specialization of transported forms
and of attempts at remodeling of worn or broken tools are to be found
everywhere, but rejects of the roughing-out processes are not greatly
affected by the transporting agencies, remaining on the shop sites, as
has been shown.
DISTRIBUTION BY PARTICULAR SITES
Some of the eccentricities of distribution may be illustrated by an
examination of the art contents of sites having varying relations to
the deposits of raw material.
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPCRT PL. XCVI
STEATITE PICK MADE BY SHARPENING A GROOVED AX, FROM A QUARRY NEAR SANDYSPRING,
MARYLAND ; ONE-HALF ACTUAL SIZE
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCVII
GROOVED AX USED AND BROKEN IN A STEATITE QUARRY IN FAIRFAX COUNTY, VIRGINIA;
TWO-THIRDS ACTUAL SIZE
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCVIII
GROOVED AXES SHARPENED BY FLAKING FOR USE IN QUARRYING STEATITE, FROM THE HOLMES RUN QUARRIES;
TWO-THIRDS ACTUAL SIZE
HOLMES] DISTRIBUTION OF IMPLEMENTS 143
1. On a site of quarrying and manufacture where dwelling was
inconvenient, as on the bluffs of Rock creek, the work was confined
mainly to roughing-out leaf-shape blades, and the series of art forms
comprises a limited range, including turtlebacks and other kinds of
rejects, with refuse and implements of manufacture, On the quarry-
shop sites of Rock creek nothing exotic, nothing finished, nothing that
might not readily be classed as paleolithic, if shape alone were cousid-
ered, was found in three months’ work.
2. On a site of quarrying and manufacture where dwelling was prac-
ticable, and where lodges were actually pitched to a limited extent, we
find intermingled with the rude forms some specialized implements and
a few tools of exotic origin, such as projectile points of rhyolite, with
axes and celts, as at Riggs mill, 8 miles northeast of Washington.
3. On a site of manufacture and at the same time of extensive dwell-
ing, as at Anacostia, in the District of Columbia, where much raw
material was at hand, all varieties of refuse and of rude forms are
found; likewise well-shaped and wholly finished specimens of flaked
tools of local origin prevail. There are also all the cut, peeked, and
polished tools, and the ceremonial stones and oruaments common to
village-sites. Besides these many exotic materials in varied forms are
found.
4, On a village-site where no raw material save small quartz pebbles
is found there will be a full range of small quartz rejects and of small
quartz implements, with a liberal supply of finished implements of
exotic materials, averaging small.
5. On a site remote from all sources of raw material, as on the east-
ern shore, the objects average small and are much varied in material
and style, having come far, through numerous peoples, and from many
sources.
Typical illustrations of the two last-mentioned varieties of sites are
difficult to find, for the reason that in all sections, even far out toward
the present ocean beach, there are occasional ice-borne bowlders and
fragments of considerable size, and these were collected by the natives
and used for mortars and mullers and for various flaked and battered
implements; and such objects destroy the entire simplicity of condi-
tions conceived for the sites described.
DISTRIBUTION BY GENESIS AND FUNCTION
A synoptical statement is made in the accompanying plate (C1),
which exhibits many of the most striking features of the flaked-stone
archeology of this province, and indicates clearly the points most
requiring attention in other regions. The stories of the origin and
form of the material, of manufacture, rejection, elaboration, transpor-
tation, storage, specialization, and use are all expressed or suggested.
Four materials are represented—two native and in the form of bowl-
ders, and two exclusively exotic and derived from mass deposits. Each
series indicates the course of development through which most of the
144 STONE IMPLEMENTS (RTH. ANN. 15
finished forms passed between the first stroke given to the shapeless
stone and the finished work of art. The size is considerably reduced
in the drawing.
In the first and second series all the forms from the bowlder to the
most minute art shapes are represented in solid lines, being exclusively
tidewater art. In the first series, numbers 1, 2, 3,4, 5, and 6 are shop
rejects (turtlebacks, etc) and are not implements. Numbers 7,8, and 9
are roughed-out forms (blanks or blades ready for further specializa-
tion) and are not necessarily implements, although they were perhaps
available as knives and scrapers. The numbers from 10 to 18 are spe-
cialized forms derived mainly, no doubt, from bowlders, and include
knives, spearheads, arrowpoints, and perforators or drills.
The second series comprises forms derived mainly from quartz peb-
bles; naturally they are smaller than the quartzite forms. They are
drawn in solid lines, being of native derivation. Numbers 1, 2, 5, 4,
5, 6, and 7 are shop rejects (turtlebacks) and are not implements.
Number 8 is a profile showing an ordinary ‘ peak” or hump of the
reject. Numbers 9, 10, and 11 are successful blades, which may have
been employed as knives or scrapers, though such forms were usually
intended for specialization into arrowpoints, spearheads, perforators,
ete, as indicated in numbers 12 to 20.
The third series, consisting of objects of rhyolite, is drawn partly in
solid lines and partly in dotted outlines. Those in solid lines comprise
transported and specialized objects, which were collected in the tide-
yater country. Those in dotted lines, a, b, c, d, e, and /, are the rejects
of manufacture which are not found in the tidewater country, being
obtained only on the quarry-shop sites in Adams county, Pennsylvania.
The successful blades, illustrated in g, h, and 7, were carried away from
the quarry to be used as they are or for specialization into the succeed-
ing forms, j to g, when needed. The tidewater province is abundantly
supplied with all the forms from q to q.
The fourth series, composed of articles of jasper, repeats very closely
the conditions of the third or rhyolite series. The sizes average
smaller on account of the inferior massiveness and minuter cleavage of
the rock. The rejects of manufacture, indicated in dotted lines, are
obtained mainly from the recently discovered quarries in eastern Penn-
sylvania. Other quarries nearer at hand may yet be found, and some
of our rivers furnish occasional bits and pebbles of this material. The
cache and finished objects, g to q, are widely scattered over the tide-
water region. Three or four other materials of equal interest with those
given could be added, but the lesson would not be made clearer than as
it stands.
It is of the utmost importance, in taking up the stone implements of
a region, that each leading material be traced back to its source, so that
from this point of view a study can be made of the full life history of the
implements—the work of quarrying, shaping, transporting, finishing,
3zIS IvNLov !3L1Lv31S JO 30VW—Gv3¢d V GNV ‘SHBUNIS ‘Sadid—S3TOLYVY TIVWS
c
X19X “Id = 1HOd3Y¥ IWOANNY HIN331414 ASOIONH13 40 NVv3Y"NS
HOLMES] DISTRIBUTION BY GENESIS AND FUNCTION 145
and use. Each form or class of implement will thus be found to have
left in its wake a trail of ‘‘wasters” or rejects peculiar to itself. Until
these are understood, selected, and set apart, there is necessarily much
confusion.
It is seen by a study of plate CI, in conjunction with the representa-
tions of actual specimens in preceding plates, that a half or more of the
range of native flaked forms are actually not implements. The sepa-
ration is approximately indicated by the upper brackets marked ‘not
implements” and “implements.” It will be observed that this division
separates the cache forms or blanks of the middle column into two
parts. Portions of this class of objects were mere quarry shapes,
distributed to be elaborated when needed, but some of them were
probably utilized in their blank shape as knives, etc, and some show a
slight degree of specialization (as in number 9 of the first series), and
thus properly take their place with implements. Nearly all of the
specimens shown in this column are actual cache finds, some being
depicted on reduced scale in order to get the entire series within the
limits of a plate.
The distribution of eut, battered, ground, and polished stone imple-
ments, and of the refuse of their manufacture, is governed by laws
similar to those governing the distribution of flaked stone.
15 ETH—-10
RESUME
Geologic history of the province—The Potomac-Chesapeake tidewater
province lies outside or east of what is known as the * fall line”—the
base of the highland proper—and is a broad, much broken plateau,
nowhere more than a few hundred feet in height. The geologic forma-
tions consist in the main of loosely bedded bowlder-gravels and sands
derived from the highland at periods when the sea covered the entire
area, washing the highland along the fall line. Subsequent elevations
of a few hundred feet drove the sea outward beyond its present limit,
and erosion carved the exposed land into hills and valleys.
At a later period the land was depressed a hundred feet or more,
and the valleys were filled with water from the sea, forming a thousand
arms and inlets whose tortuous margins now meander the old hill slopes
of the province midway in their height.
Historic peoples—W hen first visited by the English this district was
occupied by numerous Indian tribes, who subsisted largely by hunting
and fishing, but engaged to some extent in the cultivation of maize.
They were a vigorous, valiant race, but had made but little progress
in any of the arts save those of mere subsistence. Today they have
entirely disappeared, and students interested in their history gather
the scattered remains of their art, seeking thus to supplement the
meager records of colonial days.
Art remains—The art remains preserved to our time indicate the
prevalence of extremely simple conditions of life throughout the past,
and exhibit no features at variance with those characterizing the his-
toric occupancy. While their study throws much light on numerous
episodes of the history of the aboriginal tribes, the story they tell of
themselves and of the industrial struggles of primitive peoples in gen-
eral is of profound interest.
Status of art—As indicated by the remains, art in stone—which is
the leading art represented—was still almost wholly within the imple-
ment-making phase of the stone age, mythology and the esthetic forces
not yet having lent their inspiration to the hand of the seulptor.
Utilization of stone—Stone in its various forms was much valued and
used by these people and was sought both in the lowland and in the
highland beyond. Inthe lowland it occurred as bowlders and pebbles
brought down by the waters and in the highland as original masses
and as surface fragments dislodged by natural forces. It was gathered
from the surface for various uses, and when the supply was insufficient
146
PL. c
FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
d
SPECIALIZED AND PARTIALLY SPECIALIZED OBJECTS OF STEATITE; ACTUAL SIZE
HOLMES] RESUME Ay
it was dug from the ground; and thereby the quarrying industry
developed.
Shaping processes—The implements made were of many forms and
served a multitude of purposes. Their history divides itself naturally
into two sections, the period of manufacture being sharply separated
from the period of utilization. The first stage, the full analysis of
which is of the utmost importance, is studied to best advantage
through the shaping processes employed in manufacture. These pro-
cesses were adapted to the kind of material utilized and the nature of
the results desired and are grouped under four heads, as follows: (1)
Fracturing processes, (2) battering processes, (3) incising processes, and
(4) abrading processes.
Fracture processes—Ot the implements made and used in this prov-
ince perhaps 90 per cent were shaped by fracture processes. These
deal with all brittle stone, and the shaping is attended by constant
breakage and failure, so that for each completed form several abortive
forms are produced more or less closely resembling some of the simpler
varieties of finished implements. This work was carried on all over
the large area furnishing the raw material, and the articles made and
used were everywhere intimately intermingled with the rejectage of
manufacture. So confusing were the conditions that no definite line
could be drawn between the two classes of objects. The discovery of
quarries in the hills, entirely isolated from sites and phenomena of
specialization and use, made the separation easy, and led to a correct
understanding of what may well be called the morphology of flaked
implements.
Lowland quarries—The great quarries of the lowland were located
in the bluffs about the head of tidewater on the Potomac and yielded
quartzite bowlders in vast numbers. These were obtained and par-
tially elaborated on the local shop sites. The bowlders were cast out
of the pits and a few flakes removed to test the material; the best
stone was selected and the desired implements roughed-out by free-
hand fracture. The form almost universally sought was a leaf-shape
blade suitable for further elaboration into any of the specialized forms
having their genesis through this general form. The blades made—
with perhaps unshaped flakes and fragments—were carried away, and
the soil soon closed over the pits and the vast bodies of shop refuse;
and these latter, now for the first time systematically examined, tell the
story of operations and results with absolute certainty and complete
uniformity.
Story of rejectage and refuse—The debris of the quarry-shops consists
of (1) tested and shattered bowlders, (2) flakes, and (3) broken and
abortive incipient implements, the last necessarily illustrating all the
steps of implement development from inception to the end of the quarry
work. Thinness was an essential feature of the blades made, and
failure resulted in a majority of cases from the development of too
148 STONE IMPLEMENTS (RTH. ANN. 15
great thickness along the middle of the form. It is these thick forms,
flaked on one or both sides and exhibiting types of conformation neces-
sarily oft repeated, and scattered over the country wherever shaping
from bowlders was attempted, that have puzzled and confused archeolo-
gists. It was not the practice here or elsewhere to finish the imple-
ments on the quarry site. The form was developed just far enough to
make transportation easy and the subsequent work of specialization
simple and safe.
Destiny of the quarry product—From the quarry-shops the blades
were carried away to be specialized, finished, and used. Some are
found in hoards or caches, suggesting trausportation from the quarries
or from place to place in numbers; some are found on village-sites and
scattered over the fields, and many examples still retain the crude
edges and points just as they came from the roughing-out shops; others
are neatly trimmed, probably for use as knives, scrapers, ete, while
the vast majority are sharpened and stemmed, or notched for hafting
as projectile points. In these objects we have not only the quarry-
shop product but the product of all other shops of the province as well.
Rude flaked implements-——Numerous heavy flaked implements of the
region, found on village-sites, in shell banks, and elsewhere, were shaped
from bowlders by striking off a few flakes, giving rude edges and points.
They are not of quarry origin as the inferior grades of material, found
very generally distributed, were utilized. As scattered about they are
not easily distinguished from the ordinary rejectage of blade making.
Highland quarries—Quarries beyond the limits of the tidewater region
were extensively worked by implement makers. The stone was in the
mass, but the processes employed in Shaping it and the results reached
closely duplicate corresponding features in the lowland quarries. The
blades made were transported to all parts of the lowland and worked
up into implements duplicating the local varieties. No rejects of this
work are found in the lowland, and rude implements of the materials
involved are extremely rare outside of the highland.
Battering and abrading processes—Implements to be shaped by these
processes—celts, axes, and the like—were very often reduced to approxi-
mate shape by flaking. Tough, heavy, hard stones were preferred, and
disseminated water-worn pieces were often chosen. The fracturing
processes employed were the same as those concerned in ordinary
flaking, but since the objects to be made were of different classes the
rejectage presents distinet types of form. The celt, the most numerous
class of pecked-abraded tools, has a wide edge and a roundish body
somewhat pointed above. Flaked implements of leaf-blade origin have
a point instead of an edge, while the bodies are flat and the upper end
is broad. These distinctions were necessarily foreshadowed in the
incipient forms, and aborted specimens, found intermingled on sites of
manufacture, may be distinguished by tendencies, in the one type, to
specialization of a broad end, and in the other by tendencies to defini-
hOt
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PSH. ADIT TE GEN
Native materials
Exotic materials
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
Not implements
Not transported
Rejects 4
From quartz pebbles From quartzite bowlders
From rhyolite quarried from the mass
From jasper quarried from the mass
SYNOPTIC GROUPING SHOWING ORIGIN, FORM GENESIS, AND DISTRIBUTION OF THE FLAKED-STONE IM)
FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. Cl
Implements
—————_
Transported
Cache forms Specialized forms
HE CHESAPEAKE-POTOMAC TIDEWATER REGION. THE SCALE VARIES FROM ONE-THIRD TO ONE-SIXTH
Native materials
Exotic materials
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
Not implements
Not transported
From quartzite bowiders
|
From quartz pebbles
amen f
—_——
ma,
From rhyolite quarried from the mass
From jasper quarried from the mass
SYNOPTIC GROUPING SHOWING ORIGIN, FORM GENESIS, AND DISTRIBUTION OF THE F
LAKED-STONE I
FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. Cl
Implements
Transported
Specialized forms
os -SIXTH
CHESAPEAKE-POTOMAC TIDEWATER REGION. THE SCALE VARIES FROM ONE-THIRD TO ONE
HOLMES | RESUME 149
tion of a pointed end. The celt forms roughed-out by flaking were
specialized by pecking processes and completed by grinding and ypol-
ishing, the rejectage being unimportant, as the processes were not so
violent as to lead to frequent breakage.
Incision processes—Softer varieties of stone were shaped by cut-
ting. The rock, chiefly soapstone, was extensively quarried from mas-
sive deposits in the highland and worked into vessels, pipes, and a few
less important varieties of objects. As with the other groups, the
articles made were only roughed-out in the quarries, specializing and
finishing being conducted mainly on sites of use. The implements
employed in this work form a distinct class. Many of the quarry
forms are rude sledges and picks, while the cutting tool proper is a
chisel or pick—according to the manner of hafting—made of hard,
tough stone and shaped usually by flaking, pecking, and grinding,
Sites of manufacture for these tools have not been observed, and are
probably scattered and unimportant.
Distribution of implements—Distribution is found to present a num-
ber Of points of interest, most of which pertain to the relation of the
implements as found to the sources of the raw material. Rejectage of
manufacture is little subject to transportation, though raw material in
convenient form may have traveled a long way. The smaller imple-
ments found their way to very distant parts, while the larger and
especially the ruder forms remained on or near the sites of original
use. Distribution from the great quarries was doubtless in large num-
bers, and trade as well as use may have assisted in the dissemination.
The general distribution over the country was brought about by many
minor agencies connected with use. Each province, each district, and
site, here and elsewhere, is supplied with art remains brought together
by the various agencies of environment—topographiec, geologic, biologie,
and ethnic—and the action of these agencies is to a large extent sus-
ceptible of analysis, and this analysis, properly conducted, constitutes
a very large part of the science of prehistoric archeology.
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES
I
The quarry group presented in the frontispiece and again in another
setting in plate Clr was prepared as an exposition exhibit rather than
as a necessary feature of the studies recorded in the present paper. It
may be further stated that it is intended to exemplify a great art of the
race—the shaping of stone by flaking processes—rather than to illus-
trate a satisfactorily established episode in the history of a particular
people. After the return of the group from the World’s Columbian
Exposition at Chicago, where it formed part of a set of exhibits illus-
trating the various great quarry-shops of the United States, I con-
ceived the notion that the figures could be taken to Piny branch and
placed in the actual quarries, thus more graphically portraying the
ancient operations. A site was selected for the purpose on the margin
of a gulch near Fourteenth street, where some great oaks grow on the
beds of ancient refuse; but before the project could be carried out I
was called away from the work permanently. I happened, however,
to mention my plans to Messrs Cushing and Dinwiddie, of the Bureau
of Ethnology, and these gentlemen very generously took up the work,
and the result is indicated in the accompanying view, plate cll, which
on its receipt was a great surprise to me, as much more had been done
than I had contemplated. It seems that Mr Cushing found traces of
dwelling on the site selected, and resolved to restore the scenes of the
past in all possible detail without deviating from the theoretic his-
toric models. He established a camp, built the lodge of matting,
carried out an antique wooden mortar and other appropriate utensils,
laid a hearth of bowlders, and constructed the framework of poles for
drying fish and game. The scene is altogether complete and realistic
though the picture is somewhat lacking in contrast of light and shade.
It remains only to say in this connection that I desire nothing more
than that the group should be taken for what it is worth as an illus-
tration of a most important industry carried on in nearly every part
of the country. It will, however, I am sure, assist in conveying a deti-
nite impression of the work prosecuted so extensively in the District of
Columbia, and as it associates with the quarries the only people that
have any claim whatsoever to the occupancy of the region and the site,
the chances are greatly in favor of the practical correctness of the
impressions conveyed.
Since the completion of this group it has been a source of regret that
a fourth figure was not added to illustrate the final steps of the work—
the specializing of the blades by pressure processes—though it is true
150
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HOLMES] BLADE-MAKING 151
that this would be putting together portions of the work not usually
associated in the great quarries here and elsewhere. General condi-
tions would have warranted the association, however, for, as has been
shown elsewhere, where sites of dwelling or use were closely combined
with sites producing the raw material the roughing-out operations were
doubtless often followed by the finishing processes in a continuous
series,
Copies of the group, as illustrated in the frontispiece, are now set
up in the National Museum at Washington and in the Field Colum-
bian Museum at Chicago.
II
While engaged in the work of excavation on the Piny branch quarry
site, | took up the matter of the shaping processes employed by the
quarrymen, and assuming that bowlders were used for hammerstones,
attempted to accomplish by free-hand flaking what had been done by
the ancient artisans. For some time I labored at great disadvantage,
as I was experimenting as a rule with material already rejected as
unfit for use. When the quarry face was reached and the superiority
of the bowlders fresh from the bed realized, I took up the work with
renewed hope, but an accident to my left arm, resulting from attempts
to flake a very large stone held in the left hand, caused the practical
discontinuance of the experiments. Although not absolutely sure that
Iwas working as the quarrymen had worked, there can be no doubt
that I was not far wrong, for no other known process could take the
place of free-hand pereussion in fracturing and flaking the firm, smooth,
round bowlders. The hammer, even if of other material; would have
to be operated in an identical manner.
In taking up the work of flaking stone I fully realized the ditticulty
of the task. The artis not to be learned in a day any more than are
any of the ordinary mechanic arts such as carpentry or the working of
metal, yet if savages learned it others can learn it, and no doubt of
ultimate success need be felt by any student willing to give liberally of
time and labor.
The difficulty of flaking the stone was not great, for a considerable
percentage of the bowlders fracture with comparative ease; but the
great difficulty was in causing the flakes to carry far enough across the
face of the stone to give the necessary low convexity to the surface,
and when this result was reached approximately on one side it was
extremely uncertain whether it could be repeated on the other side, the
requisite form, as indicated in this and all other quarry-shops of the
same class, being a thin blade of lens-like profile. The sections shown
in figure 29a illustrate phases of successful and unsuccessful flaking.
In the first illustration the left side shows the removal of four flakes
and reduction of the surface to nearly the necessary degree of conyvex-
ity. The work on the other side failed utterly, the flakes did not carry,
and a high peak resulted. This is the profile of multitudes of failures.
152 STONE IMPLEMENTS (ETH. ANN. 15
In the second figure the flaking progressed encouragingly on both sides,
but neither was reduced to the requisite flatness. A blade of this
degree of convexity was usually rejected. A satisfactory profile was
produced in the third case illus-
trated, and as indicated in the
fourth figure a lucky splitting of
the bowlder made it possible to
produce two successful blades.
I found that very often before
I had obtained the desired pro-
file some unfortunate blow shat-
tered the stone, but I got very
near the desired result in nu-
merous cases, duplicating the
best of the rejected forms, but
falling a little short of the blade
as perfected by the ancient work-
men and carried away for use
and elaboration.
Inplatecutsomeof theresults
of my efforts at blade making are
presented. I observed that the
rejectage of my work, where fall-
ing among the freshly uncovered
FiG. 29a—Cross sections illustrating successive re- mojetiage pe ae, was Nolte
om of daicea from Bealderst “The dotted space be distinguished from it in any
is the section of form produced, a and 6 being fail- way—not even in many Cases by
br er the freshness of the fracture.
As to the work of specializing the perfected blade into keen-edged
knives, slender drills, and stemmed and notched projectile points, it
does not seem to compare in difficulty with the making of the thin
blades themselves from the bowlders.
1vV3ys5
THE
SIOUAN INDIANS
A PRELIMINARY SKETCH BY
WwW J McGEkE
CONTENTS
ribalinomenc] atwremass= acess] see aeree ==
Principalicharactersies:- 2-24 s225 25-224 2h ee
Phonetic'and graphic arts... ....--.----.-
Industrial and esthetic arts..........-.-.--
TORE MORONS Soccts ecos co ocus ses 44 Gneeeone
BC WO LS erate Ses onaye ern stete aia ciaiea 25 st Se se edo
The development of mythology... .-- .-
The Siouan mythology ..-...-.--..-.--
ODN ALON Diyenmtnrn ited ee alee fae aay rates ee ae me meinen
IRD OIMENE 5 oan oe Soonss coe SaS sean oo ade> seseoesasees
OnraniziuiOneese secre eases eas eaeeeae eer
MIS TOD yeepse eesti ete yan eae ae eee seicleise See
Dakota-Asiniiboimeese=-e 4s seer eens ee =
(eg demeet tere le eee eae asia see sPasi
AOU CIRO hae aes tate ais ye eels epsienr eats si. Be
Win OD at OMeeeieactan ee mere ans eee aaa ee
NEVER ce ete sodgus sec usoet pees dane cose sode
Wid atsas 22 sssss acne cect as enis see seas 2s
The eastern and southern groups--.----.-------
Generalimovementsle mesma secre see ae on
Some features of Indian sociology..---.-----.---------
PEE PSO Ue INe ENED TAINS
A PRELIMINARY SKETCH!
By W J McGEE
THE SIOUAN STOCK
DEFINITION
EXTENT OF THE STOCK
Out of some sixty aboriginal stocks or families found in North Amer-
ica above the Tropie of Cancer, about five-sixths were confined to the
tenth of the territory bordering Pacific ocean; the remaining nine-tenths
of the land was occupied by a few strong stocks, comprising the Algon-
quian, Athapascan, Iroquoian, Shoshonean, Siouan, and others of more
limited extent.
The Indians of the Siouan stock occupied the central portion of the
continent. They were preeminently plains Indians, ranging from Lake
Michigan to the Rocky mountains, and from the Arkansas to the Sas-
katchewan, while an outlying body stretched to the shores of the
Atlantic. They were typical American barbarians, headed by hunters
and warriors and grouped in shifting tribes led by the chase or driven
by battle from place to place over their vast and naturally rich domain,
though a crude agriculture sprang up whenever a tribe tarried long in
one spot. No native stock is more interesting than the great Siouan
group, and none save the Algonquian and Iroquoian approach it in
wealth of literary and historical records; for since the advent of white
men the Siouan Indians have played striking roles on the stage of
human development, and have caught the eye of every thoughtful
observer.
The term Siouan is the adjective denoting the “Sioux” Indians and
cognate tribes. The word “Sioux” has been variously and vaguely
used. Originally it was a corruption of a term expressing enmity or
contempt, applied to a part of the plains tribes by the forest-dwelling
Algonquian Indians. According to Trumbull, it was the popular appel-
lation of those tribes which call themselves Dakota, Lakota, or Nakota
1 Prepared as a complement and introduction to the following paper ou ‘'Siouan Sociology,’ by the
late James Owen Dorsey. =
157
158 THE SIOUAN INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 15
(“Friendly,” implying confederated or allied), and was an abbreviation
of Nadowessioux, a Canadian-French corruption of Nadowe-ssi-wag
(“the snake-like ones” or “ enemies”), a term rooted in the Algonquian
nadowe (a snake”); and some writers have applied the designation to
different portions of the stock, while others have rejected it because of
the offensive implication or for other reasons. So long ago as 1836,
however, Gallatin employed the term ‘‘Sioux” to designate collectively
“the nations which speak the Sioux language,”! and used an alterna-
tive term to designate the subordinate confederacy—i. e., he used the
term in a systematic way for the first time to denote an ethnic unit
which experience has shown to be well defined. Gallatin’s terminology
was soon after adopted by Prichard and others, and has been followed
by most careful writers on the American Indians. Accordingly the
name must be regarded as established through priority and prescrip-
tion, and has been used in the original sense in various standard
publications.*
In colloquial usage and in the usage of the ephemeral press, the
term ‘*Sioux” was applied sometimes to one but oftener to several of
the allied tribes embraced in the first of the principal groups of which
the stock is composed, i. e., the group or confederacy styling them-
selves Dakota. Sometimes the term was employed in its simple form,
but as explorers and pioneers gained an inkling of the organization of
the group, it was often compounded with the tribal name as “Santee-
Sioux,” “Yanktonnai-Sioux,” ‘“Sisseton-Sioux,” ete. As acquaintance
between white men and red increased, the stock name was gradually
displaced by tribe names until the colloquial appellation “Sioux”
became but a memory or tradition throughout much of the territory
formerly dominated by the great Siouan stock. One of the reasons
for the abandonment of the name was undoubtedly its inappropriateness
as a designation for the confederacy occupying the plains of the upper
Missouri, since if was an alien and opprobrious designation for a peo-
ple bearing a euphonious appellation of their own. Moreover, colloquial
usage was gradually influenced by the usage of scholars, who accepted
the native name for the Dakota (spelled Dahcota by Gallatin) confed-
eracy, as well as the tribal names adopted by Gallatin, Prichard, and
others. Thus the ill-defined term “Sioux” has dropped out of use in
the substantive form, and is retained, in the adjective form only, to
designate a great stock to which no other collective name, either intern
or alien, has ever been definitely and justly applied.
The earlier students of the Siouan Indians recognized the plains
tribes alone as belonging to that stock, and it has only recently been
shown that certain of the native forest-dwellers long ago encountered
by English colonists on the Atlantic coast were closely akin to the
'A synopsis of the Indian tribes . . . in North America,”’ Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc.,
vol. 11, p. 120.
2“ Indian linguistic families of America north of Mexico,"’ Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of
Ethnology, for 1885-86 (1891), pp. 111-118. Johnson's Cyclopedia, 1893-95 edition, vol. VII, p. 546, ete.
pe eS Sie «ge 4 ———o- Aabee
Mc GEE] SIOUAN TRIBES OF THE EAST 159
plains Indians in language, institutions, and beliefs. In 1872 Hale
noted a resemblance between the Tutelo and Dakota languages, and this
resemblance was discussed orally and in correspondence with several
students of Indian languages, but the probability of direct connection
seemed so remote that the affinity was not generally accepted. Even
in 1880, after extended comparison with Dakota material (including
that collected by the newly instituted Bureau of Ethnology), this
distinguished investigator was able to detect only certain general simi-
larities between the Tutelo tongue and the dialects of the Dakota
tribes.' In 1881 Gatschet made a collection of linguistic material
among the Catawba Indians of South Carolina, and was struck with
the resemblance of many of the vocables to Siouan terms of like mean-
ing, and began the preparation of a comparative Catawba-Dakota
vocabulary. To this the Tutelo, @egiha, zoiwe/re, and Hoteangara
(Winnebago) were added by Dorsey, who made a critical examination
of all Catawba material extant and compared it with several Dakota
dialects, with which he was specially conversant. These examinations
and comparisons demonstrated the affinity between the Dakota and
Catawba tongues and showed them to be of common descent; and the
establishment of this relation made easy the acceptance ef the affinity
suggested by Hale between the Dakota and Tutelo.
Up to this time it was supposed that the eastern tribes ‘‘were merely
offshoots of the Dakota; but in 1883 Hale observed that ‘while the
language of these eastern tribes is closely allied to that of the western
Dakota, it bears evidence of being older in form,”? and consequently
that the Siouan tribes of the interior seem to have migrated westward
from a common fatherland with their eastern brethren bordering the
Atlantic. Subsequently Gatschet discovered that the Biloxi Indians
of the Gulf coast used many terms common to the Siouan tongues; and
in 1891 Dorsey visited these Indians and procured a rich collection of
words, phrases, and myths, whereby the Siouan affinity of these Indians
was established. Meantime Mooney began researches among the Cher-
okee and cognate tribes of the southern Atlantic slope and found fresh
evidence that their ancient neighbors were related in tongue and belief
with the buffalo hunters of the plains; and he has recently set forth
the relations of the several Atlantic slope tribes of Siouan affinity in full
detail.’ Through the addition of these eastern tribes the great Siouan
stock is augmented in extent and range and enhanced in interest; for
the records of a group of cognate tribes are thereby increased so fully
as to afford historical perspective and to indicate, if not clearly to dis-
play, the course of tribal differentiation.
According to Dorsey, whose acquaintance with the Siouan Indians
was especially close, the main portion of the Sieuan stock, occupying
the continental interior, comprised seven principal divisions (including
1Correspondence with the Bureau of Ethnology.
2“The Tutelo tribe and language,”’ Proc. Am. Philos. Soc., vol. XX1, 1883, p. 1.
3Siouan Tribes of the East; bulletin of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1894.
160 THE SIOUAN INDIANS (ern. ANN. 15
the Biloxi and not distinguishing the Asiniboin), each composed of
one or more tribes or confederacies, all defined and classified by lin-
guistic, social, and mythologic relations; and he and Mooney recognize
several additional groups, defined by linguistic affinity or historical evi-
dence of intimate relations, in the eastern part of the country. So far
as made out through the latest researches, the grand divisions, confed-
eracies, and tribes of the stock,! with their present condition, are as
follows:
1. Dakota-Asiniboin
Dakota (** Friendly”) or Ot/-ce-ti ca-ko-wi" (Seven council-fires”) con-
federacy, comprising—
(A) Santee, including Mde-wa-ka"’-to®-wa® (“Spirit Lake vil-
lage”) and Wa-qpe’-ku-te (‘‘ Shoot among deciduous trees”),
mostly located in Knox county, Nebraska, on the former
Santee reservation, with some on Fort Peck reservation,
Montana.
(B) Sisseton or Si-si’-to™-wa" (‘Fish-seale village”), mostly on
Sisseton reservation, South Dakota, partly on Devils Lake
reservation, North Dakota.
(C) Wahpeton or Wa/-qpe’-to®-wa" (“‘ Dwellers among deciduous
trees”), mostly on Devils Lake reservation, North Dakota.
(D) Yankton or Lhank’-to"-wa" (‘End village”), in Yankton
village, South Dakota.
(2) Yanktonai or I-hank’-to*-wa"-na (‘‘ Little End village”),
comprising—
(a) Upper Yanktonai, on Standing Rock reservation,
North Dakota, with the Pa/-ba-kse (“Cut head”) gens
on Devils Lake reservation, North Dakota.
(b) Lower Yanktonai, or Hunkpatina (““Campers at the
horn for end of the camping circle]”), mostly on Crow
Creek reservation, South Dakota, with some on Stand-
ing Rock reservation, North Dakota, and others on
Fort Peck reservation, Montana.
(F) Teton or Ti/-to"-wa" (‘¢ Prairie dwellers ”), comprising—
(a) Brulé or Si-tea"’-xu (“ Burnt thighs ”), including Upper
Brule, mostly on Rosebud reservation, South Dakota,
and Lower Brule, on Lower Brulé reservation, in the
same state, with some of both on Standing Rock
reservation, North Dakota, and others on Fort Peck
reservation, Montana.
(b) Sans Ares or I-ta/-zip-teo (“ Without bows”), largely on
Cheyenne reservation, South Dakota, with others on
Standing Rock reservation, North Dakota.
(c) Blackfeet or Si-ha/-sa-pa (‘ Black-feet”), mostly on
Cheyenne reservation, South Dakota, with some on
Standing Rock reservation, North Dakota.
} The subdivisions are set forth in the following treatise on ‘‘Siouan Sociology.”
Mo GEE] THE ASINIBOIN—THE (EGIHA 161
(d) Minneconjou or Mi/-ni-ko/-o-ju (‘Plant beside the
stream”), mostly on Cheyenne reservation, South
Dakota, partly on Rosebud reservation, South Dakota,
with some on Standing Rock reservation, North
Dakota.
(e) Two Kettles or O-o/-he no™-pa (“Two boilings”), on
Cheyenne reservation, South Dakota.
(f) Ogalala or O-gla/-la (‘She poured out her own”),
mostly on Pine Ridge reservation, South Dakota, with
some on Standing Rock reservation, North Dakota,
including the Wa-ja/-ja (“Fringed”) gens on Pine
Ridge reservation, South Dakota, and Loafers or
Wa-glu’-xe (‘‘In-breeders”), mostly on Pine Ridge
reservation, with some on Rosebud reservation, South
Dakota.
(g) Hunkpapa (‘At the entrance’), on Standing Rock
reservation, North Dakota.
Asiniboin (‘‘Cook-with-stones people” in Algonquian), commonly called
Nakota among themselves, and called Hohe (‘ Rebels”) by the
Dakota; an offshoot from the Yanktonnai; not studied in detail dur-
ing recent years; partly on Fort Peck reservation, Montana, mostly
in Canada; comprising in 1833 (according to Prince Maximilian)!—
(A) Itscheabiné (“Les gens des filles” =Girl people ?).
(B) Jatonabine (‘Les gens des roches”=Stone people); appar-
ently the leading band.
(C) Otopachgnato (‘‘Les gens du large” =Roamers?).
(D) Otaopabine (“Les gens des canots”=Canoe people”).
(£) Tschantoga (“Les gens des bois”= Forest people).
(Ff) Watopachnato (Les gens de ’age”= Ancient people”).
(@) Tanintauei (‘‘Les gens des osayes” = Bone people).
(H) Chabin (“Les gens des montagnes”= Mountain people).
2. Gegiha (‘4 People dwelling here”)?
(A) Omaha or U-ma?-ha" (‘‘Upstream people”), located on
Omaha reservation, Nebraska, comprising in 1819 (accord-
ing to James)*—
(a) Honga-sha-no tribe, including—
(1) Wase-ish-ta band.
(2) Enk-ka-sa-ba band.
1Travels in the Interior of North America; Translated by H. Evans Lloyd; London, 1843, p. 194.
In this and other lists of names taken from early writers the original orthography and interpretation
are preserved.
2Defined in ‘‘ The (/egiha Language,” by J. Owen Dorsey, Cont. N. A. Eth., vol. v1, 1890, p.xv. Miss
Fletcher, who is intimately acquainted with the Omaha, questions whether the relations between the
tribes are so close as to warrant the maintenance of this division; yet as an expression of linguistic
affinity, at least, the division seems to be useful and desirable.
3 Account of an Expedition from Pittsburgh tothe Rocky Mountains, performed in the Years 1819-
1820. . . underthe Command of Major S. H. Long, by EdwinJames; London, 1823, vol. 11, p. 47 et seq.
15 ETH 11
THE SIOUAN INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 15
(3) Wa-sa-ba-eta-je (“Those who do not touch
bears”) band.
(4) Ka-e-ta-je (“Those who do not touch turtles”)
band.
(5) Wa-jinga-e-ta-je band.
(6) Hun-guh band.
(7) Kon-za band.
(8) Ta-pa-taj-je band.
(b) Ish-ta-sun-da (“Gray eyes”) tribe, including—
(1) Ta-pa-eta-je band.
(2) Mon-eka-goh-ha (‘* Earth makers”) band.
(3) Ta-sin-da (“ Bison tail”) band.
(4) Ing-gera-je-da (‘Red dung”) band.
(5) Wash-a-tung band.
(B) Ponka (“ Medicine” ?), mostly on Ponca reservation, Indian
Territory, partly at Santee agency, Nebraska.
(C) Kwapa, Quapaw, or U-ya’-qpa (“Downstream people,” a
correlative of U-ma"/-ha®), the “Arkansa” of early writers,
mostly on Osage reservation, Oklahoma, partly on Quapaw
reservation, Indian Territory.
(D) Osage or Wa-ca/-ce (“‘ People”), comprising—
(a) Big Osage or Pa-he/-tsi (‘Campers on the mountain”),
on Osage reservation, Indian Territory.
(b) Little Osage or U-gséyq/-ta (“Campers on the low-
land,”) ou Osage reservation, Indian Territory.
(c) San-qsu/-y¢ir! (“Campers in the highland grove”) or
‘“Arkansa band,” chiefly on Osage reservation, Indian
Territory.
(F) Kansa or Ka"-ze (refers to winds, though precise signifi-
cance is unknown; frequently called Kaw), on Kansas reser-
vation, Indian Territory.
3. potwe're (“ People of this place”)
(A) lowaor Pa-qo-tee (“ Dusty-heads”), chiefly on Great Nemaha
reservation, Kansas and Nebraska, partly on Sac and Fox
reservatien, Indian Territory.
(B) Oto or Wa-to/-ta ( Aphrodisian”), on Otoe reservation,
Indian Territory.
(C) Missouri or Ni-u’-t’a-tei (exact meaning uncertain; said to
refer to drowning of people in a stream; possibly a corrup-
tion of Ni-shu/-dje, “Smoky water,” the name of Missouri
river); on Otoe reservation, Indian Territory.
4, Winnebago
Winnebago (Algonquian designation, meaning “ Turbid water
people”?) or Ho-tean-ga-ra (“People of the parent speech”),
1 Corrupted to ‘*Chancers"’ in early days; cf. James ibid., vol. 111, p. 108.
MC GEE] THE WINNEBAGO—THE MANDAN 163
mostly on Winnebago reservation in Nebraska, some in Wis-
consin, and a few in Michigan; composition never definitely
ascertained; comprised in 1850 (according to Schooleratft’)
twenty-one bands, all west of the Mississippi, viz.:
(a) Little Mills’ band.
(b) Little Dekonie’s band.
(c) Maw-kuh-soonch-kaw’s band.
(d) Ho-pee-kaw’s band.
e) Waw-kon-haw-kaw’s band.
Jf) Baptiste’s band.
) Wee-noo-shik’s band.
h) Con-a-ha-ta-kaw’s band.
) Paw-sed-ech-kaw’s band.
) Taw-nu-nuk’s band.
k) Ah-hoo-zeeb-kaw’s band.
) Is-chaw-go-baw-kaw’s band.
m) Watch-ha-ta-kaw’s band.
n) Waw-maw-noo-kaw-kaw’s band.
Waw-kon-chaw-zu-kaw’s band.
(q) Koog-ay-ray-kaw’s band.
(r) Black Hawk’s band.
(s) Little Thunder’s band.
(t) Naw-key-ku-kaw’s band.
(w) O-chin-chin-nu-kaw’s band.
5. Mandan
Mandan (their own name is questionable; Catlin says they
called themselves See-pols-kah-nu-mah-kah-kee, ‘ People
of the pheasants;”’ Prince Maximilian says they called
themselves Numangkake, “ Men,” adding usually the name
of their village, and that another name is Mahna-Narra,
“The Sulky [Ones],” applied because they separated from
the rest of their nation;* of the latter name their common
appellation seems to be a corruption); on Fort Berthold
reservation, North Dakota, comprising in 1804 (according
to Lewis and Clark*) three villages—
(a) Matootonha.
(b) Rooptahee.
(ce) ———-—— (Eapanopua’s village).
1Information Respecting the History, Condition, and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United
States, part 1, Philadelphia, 1853, p. 498.
2Letters and Notes on the Manners, Customs, and Condition of the North American Indians, 4th
edition; London, 1844, vol. 1, p. 80.
3Travels, op. cit., p. 335.
4 History of the Expedition under the Command of Lewis and Clark, by Elliott Coues, 1893, vol. 1,
pp. 182-4. The other two villages enumerated appear to belong rather to the Hidatsa. Prince Maxi-
milian found but two villages in 1833, Mih-Tutta Hang-Kush and Ruhptare, evidently corresponding
to the first two mentioned by the earlier explorers (op. cit., p. 335).
164 THE SIOUAN INDIANS (rH. ann. 15
6. Hidatsa
(A) Hidatsa (their own name, the meaning of which is uncertain,
but appears to refer to a traditional buffalo paunch con-
nected with the division of the group, though supposed by
some to refer to “ willows”); formerly called Minitari (“‘Cross
the water,” or, objectionally, Gros Ventres); on Fort Berth-
old reservation, North Dakota, comprising in 1796 (according
to information gained by Matthews!) three villages—
(a) Hidatsa.
(b) Amatilia (‘‘ Karth-lodge [village]”?).
(c) Amaliami (** Mountain-country [people|”?).
(B) Crow or Ab-sa/-ru-ke, on the Crow reservation, Montana.
7. Biloxi
(A) Biloxi (“Trifling” or “Worthless” in Choctaw) or Ta-neks’
Ha*-ya-di/ (‘Original people” in their own language) ; partly
in Rapides parish, Louisiana; partly in Indian Territory, with
the Choctaw and Caddo. ;
(B) Paskagula (‘‘Bread people” in Choctaw), probably extinct.
(C) ? Moctobi (meaning unknown), extinct.
(D) ?Chozetta (meaning unknown), extinct.
8. Monakan
Monakan confederacy.
(A) Monakan (‘Country [people of?]”),? extinct.
(B) Meipontsky (meaning unknown), extinct.
(C) ? Mahoe (meaning unknown), extinct.
(D) Nuntaneuck or Nuntaly (meaning unknown), extinct.
(2) Mohetan (‘People of the earth” ?), extinct.
Tutelo.
(A) Tutelo or Ye-sa’’ (meaning unknown), probably extinct.
(A’) Saponi (meaning unknown), probably extinct. (According
to Mooney, the Tutelo and Saponi tribes were intimately con-
nected or identical, and the names were used interchange-
ably, the former becoming more prominent after the removal
of the tribal remnant from the Carolinas to New York.’)
(B) Occanichi (meaning unknown), probably extinct.
? Manahoae confederacy, extinct.
(A) Manahoae (meaning unknown).
(BL) Stegarake (meaning unknown).
(C) Shackakoni (meaning unknown).
(D) Tauxitania (meaning unknown).
1 Ethnography and Philology of the Hidatsa Indians; Miscel. Publ. No.7, U. S. Geol. and Geog.
Survey, 1877, p. 38.
2Siouan Tribes of the East, p.37. Local names derived from the Saponi dialect were recognized and
interpreted by a Kwapa when pronounced by Dorsey.
MC GEE] EASTERN SIOUAN DIVISIONS 165
F) Ontponi (meaning unknown).
F) Tegniati (meaning unknown).
) Whonkenti (meaning unknown).
H) Hasinninga (meaning unknown).
9. Catawba or Ni-ya (“People”)
(A) Catawba (meaning unknown; they called themselves Ni-ya,
“Men” in the comprehensive sense), nearly extinct.
(B) Woceon (meaning unknown), extinct.
(C) ? Sissipahaw (meaning unknown), extinct.
(D) 2? Cape Fear (proper name unknown), extinct.
(2) ? Warrennuncock (meaning unknown), extinct.
(F) ? Adshusheer (meaning unknown), extinct.
(@) ? Eno (meaning unknown), extinct.
(17) 2? Shocco (meaning unknown), extinct.
T) 2? Waxhaw (meaning unknown), extinct.
(J) ? Sugeri (meaning unknown), extinct.
(A) Santee (meaning unknown).
(L) Wateree (derived from the Catawba word wateran, ‘to
float in the water”).
(MW) Sewee (meaning unknown).
(VY) Congaree (meaning unknown).
10. Sara (extinct)
(A) Sara (“Tall grass”).
(B) Keyauwi (meaning unknown).
11. ? Pedee (extinct)
(A) Pedee (meaning unknown).
(B) Waccamaw (meaning unknown).
(C) Winyaw (meaning unknown).
(D) “Hooks” and ‘ Backhooks” (?).
The definition of the first six of these divisions is based on extended
researches among the tribes and in the literature representing the
work of earlier observers, and may be regarded as satisfactory. In some
cases, notably the Dakota confederacy, the constitution of the divi-
sions is also satisfactory, though in others, including the Asiniboin,
Mandan, and Winnebago, the tabulation represents little more than
superficial enumeration of villages and bands, generally by observers
possessing little knowledge of Indian sociology or language. So far
as the survivors of the Biloxi are concerned the classification is satis-
factory; but there is doubt concerning the former limits of the
division, and also concerning the relations of the extinct tribes referred
to on slender, yet the best available, evidence. The classification of
166 THE SIOUAN INDIANS Jern. Ann. 15
the extinct and nearly extinct Siouan Indians of the east is much less .
satisfactory. In several cases languages are utterly lost, and in others
a few doubtful terms alone remain. In these cases affinity is inferred
in part from geographic relation, but chiefly from the recorded feder-
ation of tribes and union of remnants as the aboriginal population
faded under the light of brighter intelligence; and in all such instances
it has been assumed that federation and union grew out of that con-
formity in mode of thought which is characteristic of peoples speaking
identical or closely related tongues. Accordingly, while the grouping
of eastern tribes rests in part on meager testimony and is open to
question at many points, it is perhaps the best that can be devised,
and suflices for convenience of statement if not as a final classification.
So far as practicable the names adopted for the tribes, confederacies,
and other groups are those in common use, the aboriginal designations,
when distinct, being added in those cases in which they are known.
The present population of the Siouan stock is probably between
40,000 and 45,000, including 2,000 or more (mainly Asiniboin) in
Canada.
TRIBAL NOMENCLATURE
In the Siouan stock, as among the American Indians generally, the
accepted appellations for tribes aud other groups are variously derived.
Many of the Siouan tribal names were, like the name of the stock,
given by alien peoples, including white men, though most are founded
on the descriptive or other designations used in the groups to which
they pertain. At first glance, the names seem to be loosely applied
and perhaps vaguely defined, and this laxity in application and defini-
tion does not disappear, but rather increases, with closer examination.
There are special reasons for the indefiniteness of Indian nomen-
clature: The aborigines were at the time of discovery, and indeed
most of them remain today, in the prescriptorial stage of culture, i. e.,
the stage in which ideas are crystallized, not by means of arbitrary
symbols, but by means of arbitrary associations,! and in this stage
names are connotive or descriptive, rather than denotive as in the
scriptorial stage. Moreover, among the Indians, as among all other
prescriptorial peoples, the ego is paramount, and all things are
described, much more largely than among cultured peoples, with
reference to the describer and the position which he occupies—Self
and Here, and, if need be, Now and Thus, are the fundamental ele-
ments of primitive conception and description, and these elements
are implied and exemplified, rather than expressed, in thought and
utterance. Accordingly there is a notable paucity in names, espe-
cially for themselves, among the Indian tribes, while the descrip.
tive designations applied to a given group by neighboring tribes are
often diverse.
1The leading culture stages are defined in the Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Etb:
nology, for 1891-92 (1896), p. xxiii et seq.
MCGEE] SIOUAN TRIBAL NOMENCLATURE 167
The principles controlling nomenclature in its inchoate stages are
illustrated among the Siouan peoples. So far as their own tongues were
concerned, the stock was nameless, and could not be designated save
through integral parts. Even the great Dakota confederacy, one of the
most extensive and powerful aboriginal organizations, bore no better
designation than a term probably applied originally to associated tribes
in a descriptive way and perhaps used as a greeting or countersign,
although there was an alternative proper descriptive term—‘*Seven
Council-fires”—apparently of considerable antiquity, since it seems to
have been originally appled before the separation of the Asiniboin.!
In like manner the (egiha, yoiwe’re, and Hoteangara groups, and per-
haps the Niya, were without denotive designations for themselves, merely
styling themselves ‘‘ Local People,” ‘‘ Men,” *‘ Inhabitants,” or, still more
ambitiously, ‘‘ People of the Parent Speech,” in terms which are variously
rendered by different interpreters; they were lords in their own domain,
and felt no need for special title. Different Dakota tribes went so far
as to claim that their respective habitats marked the middle of the
world, so that each insisted on precedence as the leading tribe,” and
it was the boast of the Mandan that they were the original people of
theearth.’ In the more carefully studied confederacies the constituent
groups generally bore designations apparently used for convenient dis-
tinction in the confederation; sometimes they were purely descriptive,
as 1n the case of the Sisseton, Wahpeton, Sans Ares, Blackfeet, Oto, and
several others; again they referred to the federate organization (prob-
ably, possibly to relative position of habitat), as in the Yankton, Yank-
tonai, and Hunkpapa; more frequently they referred to geographic or
topographic position, e. g., Teton, Omaha, Pahe’tsi, Kwapa, ete; while
some appear to have had a figurative or symbolic connotation, as Brulé,
Ogalala, and Ponka. Usually the designations employed by alien peo-
ples were more definite than those used in the group designated, as
illustrated by the stock name, Asiniboin,and Iowa. Commonly the
alien appellations were terms of reproach; thus Sioux, Biloxi, and
Hohe (the Dakota designation for the Asiniboin) are clearly opprobri-
ous, while Paskagula might easily be opprobrious among hunters and
warriors, and Iowa and Oto appear to be derogatory or contemptuous
expressions. The names applied by the whites were sometimes taken
from geographic positions, as in the case of Upper Yanktonai and
Cape Fear—the geographic names themselves being frequently of
Indian origin. Some of the current names represent translations of
the aboriginal terms either into English (“ Blackfeet,” ‘Two Kettles,”
“Crow,”) or into French (“Sans Ares,” ‘“ Brulé,” “Gros Ventres”);
yet most of the names, at least of the prairie tribes, are simply cor-
ruptions of the aboriginal terms, though frequently the modification is
so complete as to render identification and interpretation difficult—it
1Cf. Schooleraft, ‘‘ Information,’’ ete, op. cit., pt. 11, 1852, p. 169. Dorsey was inclined to consider
the number as made up without the Asiniboin.
?Riggs-Dorsey: ‘‘ Dakota Grammar, Texts, and Ethnography,”’ Cont. N. A. Eth., vol. 1x, 1893, p. 164
3Catlin: ‘‘ Letters and Notes,”’ op. cit., p. 80.
168 THE SIOUAN INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 15
is not easy to find Waca/ce in ‘‘Osage” (so spelled by the French, whose
orthography was adopted and mispronounced by English-speaking
pioneers), or Pa/qotce in “ Iowa.”
The meanings of most of the eastern names are lost; yet so far as
they are preserved they are of a kind with those of the interior. So,
too, are the subtribal names enumerated by Dorsey.
PRINCIPAL CHARACTERS
PHONETIC AND GRAPHIC ARTS
The Siouan stock is defined by linguistic characters. The several
tribes and larger and smaller groups speak dialects so closely related
as to imply occasional or habitual association, and hence to indicate
community in interests and affinity in development; and while the arts
(reflecting as they did the varying environment of a wide territorial
range) were diversified, the similarity in language was, as is usual,
accompanied by similarity in institutions and beliefs. Nearly all of
the known dialects are eminently vocalic, and the tongues of the plains,
which have been most extefsively studied, are notably melodious; thus
the leading languages of the group display moderately high phonetic
development. In grammatic structure the better-known dialects are
not so well developed; the structure is complex, chiefly through the large
use of inflection, though agglutination sometimes occurs. In some cases
the germ of organization is found in fairly definite juxtaposition or
placement. The vocabulary is moderately rich, and of course represents
the daily needs of a primitive people, their surroundings, their avoca-
tions, and their thoughts, while expressing little of the richer ideation
of cultured cosmopolites. On the whole, the speech of the Siouan stock
may be said to have been fairly developed, and may, with the Algon-
quian, Iroquoian, and Shoshonean, be regarded as typical for the por-
tion of North America lying north of Mexico. Fortunately it has been
extensively studied by Riggs, Hale, Dorsey, and several others, includ-
ing distinguished representatives of some of the tribes, and is thus
accessible to students. The high phonetic development of the Siouan
tongues reflects the needs and records the history of the hunter and
warrior tribes, whose phonetic symbols were necessarily so difteren-
tiated as to be intelligible in whisper, oratory, and war cry, as well as
in ordinary converse, while the complex structure is in harmony with
the elaborate social organization and ritual of the Siouan people.
Many of the Siouan Indians were adepts in the sign language;
indeed, this mode of conveying intelligence attained perhaps its high-
est development among some of the tribes of this stock, who, with
other plains Indians, developed pantomime and gesture into a surpris-
ingly perfect art of expression adapted to the needs of huntsmen and
warriors.
Most of the tribes were fairly proficient in pictosraphy; totemic and
other designs were inscribed on bark and wood, painted on skins,
MCGEE] GRAPHIC SYMBOLISM 169
wrought into domestic wares, and sometimes carved on rocks. Jona-
than Carver gives an example of picture-writing on a tree, in charcoal
mixed with bear’s grease, designed to convey information from the
“Chipe/ways” (Algonquian) tothe ‘* Naudowessies,”' and other instances
of intertribal communication by means of pictography are on record.
Personal decoration was common, and was largely symbolic; the face
and body were painted in distinctive ways when going on the warpath,
in organizing the hunt, in mourning the dead, in celebrating the vic-
tory, and in performing various ceremonials. Scarification and maim-
ing were practiced by some of the tribes, always in a symbolic way.
Among the Mandan and Hidatsa scars were produced in cruel ceremo-
nials originally connected with war and hunting, and served as endur-
ing witnesses of courage and fortitude. Symbolic tattooing was fairly
common among the westernmost tribes. Eagle and other feathers were
worn as insignia of rank and for other symbolic purposes, while bear
Vos and the scalps of enemies were worn as symbols of the chase
and battle. Some of the tribes recorded current history by means of
“winter counts” or calendarie inscriptions, though their arithmetic
was meager and crude, and their calendar proper was limited to recog-
nition of the year, lunation, and day—or, as among so many primitive
people, the “snow,” ‘‘dead moon,” and ‘“‘night,”—with no definite sys-
tem of fitting lunations to the annual seasons. Most of the graphic
records were perishable, and have long ago disappeared; but during
recent decades several untutored tribesmen have executed vigorous
drawings representing hunting scenes and conflicts with white soldiery,
which have been preserved or reproduced. These crude essays in
graphic art were the germ of writing, and indicate that, at the time of
discovery, several Siouan tribes were near the gateway opening into
the broader field of scriptorial culture. So far as it extends, the crude
graphic symbolism betokens warlike habit and militant organization,
which were doubtless measurably inimical to further progress.
It would appear that, in connection with their proficiency in gesture
speech and their meager graphic art, the Siouan Indians had become
masters in a vaguely understood system of dramaturgy or symbolized
conduct. Among them the use of the peace-pipe was general; among
several and perhaps all of the tribes the definite use of insignia was com-
mon; among them the customary hierarchic organization of the abo-
rigines was remarkably developed and was maintained by an elaborate
and strict code of etiquette whose observance was exacted and yielded
by every tribesman. Thus the warriors, habituated to expressing and
recognizing tribal affiliation and status in address and deportment, were
notably observant of social minutiz, and this habit extended into every
activity of their lives. They were ceremonious among themselves and
1Travels Through the Interior Parts of North America in the Years 1766, 1767, and 1768; London,
1778, p. 418.
170 THE SIOUAN INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 15
crafty toward enemies, tactful diplomatists as well as brave soldiers,
shrewd strategists as well as fierce fighters; ever they were skillful
readers of human nature, even when ruthless takers of luman life.
Among some of the tribes every movement and gesture and expres-
sion of the male adult seems to have been affected or controlled with
the view of impressing spectators and auditors, and through constant
schooling the warriors became most consummate actors. To the casual
observer, they were stoics or stupids according to the conditions of
observation; to many observers, they were cheats or charlatans; to
scientific students, their eccentrically developed volition and the thau-
maturgy by which it was normally accompanied suggests early stages
in that curious development which, in the Orient, culminates in necro-
maney and occultism. Unfortunately this phase of the Indian char-
acter (which was shared by various tribes) was little appreciated by
the early travelers, and little record of it remains; yet there is enough
to indicate the importance of constantly studied ceremony, or symbolic
conduct, among them. The development of affectation and self-control
among the Siouan tribesmen was undoubtedly shaped by warlike dis-
position, and their stoicism was displayed largely in war—as when the
captured warrior went exultingly to the torture, taunting and tempting
his captors to multiply their atrocities even until his tongue was torn
from its roots, in order that his fortitude might be proved; but the
habit was firmly fixed and found constant expression in commonplace
as well as in more dramatic actions,
INDUSTRIAL AND ESTHETIC ARTS
Since the arts of primitive people reflect environmental conditions
with close fidelity, and since the Siouan Indians were distributed over
a vast territory varying in climate, hydrography, geology, fauna, and
flora, their industrial and esthetic arts can hardly be regarded as dis-
tinctive, and were indeed shared by other tribes of all neighboring
stocks.
The best developed industries were hunting and warfare, though all
of the tribes subsisted in part on fruits, nuts, berries, tubers, grains,
and other vegetal products, largely wild, though sometimes planted
and even cultivated in rude fashion. The southwestern tribes, and to
some extent all of the prairie denizens and probably the eastern rem-
nant, grew maize, beaus, pumpkins, melons, squashes, sunflowers, and
tobacco, though their agriculture seems always to have been subordi-
nated to the chase. Aboriginally, they appear to have had no domes-
tic animals except dogs, which, according to Carver—one of the first
white men seen by the prairie tribes,—were kept for their flesh, which
was eaten ceremonially,' and for use in the chase. According to
1Op. cit., p. 278.
2Op.cit., p.445. Carver says, ‘t The dogs employed by the Indians in hunting appear to be ailof the
same species; they carry their ears erect, and greatly resemble a wolf about the head. They are
exceedirgly useful to them in their hunting excursions and will attack the fiercest of the game they
arein pursuit of. They are also remarkable for their fidelity to their masters, but being ill fed by
them are very troublesome in their huts or tents.”
Mc GEE] IMPLEMENTS AND WEAPONS IL
Lewis and Clark (1804-1806), they were used for burden and draft;!
according to the naturalists accompanying Long’s expedition (1519-20),
for flesh (eaten ceremonially and on ordinary occasions), draft, bur-
den, and the chase,’ and according to Prince Maximilian, for food and
draft,’ all these functions indicating long familiarity with the canines.
Catlin, too, found “dog’s meat . . . the most honorable food that
can be presented to a stranger;” it was eaten ceremonially and on
important occasions.‘ Moreover, the terms used for the dog and his
harness are ancient and even archaic, and some of the most important
ceremonials were connected with this animal,® implying long-continued
association. Casual references indicate that some of the tribes lived
in mutual tolerance with several birds’ and mammals not yet domes-
ticated (indeed the buffalo may be said to have been in this condition),
so that the people were at the threshold of zooculture.
The chief implements and weapons were of stone, wood, bone, horn,
and antler. According to Carver, the ‘“‘ Nadowessie” were skillful bow-
men, using also the “casse-téte”? or wareclub, and a flint scalping-
knife. Catlin was impressed with the shortness of the bows used
by the prairie tribes, though among the southwestern tribes they were
longer. Many of the Siouan Indians used the lance, javelin, or spear.
The domestic utensils were scant and simple, as became wanderers
and fighters, wood being the common material, though crude pottery
‘1Coues, “History of the Expedition,” op. cit., vol. 1, p. 140. A note adds, ‘‘The dogs are not large,
much resemble a wolf, and will haul about 70 pounds each.”
2Narrative of an Expedition to the Source of St. Peter's River . . . under the Command of Stephen
H. Long, U.S. T. E., by William H. Keating; London, 1825, vol. 1, p.451; vol. 1, p.44,et al. Account
of an Expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains . . . underthe Command of Major S. H.
Long, U.S. T. E., by Edwin James; London, 1823, vol. 1, pp. 155, 182, et al.
Say remarks (James, loc. cit., p.155) of the coyote (?), ‘‘Thisanimal . . . is probably the origi-
nal of the domestic dog, so common in the villages of the Indians of this region [about Council Blafts
and Omaha], some of the varieties of which still retain much of the habit and manners of this
species.”’ James says (loc. cit., vol. 11, p. 13), ‘‘ The dogs of the Konzas are generally of a mixed breed,
between our dogs with pendent ears and the native dogs, whose ears are universally erect. The
Indians of this nation seek every opportunity to cross the breed. These mongrel dogs are less com-
mon with the Omawhaws, while the dogs of the Pawnees generally have preserved their original
form.”
“Travels in the Interior of North America; London, 1843. The Prince adds, ‘‘In shape they differ
very little from the wolf, and are equally large and strong. Some are of the real wolf color; others
are black, white, or spotted with black and white, and differing only by the tail being rather more
turned up. Their voice is nota proper barking, but a howl like that of the wolf, and they partly
descend from wolves, which approach the Indian huts, even in the daytime, and mix with the dogs”
(ef. p. 203 et al.). Writing at the Mandan village, he says, ‘The Mandans and Manitaries have not, by
any means,so many dogs as the Assiniboin, Crows, and Blackfeet. They are rarely of true wolt
color, but generally black or white, or else resemble the wolf, but here they are more like the prairie
wolf (Canislatrans). We likewise found among these animals a brown race, descended from European
pointers; hence the genuine bark of the dog is more frequently heard here, whereas among the western
nations they only howl. The Indian dogs are worked very hard, have hard blows and hard fare; in
fact, they are treated just as this fine animal is treated among the Esquimaux”’ (p, 345).
4“ Letters and Notes,’ ete, vol. 1, p. 14; ef. p. 230 et al. He speaks (p.201) of the Minitarj canines
as ‘'semiloup dogs and whelps. ”’
®Keating’s ‘‘ Narrative,"' op. cit., vol. 11, p.452; James’ ‘‘Account,”’ op. cit., vol. I, p. 127 et al.
According to Prince Maximilian, both the Mandan and Minitari kept owls in their lodges and
regarded them as soothsayers (‘'Travels,”’ op. cit., pp. 383, 403), and the eagle was apparently tolerated
for the sake of his feathers.
Cassa Tate, the antient tomahawk "’ on the plate illustrating the objects (‘‘ fravels,”’ op. cit., pl.
4, p. 298).
ie THE SIOUAN INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 15
and basketry were manufactured, together with bags and bottles of
skins or animal intestines. Ceremonial objects were common, the
most conspicuous being the calumet, carved out of the sacred pipe-
stone or catlinite quarried for many generations in the midst of the
Siouan territory. Frequently the pipes were fashioned in the form of
tomahawks, when they carried a double symbolic significance, stand-
ing alike for peace and war, and thus expressing well the dominant
idea of the Siouan mind. ‘Tobacco and kinnikinic (a mixture of tobacco
with shredded bark, leaves, etc!) were smoked.
Aboriginally the Siouan apparel was scanty, commonly comprising
breechelout, moccasins, leggings, and robe, and consisted chiefly of
dressed skins, though several of the tribes made simple fabrics of bast,
rushes, and other vegetal substances. Fur robes and rush mats com-
monly served for bedding, some of the tribes using rude bedsteads.
The buffalo hunting prairie tribes depended largely for apparel, bed-
ding, and habitations, as well as for food, on the great beast to whose
comings and goings their movements were adjusted. Like other
Indians, the Siouan hunters and their consorts quickly availed them-
selves of the white man’s stuffs, as well as his metal implements, and
the primitive dress was soon modified.
The woodland habitations were chiefly tent-shape structures of sap-
lings covered with bark, rush mats, skins, or bushes; the prairie habi-
tations were mainly earth lodges for winter and buffalo-skin tipis for
summer, Among many of the tribes these domiciles, simple as they
were, were constructed in accordance with an elaborate plan controlled
by ritual. According to Morgan, the framework of the aboriginal
Dakota house consisted of 13 poles;* and Dorsey describes the syste-
matic grouping of the tipis belonging to different gentes and tribes.
Sudatories were characteristic in most of the tribes, menstrual lodges
were common, and most of the more sedentary tribes had council
houses or other communal structures. The Siouan domiciles were thus
adapted with remarkable closeness to the daily habits and environ-
ment of the tribesmen, while at the same time they reflected the com-
plex social organization growing out of their prescriptorial status and
militant disposition.
Most of the Siouan men, women, and children were fine swimmers,
though they did not compare well with neighboring tribes as makers
and managers of water craft. The Dakota women made coracles of
buffalo hides, in which they transported themselves and their house-
holdry, but the use of these and other craft seems to have been regarded
as little better than a feminine weakness. Other tribes were better
boatmen; for the Siouan Indian generally preferred land travel to
journeying by water, and avoided the burden of vehicles by which his
1Described by Coues, ‘‘ History of the Expedition under the Command of Lewis and Clark,” 1893,
vol. I, p. 139, note.
2“Tfouses and House-life of the American Aborigines,’’ Cont. N. A. Eth., vol. rv, 1881, p. 114.
MCGEE] THE BUFFALO AND THE HORSE 107/83
ever-varying movements in pursuit of game or in waylaying and evad-
ing enemies would have been limited and handicapped.
There are many indications and some suggestive evidences that the
chief arts and certain institutions and beliefs, as well as the geographic
distribution, of the principal Siouan tribes were determined by a single
conspicuous feature in their environment—the buffalo. As Riggs,
Hale, and Dorsey have demonstrated, the original home of the Siouan
stock lay on the eastern slope of the Appalachian mountains, stretch-
ing down over the Piedmont and Coastplain provinces to the shores of
the Atlantic between the Potomac and the Savannah. <As shown by
Allen, the buffalo, ‘‘ prior to the year 1800,” spread eastward across the
Appalachians! and into the priscan territory of the Siouan tribes. As
suggested by Shaler, the presence of this ponderous and peaceful
animal materially affected the vocations of the Indians, tending to dis-
courage agriculture and encourage the chase; and it can hardly be
doubted that the bison was the bridge that carried the ancestors of the
western tribes from the crest of the Alleghenies to the Coteau des
Prairies and enabled them to disperse so widely over the plains beyond.
Certainly the toothsome flesh and useful skins must have attracted
the valiant huntsmen among the Appalachians; certainly the feral
herds must have become constantly larger and more numerous west-
ward, thus tempting the pursuers down the waterways toward the
great river; certainly the vast herds beyond the Mississippi gave
stronger incentives and richer rewards than the hunters of big game
found elsewhere; and certainly when the prairie tribes were discovered,
the men and animals lived in constant interaction, and many of the
hunters acted and thought only as they were moved by their easy prey.
As the Spanish horse spread northward over the Llano Estaeado and
overflowed across the mountains from the plains of the Cayuse, the
Dakota and other tribes found a new means of conquest over the
herds, and entered on a career so facile that they increased and multi-
plied despite strife and imported disease.
The horse was acquired by the prairie tribes toward the end of the
last century. Carver (1766-1768) describes the methods of hunting
among the ‘‘ Naudowessie” without referring to the horse,’ though he
gives their name for the animal in his vocabulary,’ and describes their
mode of warfare with “Indians that inhabit still farther to the west-
ward a country which extends to the South Sea,” having “ great plenty
of horses.”* Lewis and Clark (1804-1806) mention that the “Sioux of
the Teton tribe . . . frequently make excursions to steal horses”
from the Mandan,° and make other references indicating that the horse
1“The American Bisons, Living and Extinct,’ by J. A. Allen; Memoirs of the Geol. Survey of Ken-
tucky, vol. 1, pt. ii, 1876, map; also pp. 55, 72-101, et al.
*Op. cit., p. 283 et seq.
3Tbid., p. 435.
4Tbid., p. 294.
5“ History of the Expedition under the Command of Lewis and Clark,”’ ete, by Elliott Cones, 1893
vol. 1, p.175. It is noted that in winter the Mandan kept their horses in their lodges at night, and,
fed them on cottonwood branches. Ibid., pp. 220, 233, et al.
174 THE SIOUAN INDIANS [PTH. ANN. 15
was in fairly common use among some of the Siouan tribes, though the
animal was ‘confined principally to the nations inhabiting the great
plains of the Columbia,”! and dogs were still used for burden and
draft.2. Grinnell learned from an aged Indian that horses came into
the hands of the neighboring Piegan (Algonquian) about 1804—-1806.°
Long’s naturalists found the horse, ass, and mule in use among the
Kansa and other tribes,! and described the mode of capture of wild
horses by the Osage;° yet when, two-thirds of a century after Carver,
Catlin (1832-1839) and Prince Maximilian (1833-34) visited the Siouan
territory, they found the horse established and in common use in the
chase and in war.® It is significant that the Dakota word for horse
(Suk-tayn/-ka or Suy-ka/-wa-kay) is composed of the word for dog
(Suyn/-ka), with an affix indicating greatness, sacredness, or mystery,
so that the horse is literally “ great mysterious dog,” or ‘“‘ancient sacred
dog,” and that several terms for harness and other appurtenances cor-
respond with those used for the gear of the dog when used as a draft
animal.’ This terminology corroborates the direct evidence that the
dog was domesticated by the Siouan aborigines long before the advent
of the horse.
Among the Siouan tribes, as among other Indians, amusements
absorbed a considerable part of the time and energy of the old and
young of both sexes. Among the young, the gambols, races, and
other sports were chiefly or wholly diversional, and commonly mim-
icked the avocations of the adults. The girls played at the building
and care of houses and were absorbed in dolls, while the boys played
at archery, foot racing, and mimic hunting, which soon grew into
the actual chase of small birds and animals. Some of the sports of the
elders were unorganized diversions, leaping, racing, wrestling, and
other spontaneous expressions of exuberance. Certain diversious were
controlled by more persistent motive, as when the idle warrior occupied
his leisure in meaningless ornamentation of his garment or tipi, or
spent hours of leisure in esthetic modification of his weapon or cere-
monial badge, and to this purposeless activity, which engendered
design with its own progress, the incipient graphie art of the tribes
was largely due. The more important and characteristic sports were
organized and interwoven with social organization and belief so as
commonly to take the form of elaborate ceremonial, in which dancing,
feasting, fasting, symbolic painting, song, and sacrifice played impor-
tant parts, and these organized sports were largely fiducial. To many
‘Coues, Expedition of Lewis and Clark, vol. 1, p. 839.
7Thid., vol. 1, p. 140.
=“The Story of the Indian,” 1895, p. 237.
4 James’ Account,” op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 126, 148; vol. m1, p. 12 et al.
5Thbid., vol. 11, p. 107.
®“Letters and Notes,” op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 142 (where the manner of lassoing wild horses is men-
tioned), p. 251 et al.; ‘' Travels,” op. cit.,p. 149 et al. (The Crow were said to have between 9,000 and
10,000 head, p. 174.)
7 Keating in Long's Expedition, op. cit., vol. 1, appendix, p. 152. Riggs’ ‘‘ Dakota-English Diction-
ary,” Cont.N. A. Eth., vol. vu, 1890.
MC GEE] CEREMONIES—GAMES—MUSIC IZ)
of the early observers the observances were nothing more than mean-
ingless mummeries; to some they were sacrilegious, to others sortile-
gious; to the more careful students, like Carver, whose notes are of
especial value by reason of the author’s clear insight into the Indian
character, they were invocations, expiations, propitiations, expressing
profound and overpowering devotion. Carver says of the ‘ Naudo-
wessie,” “They usually dance either before or after every meal; and
by this cheerfulness, probably, render the Great Spirit, to whom they
consider themselves as indebted for every good, a more acceptable
sacrifice than a formal and unanimated thanksgiving;”! and he pro-
ceeds to describe the informal dances as well as the more formal cere-
monials preparatory to joining in the chase or setting out on the
warpath. The ceremonial observances of the Siouan tribes were not
different in kind from those of neighboring contemporaries, yet some
of them were developed in remarkable degree—for example, the bloody
rites by which youths were raised to the rank of warriors in some of
the prairie tribes were without parallel in severity among the aborig-
ines of America, or even among the known primitive peoples of the
world. So the sports of the Siouan Indians were both diversional and
divinatory, and the latter were highly organized in a manner reflecting
the environment of the tribes, their culture-status, their belief, and
especially their disposition toward bloodshed; for their most charae-
teristic ceremonials were connected, genetically if not immediately,
with warfare and the chase.
Among many of the Siouan tribes, games of chance were played
habitually and with great avidity, both men and women becoming so
absorbed as to forget avocations and food, mothers even neglecting
their children; for, as among other primitive peoples, the charm of
hazard was greater than among the enlightened. The games were not
specially distinctive, and were less widely differentiated than in certain
other Indian stocks. The sport or game of chungke stood high in favor
among the young men in many of the tribes, and was played as a game
partly of chance, partly of skill; but dice games (played with plum
stones among the southwestern prairie tribes) were generally preferred,
especially by the women, children, and older men. The games were
partly, sometimes wholly, diversional, but generally they were in large
part divinatory, and thus reflected the hazardous occupations and low
culture-status of the people. One of the evils resulting from the advent
of the whites was the introduction of new games of chance which tended
further to pervert the simple Siouan mind; but in time the evil brovght
its own remedy, for association with white gamblers taught the ingenu-
ous sortilegers that there is nothing divine or sacred about the gaming
table or the conduct of its votaries.
The primitive Siouan music was limited to the chant and rather
simple vocal melody, accompanied by rattle, drum, and flute, the drum
among the northwestern tribes being a skin bottle or bag of water.
1 Op. cit., p. 265.
176 THE SIOUAN INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 15
The musie of the Omaha and some other tribes has been most appre-
ciatively studied by Miss Fletcher, and her memoir ranks among the
Indian classies.!. In general the Siouan musie was typical for the
aboriginal stocks of the northern interior. Its dominant feature was
rhythm, by which the dance was controlled, though melody was inchoate,
while harmony was not yet developed. —~
The germ of painting was revealed in the calendars and the seed of
sculpture in the carvings of the Siouan Indians. The pictographic
paintings comprised not only recognizable but even vigorous represen-
tations of men and animals, depicted in form and color though without
perspective, while the calumet of catlinite was sometimes chiseled into
striking verisimilitude of human and animal forms in miniature. To
the collector these representations suggest fairly developed art, though
to the Indian they were mainly, if not wholly, symbolic; for everything
indicates that the primitive artisan had not yet broken the shackles of
fetichistic symbolism, and had little conception of artistic portrayal for
its own sake.
INSTITUTIONS
Among civilized peoples, institutions are crystallized in statutes
about nuclei of common law or custom; among peoples in the prescrip-
torial culture-stage statutes are unborn, and various mnemonic devices
are employed for fixing and perpetuating institutions; and, as is usual
in this stage, the devices involve associations which appear to be
essentially arbitrary at the outset, though they tend to become natural
through the survival of the fittest. A favorite device for perpetuating
institutions among the primitive peoples of many districts on different
continents is the taboo, or prohibition, which is commonly fiducial but
is often of general application. This device finds its best development
in the earlier stages in the development of belief, and is normally con-
nected with totemism. Another device, which is remarkably wide-
spread,as shown by Morgan, is kinship nomenclature. This device rests
on a natural and easily ascertained basis, though its applications are
arbitrary and vary widely from tribe to tribe and from culture-status
to culture-status. A third device, which found much favor among the
American aborigines and among some other primitive peoples, may be
called ordination, or the arrangement of individuals and groups classi-
fied from the prescriptorial point of view of Self, Here, and Now, with
respect to each other or to some dominant personage or group. This
device seems to have grown out of the kin-name system, in which the
Ego is the basis from which relation is reckoned. It tends to develop
into federate organization on the one hand or into caste on the other
hand, according to the attendant conditions.2. There are various other
1“A study of Omaha Indian Music, by Alice C. Fletcher. . . aided by Francis La Flesche,
with a report on the structural peculiarities of the music, by John Comfort Fillmore, A. M.;’’ Arch.
and Eth. papers of the Peabody Museum, vol. 1, No. 5, 1893, pp. i-vi+7-152 (—231-382).
* Ordination, as the term is here used, comprehends regimentation as defined by Powell, yet relates
especially to the method of reckoning from the constantly recognized but ever varying standpoint of
prescriptorial culture.
MC GEE] SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 177
devices for fixing and perpetuating institutions or for expressing the
laws embodied therein. Some of these are connected with thaumaturgy
and shamanism, some are connected with the powers of nature, and
the several devices overlap and interlace in puzzling fashion.
Aimong the Siouan Indians the devices of taboo, kin-names, and ordi-
nation are found in such relation as to throw some light on the growth
of primitive institutions. While they blend and are measurably
involved with thaumaturgic devices, there are indications that in a
general way the three devices stand for stages in the development of
law. Among the best-known tribes the taboo pertained to the clan,
and was used (in a much more lmited way than among some other
peoples) to commemorate and perpetuate the clan organization; kin-
names, which were partly natural and thus normal to the clan organiza-
tion, and at the same time partly artificial and thus characteristic of
gentile organization, served to commemorate and perpetuate not only
the family relations but the relations of the constituent elements of
the tribe; while the ordination expressed in the camping circle, in the
phratries, in the ceremonials, and in many other ways, served to com-
memorate intertribal as well as intergentile relations, and thus to pro-
mote peace and harmonious action. It is significant that the taboo
was less potent among the Siouan Indians than among some other
stocks, and that among some tribes it has not been found; and it is
especially significant that in some instances the taboo was apparently
inversely related to kin-naming and ordination, as among the Biloxi,
where the taboo is exceptionally weak and kin-naming exceptionally
strong, and among the Dakota, where the system of ordination attained
perhaps its highest American development in domiciliary arrangement,
while the taboo was limited in function; for the relations indicate that
the taboo was archaic or even vestigial. It is noteworthy also that
among most of the Siouan tribes the kin-name system was less elaborate
than in many other stocks, while the system of ordination is so elabo-
rate as to constitute one of the leading characteristics of the stock.
At the time of the discovery, most of the Siouan tribes had apparently
passed into gentile organization, though vestiges of clan organization
were found—e. g., among the best-known tribes the man was the head
of the family, though the tipi usually belonged to the woman. Thus, as
defined by institutions, the stock was just above savagery and just
within the lower stages of barbarism. Accordingly the governmental
functions were hereditary in the male line, yet the law of heredity was
subject to modification or suspension at the will of the group, commonly
at the instance of rebels or usurpers of marked prowess or shrewdness.
The property regulations were definite and strictly observed; as among
other barbarous peoples, the land was common to the tribe or other group
occupying it, yet was defended against alien invasion; the ownership
of movable property was a combination of communalism and individu-
alism delicately adjusted to the needs and habits of the several tribes—
15 ETH
9
a
178 THE SIOUAN INDIANS [eTH. ANN. 15
in general, evanescent property, such as food and fuel, was shared in
common (subject to carefully regulated individual claims), while perma-
nent property, such as tipis, dogs, apparel, weapons, ete, was held by
individuals. As among other tribes, the more strictly personal property
was usually destroyed on the death of the owner, though the real reason
for the custom—the prevention of dispute—was shrouded in a mantle
of mysticism.
Although of primary importance in shaping the career of the Siouan
tribes, the marital institutions of the stock were not specially distinctive.
Marriage was usually effected by negotiation through parents or elders;
among some of the tribes the bride was purchased, while among others
there was an interchange of presents. Polygyny was common; in sey-
eral of the tribes the bride’s sisters became subordinate wives of the
husband. The regulations concerning divorce and the punishment of
infidelity were somewhat variable among the different tribes, some of
whom furnished temporary wives to distinguished visitors. Generally
there were sanctions for marriage by elopement or individual choice. In
every tribe, so far as known, gentile exogamy prevailed—i. e., marriage
in the gens was forbidden, under pain of ostracism or still heavier pen-
alty, while the gentes intermarried among one another; in some cases
intermarriage between certain tribes was regarded with special favor.
There seems to have been no system of marriage by capture, though
captive women were usually espoused by the successful tribesmen, and
girls were sometimes abducted. In generalit would appear that inter-
gentile and intertribal marriage was practiced and sanctioned by the
sages, and that it tended toward harmony and federation, and thus
contributed much toward the increase and diffusion of the great Siouan
stock.
As set forth in some detail by Dorsey, the ordination of the Siouan
tribes extended beyond the hierarchic organization into families, sub-
gentes, gentes, tribes, and confederacies; there were also phratries,
sometimes (perhaps typically) arranged in pairs; there were societies
or associations established on social or fiducial bases; there was a gen-
eral arrangement or classification of each group on a military basis,
as into soldiers and two or more classes of noncombatants, ete.
Among the Siouan peoples, too, the individual brotherhood of the
David-Jonathan or Damon-Pythias type was characteristically devel-
oped. Thus the corporate institutions were interwoven and super-
imposed in a manner nearly as complex as that found in the national,
state, municipal, and minor institutions of civilization; yet the ordi-
nation preserved by means of the camping circle, the kinship system,
the simple series of taboos, and the elaborate symbolism was appar-
eutly so complete as to neet every social and governmental demand.
BELIEFS
THE DEVELOPMENT OF MYTHOLOGY
As explained by Powell, philosophies and beliefs may be seriated in
four stages: The first stage is hecastotheism; in this stage extra-
natural or mysterious potencies are imputed to objects both animate
eS
MC GEE] PHILOSOPHIES AND BELIEFS 179
and inanimate. The second stage is zootheism; within it the powers
of animate forms are exaggerated and amplified into the realm of the
supernal, and certain animals are deified. The third stage is that of
physitheism, in which the agencies of nature are personified and
exalted unto omnipotence. The fourth stage is that of psychotheism,
which includes the domain of spiritual concept. In general the devel-
opment of belief coincides with the growth of abstraction; yet it is to
be remembered that this growth represents increase in definiteness of
the abstract concepts rather than augmentation in numbers and kinds
of subjective impressions, i. e., the advance is in quality rather than
in quantity; indeed, if would almost appear that the vague and indefi-
nite abstraction of hecastotheism is more pervasive and prevalent than
the clearer abstraction of higher stages. Appreciation of the funda-
mental characteristics of belief is essential to even the most general
understanding of the Indian mythology and philosophy, and even after
sareful study it is difficult for thinkers trained in the higher methods
of thought to understand the crude and confused ideation of the
primitive thinker.
In hecastotheism the believer finds mysterious properties and poten-
cies everywhere. To his mind every object is endued with occult
power, moved by a vague volition, actuated by shadowy motive rang-,
ing capriciously from malevolence to benevolence; in his lax estima-
tion some objects are more potent or more mysterious than others, the
strong, the sharp, the hard, and the swift-moving rising superior to-
the feeble, the dull, the soft, and the slow. Commonly he singles out
some special object as his personal, family, or tribal mystery-symbol
or fetich, the object usually representing that which is most feared or
worst hated among his surroundings. Vaguely realizing from the
memory of accidents or unforeseen events that he is dependent on his
surroundings, he invests every feature of his environment with a
capricious humor reflecting his own disposition, and gives to each and
all a subtlety and inscrutability corresponding to his exalted estima-
tion of his own craft in the chase and war; and, conceiving himself to
live and move only at the merey of his multitudinous associates, he
becomes a fatalist—kismet is his watchword, and he meets defeat and
death with resignation, just as he goes to victory with complacence;
for so it was ordained. j
Zootheism is the offspring of hecastotheism. As the primitive
believer assigns special potency or mystery to the strong and the swift,
he gradually comes te give exceptional rank to self-moving animals;
as his experience of the strength, alertness, swiftness, and courage of
his animate enemy or prey increases, these animals are invested with
successively higher and higher attributes, each reflecting the mental
operations of the mystical huntsman, and in time the animals with
which the primitive believers are ost intimately associated come to be
regarded as tutelary daimons of supernatural power and intelligence.
At first the animals, like the undifferentiated things of hecastotheism,
180 THE SIOUAN INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 15
are regarded in fear or awe by reason of their strength and ferocity,
and this regard grows into an incipient worship in the form of sacrifice
or other ceremonial; meanwhile, inanimate things, and im due season
rare and unimportant animals, are neglected, and a half dozen, a dozen,
or a score of the well-known animals are exalted into a hierarchy of
petty gods, headed by the strongest like the bear, the swiftest like the
deer, the most majestic like the eagle, the most cunning like the fox
or coyote, or the most deadly like the rattlesnake. Commonly the
arts and the skill of the mystical huntsman improve from youth to
adolescence and from generation to generation, so that the later ani-
mals appear to be easier snared or slain than the earlier; moreover, the
accounts of conflicts between men and animals grow by repetition
and are gilded by imagination as memory grows dim; and for these
and other reasons the notion grows up that the ancient animals were
stronger, swifter, slier, statelier, deadlier than their modern representa-
tives, and the hierarchy of petty gods is exalted into an omnipotent
thearchy. Eventually, in the most highly developed zootheistic sys-
tems, the leading beast-god is regarded as the crvator of the lesser
deities of the earth, sun, and sky, of the mythie under-world and its
real counterpart the ground or mid-world, as well as the visionary
upper-world, of men, and of the ignoble animals; sometimes the most ex-
alted beast-god is worshiped especially by the great man or leading class
and incidentally by all, while other men and groups choose the lesser
beast-gods, according to their rank, for special worship. In heeasto-
theism the potencies revered or worshiped are polymorphic, while their
attributes reflect the mental operations of the believers; in zootheism
the deities worshiped are zoomorphic, and their attributes continue to
reflect the human mind.
Physitheism, in its turn, springs from zootheism. Through contem-
plation of the strong the idea of strength arises, and a means is found
for bringing the bear into analogy with thunder, with the sun, or with
the avalanche-bearing mountain; through contemplation of the swift the
concept of swiftness is engendered, and comparison of the deer with
the wind or rushing river is made easy; through contemplation of the
deadly stroke of the rattlesnake the notion of death-dealing power
assumes shape, and comparison of the snake bite and the lightning
stroke is made possible; and in every case it is inevitably perceived
that the agency is stronger, swifter, deadlier than the animal. At
first the ageney is not abstracted or dissociated from the parent
zootheistic concept, aud the sun is the mightiest animal as among many
peoples, the thunder is the voice of the bear as among different wood-
land tribes or the flapping of the wings of the great ancient eagle as
among the Dakota and @egiha, while lightning is the great serpent of
the sky as among the Zuni. Subsequently the zoic concept fades, and
the constant association of human intellectual qualities engenders an
anthropic concept, when the sun becomes an anthropomorphic deity
(perhaps bearing a dazzling mask, as among the Zuni), and thunder is
MC GEE] PHILOSOPHIES AND BELIEFS 181
the rumbling of quoits pitched by the shades of old-time giants, as
among different American tribes. Eventually all the leading agencies
of nature are personified in anthropic form, and retain the human attri-
butes of caprice, love, and hate which are found in the minds of the
believers.
Psychotheism is born of physitheism asthe anthropomorphic element
in the concept of natural agency gradually fades; but since none of
the aborigines of the United States had passed into the higher stage,
the mode of transition does not require consideration.
It is to be borne in mind that throughout the course of development
of belief, from the beginning of hecastotheism into the borderland of
psychotheism, the dominant characteristicis the vague notion of mys--
tery. At first the mystery pervades all things and extends in all diree-
tions, representing an indefinite ideal world, which is the counterpart
of the real world with the addition of human qualities. Gradually the
mystery segregates, deepening with respect to animals and disappearing
with respect to inanimate things; and at length the slowly changing
mysteries shape themselves into semiabstractions having a strong
anthropie cast, while the remainder of the earth and the things thereof
gradually become real, though they remain under the spell and domin-
ion of the mysterious. Thus at every stage the primitive believer is a
mystic—a fatalist in one stage, a beast worshiper in another, a thau-
maturgist in a third, yet ever and first of alla mystic. It is also tobe
borne in mind (and the more firmly because of a widespread misappre-
hension) that the primitive believer, up to the highest stage attained
by the North American ‘Indian, is not a psychotheist, much less a mon-
otheist. His ‘Great Spirit” is simply a great mystery, perhaps vaguely
anthropomorphic, oftener zoomorphic, yet not a spirit, which he is
unable to conceive save by reflection of the white man’s concept and
inquiry; and his departed spirit is but a shade, much like that of the
ancient Greeks, the associate and often the inferior of animal shades.
While the four stages in development of belief are fundamentally
distinct, they nevertheless overlap in such manner as apparently, and
in a measure really, to coexist and blend, Culture progress is slow.
In biotic development the effect of beneficial modification is felt imme-
diately, and the modified organs or organisms are stimulated and
strengthened cumulatively, while the unmodified are enfeebled and
paralyzed cumulatively through inactivity and quickly pass toward
atrophy and extinction. Conversely in demotic development, which
is characterized by the persistence of the organisms and by the elimi-
nation of the bad and the preservation of the good among qualities
only, there is a constant tendency toward retardation of progress; for
in savagery and barbarism as in civilization, age commonly produces
conservatism, and at the same time brings responsibility for the con-
duct of old and young, so that modification, howsoever beneficial, is
182 THE SIOUAN INDIANS (Er. ANN. 15
measurably held in check, and so that the progress of each generation
buds in the springtime of youth yet is not permitted to fruit until the
winter of old age approaches. Accordingly the mean of demotie prog-
ress tends to lag far behind its foremost advances, and modes of
action and especially of thought changeslowly. This is especially true
of beliefs, which, during each generation, are largely vestigial. So the
stages in the evolution of mythologic philosophy overlap widely; there
is probably no tribe now living among whom zootheism has not yet
taken root, though hecastotheism has been found dominant among
different tribes; there is probably no people in the zootheistic stage
whoare completely divested of hecastotheistic vestiges; and one of the
curious features of even the most advanced psychotheism is the occa-
sional outcropping of features inherited from all of the earlier stages.
Yet it is none the less important to discriminate the stages.
THE SIOUAN MYTHOLOGY
It was partly through pioneer study of the Siouan Indians that the
popular fallacy concerning the aboriginal “Great Spirit” gained eur-
reney; and it was partly through the work of Dorsey among the (egiha
and Dakota tribes, first as a missionary and afterward as a linguist,
that the early error was corrected. Among these tribes the creation
and control of the world and the things thereof are ascribed to
“wa-ka™-da” (the term varying somewhat frora tribe to tribe), just as
among the Algonquian tribes omnipotence was assigned to ‘ma-ni-do”
(“Manito the Mighty” of Hiawatha”); yet inquiry shows that
waka*da assumes various forms, and is rather a quality than a definite
entity. Thus, among many of the tribes the sun is waka"da—not the
waka'da or @ waka"da, but simply waka"da; and among the same
tribes the moon is waka*da, and so is thunder, lightning, the stars, the
winds, the cedar, and various other things; even a man, especially a
shaman, might be waka"da or a waka"da. In addition the term was
applied to mythic monsters of the earth, air, and waters; according to
some of the sages the ground or earth, the mythic under-world, the
ideal upper-world, darkness, ete, were waka*da or waka"das. So, too,
the fetiches and the ceremonial objects and decorations were waka"da
among different tribes. Among some of the groups various animals
and other trees besides the specially waka"da cedar were regarded as
waka"das; as already noted, the horse, among the prairie tribes, was
the waka"da dog. In like manner many natural objects and places of
striking character were considered waka"da. Thus the term was
applied to all sorts of entities and ideas, and was used (with or with-
out inflectional variations) indiscriminately as substantive and adjee-
tive, and with slight modification as verb and adverb. Manifestly a
term so protean is not susceptible of translation into the more highly
differentiated language of civilization. Manifestly, too, the idea
expressed by the term is indefinite, and can not justly be rendered into
“spirit,” much iess into ‘Great Spirit;” though it is easy to under-
MCGEE] SIGNIFICANCE OF WAKA‘DA 183
stand how the superficial inquirer, dominated by definite spiritual
concept, handicapped by unfamiliarity with the Indian tongue, misled by
ignorance of the vague prescriptorial ideation, and perhaps deceived
by crafty native informants or mischievous interpreters, came to adopt
and perpetuate the erroneous interpretation. The term may be trans-
lated into “‘mystery” perhaps more satisfactorily than into any other
single English word, yet this rendering is at the same time much too
limited and much too definite. As used by the Siouan Indian, waka"da
vaguely connotes also ‘‘power,” ‘sacred,” “ancient,” ‘ grandeur,”
“animate,” “immortal,” and other words, yet does not express with
any degree of fullness and clearness the ideas conveyed by these terms
singly or collectively —indeed, no English sentence of reasonable length
can do justice to the aboriginal idea expressed by the term wakatda.
While the beliefs of many of the Siouan tribes are lost through the
extinction of the tribesmen or transformed through acculturation, it is
fortunate that a large body of information concerning the myths and
ceremonials of several prairie tribes has been collected. The records
of Carver, Lewis and Clark, Say, Catlin, and Prince Maximilian are of
great value when interpreted in the light of modern knowledge. More
recent researches by Miss Fletcher! and by Dorsey? are of especial
value, not only as direct sources of information but as a means of
interpreting the earlier writings. From these records it appears that,
in so far as they grasped the theistic concept, the Siouan Indians were
polytheists; that their mysteries or deities varied in rank and power;
that some were good but more were bad, while others combined bad
and good attributes; that they assumed various forms, actual and
imaginary; and that their dispositions and motives resembled those
found among mankind.
The organization of the vague Siouan thearchy appears to have
varied from group to group. Among all of the tribes whose beliefs
are known, the sun was an important waka"da, perhaps the leading one
potentially, though usually of less immediate consideration than cer-
tain others, such as thunder, lightning, and the cedar tree; among
the Osage the sun was invoked as “ grandfather,” and among various
tribes there were sun ceremonials, some of which are still maintained ;
among the Omaha and Ponka, according to Miss Fletcher, the mythic
thunder-bird plays a prominent, perhaps dominant role, and tne cedar
tree or pole is deified as its tangible representative. The moon was
waka"da among the Osage and the stars among the Omaha and Ponka,
yet they seem to have occupied subordinate positions; the winds and
the four quarters were apparently given higher rank; and, in individual
eases, the mythic water-monsters or earth-deities seem to have occu-
pied leading positions. On the whole, it may be safe to consider the
1Several of these are summarized in ‘‘The emblematic use of the tree in the Dakota group,”
Science, n.s., vol. 1V, 1896, pp. 475-487.
2Notably ‘'A Study of Siouan Cults,” Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology for
1889-90 (1894), pp. 351-544.
184 THE SIOUAN INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 15
sun as the Siouan arch-mystery, with the mythie thunder-bird or
family of thunder-birds as a sort of mediate link between the mysteries
and men, possessing less power but displaying more ac.ivity in human
affairs than the remoter waka"da of the heavens. Under these control-
ling waka"das, other members of the series were vaguely and variably
arranged. Somewhere in the lower ranks, sacred animals—especially
sports, such as the white buffalo cow—were placed, and still lower
came totems and shamans, which, according to Dorsey, were reverenced
rather than worshiped. It is noteworthy that this thearchie arrange-
ment corresponded in many respects with the hierarchic social organi-
zation of the stock.
The Siouan thearchy was invoked and adored by means of forms
and ceremonies, as well as through orisons. The set observances were
highly elaborate; they comprised dancing and chanting, feasting and
fasting, and in some cases sacrifice and torture, the shocking atrocities
of the Mandan and Minitari rites being especially impressive. From
these great collective devotions the ceremonials graded down through
war-dance and hunting-feast to the terpsichorean grace extolled by
Carver, and to individual fetich worship. In general the adoration
expressed fear of the evil rather than love of the good—but this can
hardly be regarded as a distinctive feature, much less a peculiar one.
Some of the mystery places were especially distinctive and note-
worthy. Foremost among them was the sacred pipestone quarry near
Big Sioux river, whence the material for the waka"da calumet was
obtained; another was the far-famed Minne-waka" of North Dakota,
not inaptly translated ‘“ Deyil’s lake;” a third was the mystery-rock or
medicine-rock of the Mandan and Hidatsa near Yellowstone river; and
there were many others of less importance. About all of these places
picturesque legends and myths clustered.
The Siouan mythology is especially instructive, partly because so
well recorded, partly because it so clearly reflects the habits and
customs of the tribesmen and thus gives an indirect reflection of a
well-marked environment. As among so many peoples, the sun is a
prominent element; the ice-monsters of the north and the rain-myths
of the arid region are lacking, and are replaced by the frequent thun-
der and the trees shaken by the storm-winds; the mythic creatures are
shaped in the image of the indigenous animals and birds; the myths
center in the local rocks and waters; the mysterious thearchy corre-
sponds with the tribal hierarchy, and the attributes ascribed to the
deities are those characteristic of warriors and hunters.
Considering the mythology in relation to the stages in development
of mythologic philosophy, it appears that the dominant beliefs, such as
those pertaining to the sun and the winds, represent a crude physithe-
ism, while vestiges of hecastotheism crop out in the objeet-worship
and place-worship of the leading tribes and in other features. At the
¥:C GEE] STATUS OF SIOUAN MYTHOLOGY 185
saine time well-marked zootheistic features are found in the mythic
thunder-birds and in the more or less complete deification of various
animals, in the exaltation of the horse into the rank of the mythic dog
father, and in the animal forms of the water-monsters and earth-beings;
and the living application of zootheism is found in the animal fetiches
and totems. On the whole, it seems just to assign the Siouan mythol-
ogy to the upper strata of zootheism, just verging on physitheism, with
vestigial traces of hecastotheism.
SOMATOLOGY
The vigorous avocations of the chase and war were reflected in fine
stature, broad and deep chests, strong and clean limbs, and sound con-
stitution among the Siouan tribesmen and their consorts. The skin
was of the usual coppery cast characteristic of the native American;
the teeth were strong, indicating and befitting a largely carnivorous
diet, little worn by sandy foods, and seldom mutilated; the hands and
feet were commonly large and sinewy. The Siouan Indians were
among those who impressed white pioneers by the parallel placing of
the feet; for, as among other walkers and runners, who rest sitting and
lying, the feet assumed the pedestrian attitude of approximate paral-
lelism rather than the standing attitude of divergence forward. The
hair was luxuriant, stiff, straight, and more uniformly jet black than
that of the southerly stocks; it was worn long by the women and most
of the men, though partly clipped or shaved in some tribes by the war-
riors as well as the worthless dandies, who, according to Catlin, spent
more time over their toilets than ever did the grande dame of Paris.
The women were beardless and the men more or less nearly so; com-
monly the men plucked out by the roots the scanty hair springing on
their faces, as did both sexes that on other parts of the body. The
crania were seldom deformed artificially save through cradle accident,
and while varying considerably in capacity and in the ratio of length to
width were usually mesocephalic. The facial features were strong, yet
in no way distinetly unlike those found among neighboring peoples.
Since the advent of white men the characteristics of the Siouan
Indians, like those of other tribes, have been somewhat modified, partly
through infusion of Caucasian blood but chiefly through acculturation.
With the abandonment of hunting and war and the tardy adoption of
a slothful, semidependent agriculture, the frame has lost something
of its stalwart vigor; with the adaptation of the white man’s costume
and the incomplete assimilation of his hygiene, various weaknesses and
disorders have been developed; and through imitation the erstwhile
luxuriant hair is cropped, and the beard, made scanty through genera-
tions of extirpation, is commonly cultivated. Although the aceul-
tural condition of the Siouan survivors ranges from the essentially
primitive status of the Asiniboin to the practical civilization of the
representatives of several tribes, it is fair to consider the stock ina
186 THE SIOUAN INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 15
state of transition from barbarism to civilization; and many of the
tribesmen are losing the characteristics of activity and somatic devel-
opment normal to primitive life, while they have not yet assimilated
the activities and acquired the somatic characteristics normal to peace-
ful sedentary life.
sriefly, certain somatic features of the Siouan Indians, past and
present, may be traced to their causes in custom and exercise of fune-
tion; yet by far the greater number of the features are common to the
American people or to all mankind, and are of ill-understood signifi-
cance. The few features of known cause indicate that special somatic
characteristics are determined largely or wholly by industrial and other
arts, which are primarily shaped by environment.
HABITAT
Excepting the Asiniboin, who are chiefly in Canada, nearly all of
the Siouan Indians are now gathered on the reservations indicated on
earlier pages, most of these reservations lying within the aboriginal
territory of the stock.
At the advent of white men, the Siouan territory was vaguely define@,
and its limits were found to vary somewhat from exploration to explo-
ration. This vagueness and variability of habitat grew out of the char.
acteristics of the tribesmen. Of all the great stocks south of the
Arctic, the Siouan was perhaps least given to agriculture, most influ-
enced by hunting, and most addicted to warfare; thus most of the
tribes were but feebly attached to the soil, and freely followed the move-
ments of the feral fauna as it shifted with climatic vicissitudes or was
driven from place to place by excessive hunting or by fires set to
destroy the undergrowth in the interests of the chase; at the same
time, the borderward tribes were alternately driven and led back and
forth through strife against the tribes of neighboring stocks. Accord-
ingly the Siouan habitat can be outlined only in approximate and
somewhat arbitrary fashion.
The difficulty in defining the priscan home of the Siouan tribes is
increased by its vast extent and scant peopling, by the length of the
period interveuing between discovery in the east and complete explora-
tion in the west, and by the internal changes and migrations which
oceurred during this period. The task of collating the records of
exploration and pioneer observation concerning the Siouan and other
stocks was undertaken by Powell a few years ago, and was found to be
of great magnitude. It was at length suecessfully accomplished, and
the respective areas occupied by the several stocks were approximately
mapped.!
As shown on Powell’s map, the chief part of the Siouan area com-
prised a single body covering most of the region of the Great plains,
‘Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, for 1885-86 (1891), pp. 1-142, and map.
he
PDS OED D>
MCGEE] FORMER HABITAT 187
stretching from the Rocky mountains to the Mississippi and from the
Arkansas-Red river divide nearly to the Saskatchewan, with an arm
crossing the Mississippi and extending to Lake Michigan. In addition
there were a few outlying bodies, the largest and easternmost bordering
the Atlantic from Sautee river nearly to Capes Lookout and Hatteras,
and skirting the Appalachian range northward to the Potomac; the
next considerable area lay on the Gulf coast about Pascagoula river
and bay, stretching nearly from the Pearl to the Mobile; and there were
one or two unimportant areas on Ohio river, which were temporarily
occupied by small groups of Siouan Indians during recent times.
There is little probability that the Siouan habitat, as thus outlined,
ran far into the prehistoric age. As already noted, the Siouan Indians
of the plains were undoubtedly descended from the Siouan tribes of the
east (indeed the Mandan had a tradition to that effect); and reason has
been given for supposing that the ancestors of the prairie hunters fol-
lowed the straggling buffalo through the cis-Mississippi forests into
his normal trans-Mississippi habitat and spread over his domain save
as they were held in check by alien huntsmen, chiefly of the warlike
Caddoan and Kiowan tribes; and the buffalo itself was a geologically
recent—indeed essentially post-glacial—animal. Little 1f any definite
trace of Siouan occupancy has been found in the more ancient prehis-
toric works of the Mississippi valley. On the whole it appears probable
that the prehistoric development of the Siouan stock and habitat was
exceptionally rapid, that the Siouan Indians were a vigorous and virile
people that arose quickly under the stimulus of strong vitality (the
acquisition of which need not here be considered), coupled with execep-
tionally favorable opportunity, to a power and glory culminating about
the time of discovery.
ORGANIZATION
The demotie organization of the Siouan peoples, so far as known, is
set forth in considerable detail in Mr Dorsey’s treatises! and in the
foregoing enumeration of tribes, confederacies, and other linguistic
groups.
Like the other aborigines north of Mexico, the Siouan Indians were
organized on the basis of kinship, and were thus in the stage of tribal
society. Allof the best-known tribes had reached that plane in organ-
ization characterized by descent in the male line, though many vestiges
and some relatively unimportant examples of descent in the female line
have been discovered. Thus the clan system was obsolescent and the
gentile system fairly developed; i. e., the people were practically out
of the stage of savagery and well advanced in the stage of barbarism.
1Chiefly ‘‘ Omaha Sociology,”’ Third Ann. Rep. Bur. Eth., for 1881-82 (1884), pp. 205-370; ‘‘A study of
Sionan cults,’’ Eleventh Ann. Rep. Bur. Eth., for 1889-90 (1894), pp. 351-544, and that printed on the
following pages.
188 THE SIOUAN INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 15
Confederation for defense and offense was fairly defined and was
strengthened by intermarriage between tribes and gentes and the prohi-
bition of marriage within the gens; yet the organization was such as to
maintain tribal autonomy in considerable degree; i. e., the social struc-
ture was such as to facilitate union in time of war and division into
small groups adapted to hunting in times of peace. No indication of
feudalism has been found in the stock.
The government was autocratic, largely by military leaders sometimes
(particularly in peace) advised by the elders and priests; the leadership
was determined primarily by ability—prowess in war and the chase and
wisdom in the council,—and was thus hereditary only a little further
than characteristics were inherited; indeed, excepting slight recogni-
tion of the divinity that doth hedge about a king, the leaders were
practically self-chosen, arising gradually to the level determined by
their abilities. The germ of theocracy was fairly developed, and appar-
ently burgeoned vigorously during each period of peace, only to be
cheeked and withered during the ensuing war when the shamans and
their craft were forced into the background.
During recent years, since the tribes began to yield to the domina-
tion of the peace-loving whites, the government and election are deter-
mined chiefly by kinship, as appears from Dorsey’s researches; yet
definite traces of the militant organization appear, and any man can
win name and rank in his gens, tribe, or confederacy by bravery or
generosity.
The institutional connection between the Siouan tribes of the plains
and those of the Atlantic slope and the Gulf coast is completely lost,
and it is doubtful whether the several branches have ever been united
in a single confederation (or ‘“‘nation,” in the language of the pioneers),
at least since the division in the Appalachian region perhaps five or
ten centuries ago. Since this division the tribes have separated widely,
and some of the bloodiest wars of the region in the historic period have
been between Siouan tribes; the most extensive union possessing the
slightest claim to federal organization was the great Dakota confed-
eracy, which was grown into instability and partial disruption; and
most of the tribal unions and coalitions were of temporary character.
Although highly elaborate (perhaps because of this character), the
Siouan organization was highly unstable; with every shock of conflict,
whether intestine or external, some autocrats were displaced or slain;
and after each important event—great battle, epidemic, emigration, or
destructive tlood—new combinations were formed. The undoubtedly
rapid development of the stock, especially after the passage of the
Mississippi, indicates growth by conquest and assimilation as well as
by direct propagation (it is known that the Dakota and perhaps other
groups adopted aliens regularly); and, doubtless for this reason in
part, there was a strong tendency toward differentiation and dichotomy
in the demotic growth. In some groups the history is too vague to
indicate this tendency with certainty; in others the tendency is clear.
asinine
= a
2 PES SS Ae PO
MC GEE] CONTRAST BETWEEN CERTAIN STOCKS 189
Perhaps the best example is found in the (egiha, which divided into two
great branches, the stronger of which threw off minor branches in the
Osage and KKansa, and afterward separated into the Omaha and Ponka,
while the feebler branch also ramified widely; and only less notable is
the example of the Winnebago trunk, with its three great branches in
the Iowa, Oto, and Missouri. This strong divergent tendency in itself
suggests rapid, perhaps abnormally rapid, growth in the stock; for it
outran and partially concealed the tendeney toward convergence and
ultimate coalescence which characterizes demotic phenomena.
The half-dozen eastern stocks occupying by far the greater part of
North America contrast strongly with the half-hundred local stocks
covering the Pacific coast; and none of the strong Atlantic stocks is
more characteristic, more sharply contrasted with the limited groups of
the western coast, or better understood as regards organization and
development, than the great Siouan stock of the northern interior.
There is promise that, as the demology of aboriginal America is pushed
forward, the records relating to the Siouan Indians and especially to
their structure and institutions will aid in explaining why some stocks
are limited and others extensive, why large stocks in general charac-
terize the interior and small stocks the coasts, and why the dominant
peoples of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries were successful in dis-
placing the preexistent and probably more primitive peoples of the
Mississippi valley. While the time is not yet ripe for making final
answer to these inquiries, it is not premature to suggest a relation
between a peculiar development of the aboriginal stocks and a peculiar
geographic conformation: In general the coastward stocks are small,
indicating a provincial shoreland habit, yet their population and area
commonly increase toward those shores indented by deep bays, along
which maritime and inland industries naturally blend; so (confining
attention to eastern United States) the extensive Muskhogean stock
stretches inland from the deep-bayed eastern Gulf coast; and so, too,
three of the largest stocks on the continent (Algonqnian, Troquoian,
Siouan) stretch far into the interior from the still more deeply indented
Atlantic coast. In two of these cases (Iroquoian and Siouan) history
and tradition indicate expansion and migration from the land of bays
between Cape Lookout and Cape May, while in the third there are
similar (though perhaps less definite) indications of an inland drift
from the northern Atlantic bays and along the Laurentian river and
lakes.
HISTORY!
DAKOTA-ASINIBOIN
The Dakota are mentioned in the Jesuit Relations as early as 1639-40;
the tradition is noted that the Ojibwa, on arriving at the Great Lakes in
an early migration from the Atlantic coast, encountered representatives
!'Taken chiefly from notes and manuscripts prepared by Mr Dorsey.
190 THE SIOUAN INDIANS (ern. ANN. 15
of the great confederacy of the plains. In 1641 the French voyageurs
met the Potawatomi Indians flying from a nation called Nadawessi
(enemies); and the Frenchmen adopted the alien name for the warlike
prairie tribes. By 1658 the Jesuits had learned of the existence of
thirty Dakota villages west-northwest from the Potawatomi mission St
Michel; and in 1689 they recorded the presence of tribes apparently
representing the Dakota confederacy on the upper Mississippi, near
the mouth of the St Croix. According to Croghan’s History of Western
Pennsylvania, the “Sue” Indians occupied the country southwest of
Lake Superior about 1759; and Dr T. 8. Williamson, “the father of the
Dakota mission,” states that the Dakota must have resided about the
confluence of the Mississippi and the Minnesota or St Peters for at
least two hundred years prior to 1860.
According to traditions collected by Dorsey, the Teton took posses-
sion of the Black Hills region, which had previously been occupied by
the Crow Indians, long before white men came; and the Yankton
and Yanktonnai, which were found on the Missouri by Lewis and Clark,
were not long removed from the region about Minnesota river. In 1862
the Santee and other Dakota tribes united in a formidable outbreak
in which more than 1,000 whites were massacred or slain in battle.
Through this outbreak and the consequent governmental action toward
the control and settlement of the tribes, much was learned concerning
the characteristics of the people, and various. Indian leaders became
known; Spotted Tail, Red Cloud, Crazy Horse, Sitting Bull, American
Horse, and Even-his-horse-is-feared (commonly miscalled Man-afraid-of-
his-horses) were among the famous Dakota chiefs and warriors, nota-
ble representatives of a passing race, Whose names are prominent in
the history of the country. Other outbreaks occurred, the last of note
resulting from the ghost-dance fantasy in 1890-91, which fortunately
was quickly suppressed. Yet, with slight interruptions, the Dakota
tribes in the United States were steadily gathered on reservations.
Some 800 or more still roam the prairies north of the international
boundary, but the great body of the confederacy, numbering nearly
28,000, are domiciled on reservations (already noted) in Minnesota,
Montana, Nebraska, North Dakota, and South Dakota.
The separation of the Asiniboin from the Wazi-kute gens of the
Yanktonai apparently occurred before the middle of the seventeenth
century, since the Jesuit relation of 1658 distinguishes between the
Poualak or Guerriers (undoubtedly the Dakota proper) and the Assini-
poualak or Guerriers de pierre. The Asiniboin are undoubtedly the
Essanape (Essanapi or Assinapi) who were next to the Makatapi
(Dakota) in the Walam-Olum record of the Lenni-Lenape or Delaware.
In 1680 Hennepin located the Asiniboin northeast of the Issati (Isan-
yati or Santee) who were on Knife lake (Minnesota); and the Jesuit
map of 1681 placed them on Lake-of-the-Woods, then called ‘*L. Assi-
nepoualacs.” La Hontan claimed to have visited the Eokoro (Arikara)
MCGEE] ASINIBOIN AND (EGIHA HISTORY oi
in 1689-90, when the Essanape were sixty leagues above; and Perrot’s
Mémoire refers to the Asiniboin as a Sioux tribe which, in the sey-
enteenth century, seceded from their nation and took refuge among the
rocks of Lake-of-the-Woods. Chauvignerie located some of the tribe
south of Ounipigan (Winnipeg) lake in 1756, and they were near Lake-
of-the- Woods as late as 1766, when they were said to have 1,500 war-
riors. It is well known that in 1829 they occupied a considerable
territory west of the Dakota and north of Missouri river, with a popu-
lation estimated at 8,000; and Drake estimated their number at 10,000
before the smallpox epidemic of 1858, which is said to have carried off
4,000. From this blow the tribe seems never to have fully recovered,
and now numbers probably no more than 3,000, mostly in Canada,
where they continue to roam the plains they have occupied for half a
century.
(EGIHA
According to tribal traditions collected by Dorsey, the ancestors of
the Omaha, Ponka, Kwapa, Osage, and Kansa were originally one
people dwelling on Ohio and Wabash rivers, but gradually working
westward. The first separation took place at the mouth of the Ohio,
when those who went down the Mississippi became the Kwapa or Down-
stream People, while those who ascended the great river became the
Omaha or Up-stream People. This separation must have occurred at
least as early as 1500, since it preceded De Soto’s discovery of the
Mississippi.
The Omaha group (from whom the Osage, Kansa, and Ponka were
not yet separated) ascended the Mississippi to the mouth of the Mis-
souri, where they remained for some time, though war and hunting
parties explored the country northwestward, and the body of the tribe
gradually followed these pioneers, though the Osage and Kansa were
successively left behind. Some of the pioneer parties discovered the
pipestone quarry, and many traditions cling about this landmark. Sub-
sequently they were driven across the Big Sioux by the Yankton Indians,
who then lived toward the confluence of the Minnesota and Mississippi.
The group gradually differentiated and finally divided through the sep-
aration of the Ponka, probably about the middle of the seventeenth
century. The Omaha gathered south of the Missouri, between the
mouths of the Platte and Niobrara, while the Ponka pushed into the
Black Hills country.
The Omaha tribe remained within the great bend of the Missouri,
opposite the mouth of the Big Sioux, until white men came. Their
hunting ground extended westward and southwestward, chiefly north
of the Platte and along the Elkhorn, to the territory of the Ponka and
the Pawnee (Caddoan); and in 1766 Carver met their hunting parties
on Minnesota river. Toward the end of the eighteenth century they
were nearly destroyed by smallpox, their number having been reduced
from about 3,500 to but little over 300 when they were visited by Lewis
192 THE SIOUAN INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 15
and Clark, their famous chief Blackbird being one of those carried off
by the epidemic. Subsequently they increased in numbers; in 1890
their population was about 1,200, They are now on reservations, mostly
owning land in severalty, and are citizens of the United States and of
the state of Nebraska.
Although the name Ponka did not appear in history before 1700 it
must have been used for many generations earlier, since it is an archaic
designation connected with the social organization of several tribes and
the secret societies of the Osage and Kansa, as well as the Ponka. In
1700 the Ponka were indicated on De V'Isle’s map, though they were
not then segregated territorially from the Omaha. They, too, suffered
terribly from the smallpox epidemic, and when met by Lewis and Clark
in 1804 numbered only about 200. They increased rapidly, reaching
about 600 in 1829 and some 800 in 1842; in 1871, when they were first
visited by Dorsey, they numbered 747. Upto this time the Ponka and
Dakota were amicable; but a dispute grew out of the cession of lands,
and the Teton made annual raids on the Ponka until the enforced
removal of the tribe to Indian Territory took place in 1877. Through
this warfare, more than a quarter of the Ponka lost their lives. The
displacement of this tribe from lands owned by them in fee simple
attracted attention, and a commission was appointed by President
Hayes in 1880 to inquire into the matter; the commission, consisting
of Generals Crook and Miles and Messrs William Stickney and Walter
Allen, visited the Ponka settlements in Indian Territory and on the
Niobrara and effected a satisfactory arrangement of the affairs of the
tribe, through which the greater portion (some 600) remained in Indian
Territory, while some 225 kept their reservation in Nebraska.
When the @egiha divided at the mouth of the Ohio, the ancestors
of the Osage and Kansa accompanied the main Omaha body up the
Mississippi to the mouth of Osage river. There the Osage separated
from the group, ascending the river which bears their name. They
were distinguished by Marquette in 1673 as the ‘‘Ouchage” and
“Autrechaha,” and by Penicaut in 1719 as the “ Huzzau,” “Ous,” and
“Wawha.” According to Croghan, they were, in 1759, on ‘‘ White
creek, a branch of the Mississippi,” with the “Grand Tue;” but“ White
creek” (or White water) was an old designation for Osage river, and
“Grand Tue” is, according to Mooney, a corruption of Grandes Eaux,”
or Great Osage; and there is accordingly no sufficient reason for sup-
posing that they returned to the Mississippi. Toward the close of the
eighteenth century the Osage and Kansa encountered the Comanche
and perhaps other Shoshonean peoples, and their course was turned
southward; and in 1817, according to Brown, the Great Osage and
Little Osage were chiefly on Osage and Arkansas rivers, in four vil-
lages. In 1829 Porter deseribed their country as beginning 25 miles
west of the Missouri line and running to the Mexican line of that date,
being 50 miles wide; and he gave their number as 5,000, According to
MC GEE] (EGIHA HISTORY 193
Schoolcraft, they numbered 3,758 in April, 1853, but this was after the
removal of an important branch known as Black Dog’s band to a new
locality farther down Verdigris river. In 1850 the Osage occupied at
least seven large villages, besides numerous small ones, on Neosho and
Verdigris rivers. In 1873, when visited by Dorsey, they were gathered
on their reservations in what is now Oklahoma. In 1890 they num-
bered 158.
The Kansa remained with the Up-stream People in their gradual
ascent of the Missouri to the mouth of the Kaw or Kansas, when they
diverged westward; but they soon came in contact with inimical
peoples, and, like the Osage, were driven southward. The date of this
divergence is not fixed, but it must have been after 1723, when Bourg-
mont mentioned a large village of “*Quans” located on a small river
flowing northward thirty leagues above Kaw river, near the Missouri.
After the cession of Louisiana to the United States, a treaty was made
with the Kansa Indians, who were then on Kaw river, at the mouth of
the Saline, having been forced back from the Missouri by the Dakota;
they then numbered about 1,500 and occupied about thirty earth lodges.
In 1825 they ceded their lands on the Missouri to the Government,
retaining a reservation on the Kaw, where they were constantly sub-
jected to attacks from the Pawnee and other tribes, through which large
numbers of their warriors were slain. In 1846 they again ceded their
Jands and received a new reservation on Neosho riverin Kansas. This
was soon overrun by settlers, when another reservation was assigned
to them in Indian Territory, near the Osage country. By 1890 their
population was reduced to 214.
The Kwapa were found by De Soto in 1541 on the Mississippi above
the mouth of the St Francis, and, according to Marquette’s map, they
were partly east of the Mississippi in 1673. In 1681 La Salle found
them in three villages distributed along the Mississippi, and soon after-
ward Tonty mentioned four villages, one (Kappa=Uyaqpaqti, “Real
Kwapa”) on the Mississippi and three (Toyengan=Ta*wa*-jiya, “Small
Village”; Toriman=Ti-uad¢iman, and Osotonoy=Uzutiuwe) inland;
this observation was verified by Dorsey in 1883 by the discovery that
these names are still in use. In early days the Kwapa were known as
“Akansa,” or Arkansa, first noted by La Metairie in 1682. It is prob-
able that this name was an Algonquian designation given because of
confusion with, or recognition of affinity to, the Kansa or Kaze, the
prefix “a” being a common one in Algonquian appellations. In 1687
Joutel located two of the villages of the tribe on the Arkansas and
two on the Mississippi, one of the latter being on the eastern side.
According to St Cosme, the greater part of the tribe died of smallpox
in October, 1699. In 1700 De V’Isle placed the principal ‘“Acansa”
village on the southern side of Arkansas river; and, according to
Gravier, there were in 1701 five villages, the largest, Imaha (Omaha),
being highest on the Arkausas. In 1805 Sibley placed the “Arkensa”
15 ETH 15
194 THE SIOUAN INDIANS [erH. ANN. 15
in three villages on the southern side of Arkansas river, about 12 miles
above Arkansas post. They claimed to be the original proprietors of
the country bordering the Arkansas for 300 miles, or up to the conflu-
ence of the Cadwa, above which lay the territory of the Osage. Sub-
sequently the Kwapa affiliated with the Caddo Indians, though of
another stock; according to Porter they were in the Caddo ceuntry in
1829. Asreservations were established, the Kwapa were re-segregated,
and in 1877 were on their reservation in northwestern Indian Terri-
tory; but most of them afterward scattered, chiefly to the Osage
country, where in 1890 they were found to number 232.
LOIWE/RE
The ancestry and prehistoric movements of the tribes constituting
this group are involved in considerable obscurity, though it is known
from tradition as well as linguistic affinity that they sprung from the
Winnebago.
Since the days of Marquette (1673) the lowa have ranged over the
country between the Mississippi and Missouri, up to the latitude of
Oneota (formerly upper Iowa) river, and even across the Missouri
about the mouth of the Platte. Chauvignerie located them in 1736
west of the Mississippi and (probably through error in identification of
the waterway) south of the Missouri; and in 1761 Jefferys placed them
between Missouri river and the headwaters of Des Moines river, above
the Oto and below the Maha (Omaha). In 1805, according to Drake,
they dwelt on Des Moines river, forty leagues above its mouth, and
numbered 800. In 1811 Pike found them in two villages on Des Moines ~
and Iowa rivers. In 1815 they were decimated by smallpox, and
also lost heavily through war against the tribes of the Dakota confed-
eracy. In 1829 Porter placed them on the Little Platte, some 15 miles
from the Missouri line, and about 1853 Schooleraft located them on
Nemaha river, their principal village being near the mouth of the
Great Nemaha. In 1848 they suffered another epidemic of smallpox,
by which 100 warriors, besides women and children, were carried off.
As the country settled, the Iowa, like the other Indians of the stock,
were collected on reservations which they still oceupy in Kansas and
Oklahoma. According to the last census their population was 273.
The Missouri were first seen by Tonty about 1670; they were located
near the Mississippi on Marquette’s map (1673) under the name of
Ouemessourit, probably a corruption of their name by the Illinois
tribe, with the characteristic Algonquian prefix. The name Missouri
was first used by Joutel in 1687. In 1723 Bourgmont located their
principal village 50 leagues below Kaw river and 60 leagues below
the chief settlement of the Kansa; according to Croghan, they were
located on Mississippi river opposite the Illinois country in 1759.
Although the early locations are somewhat indefinite, it seems certain
that the tribe formerly dwelt on the Mississippi about the mouth of
MCGEE] LOIWE’RE AND WINNEBAGO HISTORY 195
the Missouri, and that they gradually ascended the latter stream,
remaining for a time between Grand and Chariton rivers and establish-
ing a town on the left bank of the Missouri near the mouth of the
Grand. There they were found by French traders, who built a fort on
an island quite near their village about the beginning of the eighteenth
century. Soon afterward they were conquered and dispersed by a
combination of Sac, Fox, and other Indians; they also suffered from
smallpox. On the division, five or six lodges joined the Osage, two or
three took refuge with the Kansa, and most of the remainder amalga-
mated with the Oto. In 1805 Lewis and Clark found a part of the
tribe, numbering about 300, south of Platte river. The only known
survivors in 1829 were with the Oto, when they numbered no more
than 80. In 1842 their village stood on the southern bank of Platte
river near the Oto settlement, and they followed the latter tribe to
Indian Perritory in 1882.
According to Winnebago tradition, the poiwe’re tribes separated from
that ‘“ People of the parent speech” long ago, the Iowa being the first
and the Oto the last to leave. In 1673 the Oto were located by Mar.
quette west of Missouri river, between the fortieth and fortyfirst
parallels; in 1680 they were 150 leagues from the Illinois, almost oppo-
site the mouth of the Miskoncing (Wisconsin), and in 1687 they were
on Osage river. According to La Hontan they were, in 1690, on Oton-
tas (Osage) river; and in 1698 Hennepin placed them ten days’ journey
from Fort Creve Ceur. Iberville, in 1700, located the Iowa and Oto
with the Omaha, between Wisconsin and Missouri rivers, about 100
leagues from the Illinois tribe; and Charlevoix, in 1721, fixed the Oto
habitat as below that of the Lowa and above that of the Kansa on the
western side of the Missouri. Dupratz mentions the Oto as a small
nation on Misscuri river in 1758, and Jefferys (1761) described them
as occupying the southern bank of the Panis (Platte) between its mouth
and the Pawnee territory; according to Porter, they occupied the same
position in 1829. The Oto claimed the land bordering the Platte from
their village to the mouth of the river, and also that on both sides of the
Missouri as far as the Big Nemaha. In 1833 Catlin found the Oto and
Missouri together in the Pawnee country; about 1541 they were gath-
ered in four villages on the southern side of the Platte, from 5 to 18
miles above its mouth. In 1880 a part of the tribe removed to the Sac
and Fox reservation in Indian Territory, where they still remain; in
1882 the rest of the tribe, with the remnant of the Missouri, emigrated
to the Ponka, Pawnee, and Oto reservation in the present Oklahoma,
where, in 1890 they were found to number 400,
WINNEBAGO
Linguisticaily the Winnebago Indians are closely related to the
Loiwe’re on the one side and to the Mandan on the other. They were
first mentioned in the Jesuit Relation of 1636, though the earliest
196 THE SIOUAN INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 15
known use of the name Winnebago occurs in the Relation of 1640;
Nicollet found them on Green bay in 1639. According to Shea, the
Winnebago were almost annihilated by the Illinois (Algonquian) tribe in
early days, and the historical group was made up of the survivors of
the early battles. Chauvignerie placed the Winnebago on Lake Supe-
rior in 1736, and Jefferys referred to them and the Sae as living near
the head of Green bay in 1761; Carver mentions a Winnebago village
on a small island near the eastern end of Winnebago lake in 1778.
Pike enumerated seven Winnebago villages existing in 1811; and in
1822 the population of the tribe was estimated at 5,800 (including 900
warriors) in the country about Winnebago lake and extending thence
southwestward to the Mississippi. By treaties in 1825 and 1532 they
ceded their lands south of Wisconsin and Fox rivers for a reservation
on the Mississippi above the Oneota; one of their villages in 1832 was
at Prairie la Crosse. They suffered several visitations of smallpox;
the third, which occurred in 1836, carried off more than a quarter of
the tribe. A part of the people long remained widely distributed over
their old country east of the Mississippi and along that river in lowa
and Minnesota; in 1840 most of the tribe removed to the neutral ground
in the then territory of Iowa; in 1846 they surrendered their reserva-
tion for another above the Minnesota, and in 1856 they were removed
to Blue Earth, Minnesota. Here they were mastering agriculture, when
the Sioux war broke out and the settlers demanded their removal.
Those who had taken up farms, thereby abandoning tribal rights, were
allowed to remain, but the others were transferred to Crow creek, on
Missouri river, whence they soon escaped. Their privations and suffer-
ings were terrible; out of 2,000 taken to Crow creek only 1,200 reached
the Omaha reservation, whither most of them fled. They were assigned
a new reservation on the Omaha lands, where they now remain, ocecupy-
ing lands allotted in severalty. In 1890 there were 1,215 Winnebago
on the reservation, but nearly an equal number were scattered over
Minnesota, lowa, Wisconsin, and Michigan, where they now live chiefly
by agriculture, with a strong predilection for hunting.
MANDAN
The Mandan had a vague tradition of emigration from the eastern
part of the country, and Lewis and Clark, Prince Maximilian, and
others found traces of Mandan house-structures at various points
along the Missouri; thus they appear to have ascended that stream
before the advent of the @egiha. During the historical period their
movements were limited; they were first visited in the upper Missouri
country by Sieur dela Verendrye in 1738. About 1750 they established
two villages on the eastern side and seven on the western side of
the Missouri, near the mouth of Heart river. Here they were assailed
by the Asiniboin and Dakota and attacked by smallpox, and were
greatly reduced; the two eastern villages consolidated, and the people
MCGEE] MANDAN AND HIDATSA HISTORY 197
migrated up the Missouri to a point 1,430 miles above its mouth (as
subsequently determined by Lewis and Clark); the seven villages were
soon reduced to five, and these people also ascended the river and
formed two villages in the Arikara country, near the Mandan of the
eastern side, where they remained until about 1766, when they also
consolidated. Thus the once powerful and populous tribe was reduced
to tio villages which, in 1804, were found by Lewis and Clark on
opposite banks of the Missouri, about 4 miles below Knife river. Here
for a time the tribe waxed and promised to regain the early prestige,
reaching a population of 1,600 in 1837; but in that year they were again
attacked by smallpox and almost annihilated, the survivors numbering
only 31 according to one account, or 125 to 145 according to others.
After this visitation they united in one village. When the Hidatsa
removed from Knife river in 1845, some of the Mandan accompanied
them, and others followed at intervals as late as 1858, when only a few
still remained at their old home. In 1872 a reservation was set apart
for the Hidatsa and Arikara and the survivors of the Mandan on Mis-
souri and Yellowstone rivers in Dakota and Montana, but in 1886 the
reservation was reduced. According to the census returns, the Mandan
numbered 252 in 1890.
HIDATSA
There has been much confusion concerning the definition and desig-
nation of the Hidatsa Indians. They were formerly known as Minitari
or Gros Ventres of the Missouri, in distinction from the Gros Ventres
of the plains, who belong to another stock. The origin of the term
Gros Ventres is somewhat obscure, and various observers have pointed
out its inapplicability, especially to the well-formed Hidatsa tribesmen,
According to Dorsey, the French pioneers probably translated a native
term referring to a traditional buffalo paunch, which occupies a promi-
nent place in the Hidatsa mythology and which, in early times, led to
a dispute and the separation of the Crow from the main group some
time in the eighteenth century.
The earlier legends of the Hidatsa are vague, but there is a definite
tradition of a migration northward, about 1765, from the neighborhood
of Heart river, where they were associated with the Mandan, to Knife
river. At least as early as 1796, according to Matthews, there were
three villages belonging to this tribe on Knife river—one at the mouth,
another half a mile above, and the third and largest 3 miles from the
mouth. Here the people were found by Lewis and Clark in 1804, and
here they remained until 1837, when the scourge of smallpox fell and
many of the people perished, the survivors uniting in a single village.
About 1845 the Hidatsa and a part of the Mandan again migrated up
the Missouri, and established a village 30 miles by land and 60 miles
by water above their old home, within what is now Fort Berthold res-
ervation. Their population has apparently varied greatly, partly by
198 THE SIOUAN INDIANS [ern ANN. 15
reason of the ill definition of the tribe by different enumerators, partly
by reason of the inroads of smallpox. In 1890 they numbered 522.
The Crow people are known by the Hidatsa as Kiliatsa (They-refused-
the-paunch), according to Matthews; and Dorsey points out that their
own name, Absaruke, does not mean ‘* crow,” but refers to a variety of
hawk. Lewis and Clark found the tribe in four bands. In 1817 Brown
located them on Yellowstone river. In 1829 they were described by
Porter as ranging along Yellowstone river on the eastern side of the
Rocky mountains, and numbered at 4,000; while in 1854, according to
Drake, they occupied the southern branch of the Yellowstone, about
the fortysixth parallel and one hundred and fifth meridian, with a
population of 4,500. In 1842 their number was estimated at 4,000, and
they were described as inhabiting the headwaters of the Yellowstone.
They have since been duly gathered on the Crow reservation in Mon-
tana, and are slowly adopting civilization. In 1890 they numbered
OSs
THE EASTERN AND SOUTHERN TRIBES
The history of the Monakan, Catawba, Sara, Pedee, and Santee, and
incidentally that of the Biloxi, has been carefully reviewed in a recent
publication by Mooney,! and does not require repetition.
GENERAL MOVEMENTS
On reviewing the records of explorers and pioneers and the few tra-
ditions which have been preserved, the course of Siouan migration and
development becomes clear. In general the movements were westward
and northwestward. The Dakota tribes have not been traced far,
though several of them, like the Yanktonnai, migrated hundreds of
miles from the period of first observation to the end of the eighteenth
century; then came the Mandan, according to their tradition, and as
they ascended the Missouri left traces of their occupancy scattered
over 1,000 miles of migration; next the Gegiha descended the Ohio
and passed from the cis-Mississippi forests over the trans-Mississippi
plains—the stronger branch following the Mandan, while the lesser at
first descended the great river and then worked up the Arkansas into
the buffalo country until checked and diverted by antagonistic tribes.
So also the yoiwe’re, first recorded near the Mississippi, pushed 300
miles westward; while the Winnebago gradually emigrated from the
region of the Great Lakes into the trans-Mississippi country even
before their movements were affected by contact with white men. In
like manner the Hidatsa are known to have flowed northwestward
many scores of miles; and the Asiniboin swept more rapidly across the
plains from the place of their rebellion against the Yanktonnai, on the
Mississippi, before they found final resting place on the Saskatchewan
1Siouan Tribes of the East, 1894.
MC GEE] SIOUAN MIGRATIONS 199
plains 500 or 800 miles away. All of the movements were consistent
and, despite intertribal friction and strife, measurably harmonious. The
lines of movement, so far as they can be restored, are in full accord
with the lines of linguistic evolution traced by Hale and Dorsey and
Gatschet, and indicate that some five hundred or possibly one thousand
years ago the tribesmen pushed over the Appalachians to the Ohio and
followed that stream and its tributaries to the Mississippi (though there
are faint indications that some of the early emigrants ascended the
northern tributaries to the region of the Great Lakes); and that the
human flood gained volume as it advanced and expanded to cover
the entire region of the plains. The records concerning the movement
of this great human stream find support in the manifest reason for the
movement; the reason was the food quest by which all primitive men
are led, and its end was the abundant fauna of the prairieland, with the
buffalo at its head.
While the early population of the Sionan stock, when first the hunts-
men crossed the Appalachians, may not be known, the lines of migra-
tion indicate that the people increased and multiplied amain during
their long journey, and that their numbers culminated, despite external
conflict and internal strife, about the beginning of written history,
when the Siouan population may have been 100,000 or more. Then
came war against the whites and the still more deadly smallpox,
whereby the vigorous stock was checked and crippled and the popula-
tion gradually reduced; but since the first shock, which occurred at
different dates in different parts of the great region, the Siouan people
have fairly held their own, and some branches are perhaps gaining in
strength.
SOME FEATURES OF INDIAN SOCIOLOGY
* As shown by Powell, there are two fundamentally distinct classes or
stages in human society—(1) tribal society and (2) national society.
National society characterizes civilization; primarily it is organized on
a territorial basis, but as enlightenment grows the bases are multi-
plied. Tribal society is characteristic of savagery and barbarism; so
far as known, all tribal societies are organized on the basis of kinship.
The transfer from tribal society to national society is often, perhaps
always, through feudalism, in which the territorial motive takes root
and in which the kinship motive withers.
All of the American aborigines north of Mexico and most of those
farther southward were in the stage of tribal society when the conti-
nents were discovered, though feudalism was apparently budding in
South America, Central America, and parts of Mexico, The partly
developed transitional stage may, for the present, be neglected, and
American Indian sociology may be considered as representing tribal
society or kinship organization.
200 THE SIOUAN INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 15
The fundamental principles of tribal organization through kinship
have been formulated by Powell; they are as follows:
I. A body of kindred constituting a distinet body politic 1s divided into groups,
the males into groups of brothers and the females into groups of sisters, on distine-
tions of generations, regardless of degrees of consanguinity; and the kinship terms
used express relative age. In civilized society kinships are classified on distinctions
of sex, distinctions of generations, and distinctions arising from degrees of consan_
guinity.
II. When descent is in the female line, the brother-group consists of natal brothers,
together with all the materterate male cousins of whatever degree. Thus mother’s
sisters’ sons and mother’s mother’s sisters’ daughters’ sons, ete, are included in a
group with natal brothers. In like manner the sister-group is composed of natal
sisters, together with all materterate female cousins of whatever degree,
Ill. When descent is in the male line, the brother-group is composed of natal
brothers, together with all patruate male cousins of whatever degree, and the sister-
group is composed of natal sisters, together with all patruate female cousins of
whatever degree.
IV. The son of a member of a brother-group calls each one of the group, father;
the father of a member of a brother-group calls each one of the group, son. Thus a
father-group is coextensive with the brother-group to which the father belongs. A
brother-group may also constitute a father-group and grandfather-gronp, a son-
group and a grandson-group. It may also be a patruate-group and an avunculate-
group. It may also be a patruate cousin-group and an avunculate cousin-group;
and in general, every member of a brother-group has the same consanguineal relation
to persons outside of the group as that of every other member.
Two postulates concerning primitive society, adopted by various eth-
nologic students of other countries, have been erroneously applied to
the American aborigines; at the same time they have been so widely
accepted as to demand consideration.
The first postulate is that primitive men were originally assembled
in chaotic hordes, and that organized society was developed out of the
chaotic mass by the segregation of groups and the differentiation of
functions within each group. Now the American aborigines collect-
ively represent a wide range in development, extending from a condi-
tion about as primitive as ever observed well toward the verge of
feudalism, and thus offer opportunities for testing the postulate; and
it has been found that when higher and lower stages representing any
portion of the developmental succession are compared, the social organ-
izations of the lower grade are no less definite, perhaps more definite,
than those pertaining to the higher grade; so that when the history of
demotic growth among the American Indians is traced backward, the
organizations are found on the whole to grow more definite, albeit more
simple. When the lines of development revealed through research are
projected still farther toward their origin, they indicate an initial con-
dition, directly antithetic to the postulated horde, in which the scant
population was segregated in small discrete bodies, probably family
groups; and that in each of these bodies there was a definite organiza-
tion, while each group was practically independent of, and probably
'Tlrird Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, for 1881-82 (1884), pp. xliv-xlv.
MCGEE] BEGINNING OF MARRIAGE 201
inimical to, all other groups. The testimony of the observed institu-
tions is corroborated by the testimony of language, which, as clearly
shown by Powell.' represents progressive combination rather than con-
tinued differentiation, a process of involution rather than evolution.
It would appear that the original definitely organized groups occasion-
ally met and coalesced, whereby changes in organization were required;
that these compound groups occasionally coalesced with other groups,
both simple and compound, whereby they were elaborated in structure,
always with some loss in definiteness and permanence; and that grad-
ually the groups enlarged by incorporation, while the composite organ-
ization grew complex and variable to meet the ever-changing condi-
tions. It would also appear that in some cases the corporeal growth
outran the structural or institutional growth, when the bodies—clans,
gentes, tribes, or confederacies—split into two or more fragments which
continued to grow independently; yet that in general the progress of
institutional development went forward through incorporation of peoples
and differentiation of institutions. The same process was followed as
tribal society passed into national society; and it is the same process
which is today exalting national society into world society, and trans-
forming simple civilization into enlightenment. Thus the evolution of
social organization is from the simple and definite toward the complex
and variable; or from the involuntary to the voluntary; or from the
environment-shaped to the environment-shaping; or from the biotic to
the demotie.
The second postulate, which may be regarded as a corollary of the
first, is that the primary conjugal condition was one of promiscuity,
out of which different forms of marriage were successively segregated.
Now the wide range in institutional development exemplified by the
American Indians affords unprecedented opportunities for testing this
postulate also, The simplest demotie unit found among the aborigines
is the clan or mother-descent group, in which the normal conjugal rela-
tion is essentially monogamous,” in which marriage is more or less
strictly regulated by a system of prohibitions, and in which the chief
conjugal regulation is commonly that of exogamy with respect to the
clan; in higher groups, more deeply affected by contact with neighbor-
ing peoples, the simple clan organization is sometimes found to be
modified, (1) by the adoption and subsequent conjugation of captive
men and boys, and, doubtless more profoundly, (2) by the adoption
and polygamous marriage of female captives; and in still more highly
organized groups the mother-descent is lost and polygamy is regular
and limited only by the capacity of the husband as a provider. The
second and third stages are commonly characterized, like the first,
\Notably in ‘Relation of primitive peoples to environment, illustrated by American examples,”
Smithsonian Report for 1896, pp. 625-638, especially p. 635.
2Neither space nor present occasion warrants discussion of the curious aphrodisian cults found
among many peoples, usually in the barbaric stage of development; it may be noted merely that this
isan aberrant branch from the main stem of institutional growth. The subject is touched briefly in
“The beginning of marriage,’’ American Anthropologist, vol. 1x, pp. 371-383, Nov., 1896.
902 THE SIOUAN INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 15
by established prohibitions and by clan exogamy; though with the
advance in organization amicable relations with certain other groups
are usually established, whereby the germ of tribal organization is
implanted and a system of interclan marriage, or tribal eudogamy, is
developed. With further advance the mother-descent group is trans-
formed into a father-descent group, when the clan is replaced by the
gens; and polygamy is a common feature of the gentile organization.
In all of these stages the conjugal and consanguineal regulations are
affected by the militant habits characteristic of primitive groups; more
warriors than women are slain in battle, and there are more female
captives than male; and thus the polygamy is mainly or wholly
polygyny. In many cases civil conditions combine with or partially
replace the militant conditions, yet the tendency of conjugal develop-
ment is not changed. Among the Seri Indians, probably the most
prinitive tribe in North America, in which the demotie unit is the
clan, there is a rigorous marriage custom under which the would-be
groom is required to enter the family of the girl and demonstrate (1)
his capacity as a provider and (2) his strength of character as a man,
by a year’s probation, before he is finally accepted—the conjugal the-
ory of the tribe being monogamy, though the practice, at least during
recent years, has, by reason of conditions, passed into polygyny.
Among several other tribes of more provident and less exclusive habit,
the first of the two conditions recognized by the Seri is met by rich
presents (representing accumulated property) from the groom to the
girl’s family, the second condition being usually ignored, the clan
organization remaining in force; among still other tribes the first con-
dition is more or less vaguely recognized, though the voluntary present
is commuted into, or replaced by, a negotiated value exacted by the
gil’s family, when the mother-descent is commonly vestigial; and in
the next stage, which is abundantly exemplified, wife-purchase pre-
vails, and the clan is replaced by the gens. In this sueeession the
development of wife-purchase and the decadence of mother-descent
may be traced, and it is significant that there is a tendency first toward
partial enslavement of the wife and later toward the multiplication of
wives to the limit of the husband’s means, and toward transforming
all, or all but one, of the wives into menials. Thus the lines of devel-
opment under militant and civil conditions are essentially parallel. It
is possible to project these lines some distance backward into the
unknown of the exceedingly primitive, when they are found to define
small discrete bodies—just such as are indicated by the institutional
and linguistic lines—probably family groups, which must have been
essentially, and were perhaps strictly, monogamous. It would appear
that in these groups mating was either between distant members
(under a law of attraction toward the remote and repulsion from the
near, which is shared by mankind and the higher animals), or the result
of accidental meeting between nubile members of different groups;
that in the second case and sometimes in the first the conjugation
MC GEE] CLASSIFICATION OF TRIBAL SOCIETY 203
produced a new monogamic family; and that sometimes in the first case
(and possibly in the second) the new group retained a more or less
definite connection with the parent group—this connection constituting
the germ of the clan. In passing, if may be noted merely that this
inferential origin of the lines of institutional development is in accord
with the habits of certain higher and incipiently organized animals.
From this hypothetic beginning, primitive marriage may be traced
through the various observed stages of monogamy and polygamy and
concubinage and wife-subordination, through savagery and barbarism
and into civilization, with its curious combination of exoteric monog-
amy and esoteric promiscuity. Fortunately the burden of the proof
of this evolution does not now rest wholly on the evidence obtained
among the American aborigines; for Westermarek has recently re-
viewed the records of observation among the primitive peoples of many
lands, and has found traces of the same sequence in all.!’ Thus the
evolution of marriage, like that of other human institutions, is from
the simple and definite to the complex and variable; i. e., from approx-
imate or complete monogamy through polygamy to a mixed status of
undetermined signification; or from the mechanical to the spontaneous;
or from the involuntary to the voluntary; or from the provincial to the
cosmopolitan.
As implied in several foregoing paragraphs, and as clearly set forth
in various publications by Powell, tribal society falls into two classes
or stages—(1) clan organization and (2) gentile organization, these
stages corresponding respectively to savagery and barbarism, strictly
defined.
At the time of discovery, most of the American Indians were in the
upper stages of savagery and the lower stages of barbarism, as defined
by organization; among some tribes descent was reckoned in the female
line, though definite matriarchies have not been discovered; among
several tribes descent was and still is reckoned in the male line, and
among all of the tribes thus far investigated the patriarchal system is
found.
In tribal society, both clan and gentile, the entire social structure is
based on real or assumed kinship, and a large part of the demotie
devices are designed to establish, perpetuate, and advertise kinship
relations. As already indicated, the conspicuous devices in order of
development are the taboo with the prohibitions growing out of it,
kinship nomenclature and regulations, and a system of ordination by
which incongruous things are brought into association.
Among the American Indians the taboo and derivative prohibitions
are used chiefly in connection with marriage and clan or gentile organ-
ization. Marriage in the clan or gens is prohibited; among many tribes
a vestige of the inferential primitive condition is found in the curious
1The History of Human Marriage (London, 1891), especially chapters iv-vi, xiii-xv, xx-xxii.
204 THE SIOUAN INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 15
prohibition of communications between children-in-law and parents-in-
law; the clan taboos are commonly connected with the tutelar beast-
god, perhaps represented by a totem.
The essential feature of the kinship terminology is the reckoning
from ego, whereby each individual remembers his own relation to every
other member of the clan or tribe; and commonly the kinship terms
are classifie rather than descriptive (i. e.,a single term expresses the
relation which in English is expressed by the phrase “My elder
brother’s second son’s wife”). The system is curiously complex and
elaborate. It was not discovered by the earlier and more superficial
observers of the Indians, and was brought out chiefly by Morgan, who
detected numerous striking examples among different tribes; but it
would appear that the system is not equally complete among all of the
tribes, probably because of immature development in some cases and
because of decadence in others.
The system of ordination, like that of kinship, is characterized by
reckoning from the ego and by adventitious associations. It may have
been developed from the kinship system through the need for recogni-
tion and assignment of adopted captives, collective property, and other
things pertaining to the group; yet it bears traces of influence by the
taboo system. Its ramifications are wide: In some cases it emphasizes
kinship by assigning members of the family group to fixed positions
about the camp-fire or in the house; this function develops into the
placement of family groups in fixed order, as exemplified in the Iro-
quoian long-house and the Siouan camping circle; or it develops into a
curiously exaggerated direction-concept culminating in the cult of the
Four Quarters and the Here, and this prepares the way for a quinary,
decimal, and vigesimal numeration; this last branch sends off another
in which the cult of the Six Quarters and the Here arises to prepare
the way for the mystical numbers 7, 13, and 7x7, whose vestiges come
down to civilization; both the four-quarter and the six-quarter associa-
tions are sometimes bound up with colors; and there are numberless
other ramifications. Sometimes the function and development of these
curious concepts, which constitute perhaps the most striking charac-
teristic of prescriptorial culture, are obscure at first glance, and hardly
to be discovered even through prolonged research; yet, so far as they
have been detected and interpreted, they are especially adapted to fix-
ing demotic relations; and through them the manifold relations of indi-
viduals and groups are crystallized and kept in mind.
Thus the American Indians, including the Siouan stock, are made up
of families organized into clans or gentes, and combined in tribes,
sometimes united in confederacies, all on a basis of kinship, real or
assumed; and the organization is shaped and perpetuated by a series
of devices pertaining to the plane of prescriptorial culture, whereby
each member of the organization is constantly reminded of his position
in the group.
SEOULAN SOCTOLOG Y
A POSTHUMOUS PAPER BY
JAMES OWEN DORSEY
In 1871, at the age of 23, James Owen Dorsey, previously a student
of divinity with a predilection for science, was ordained a deacon of
the Protestant Episcopal church by the bishop of Virginia; and in May
of that year he was sent to Dakota Territory as a missionary among
the Ponka Indians. Characterized by an amiability that quickly won
the confidence of the Indians, possessed of unbounded enthusiasm,
and gifted with remarkable aptitude in discriminating and imitating
vocal sounds, he at once took up the study of the native language,
and, during the ensuing two years, familiarized himself with the
Ponka and cognate dialects; at the same time he obtained a rich
fund of information concerning the arts, institutions, traditions, and
beliefs of the Indians with whom he was brought into daily contact.
In August, 1873, his field work was interrupted by illness, and he
returned to his home in Maryland and assumed parish work, meantime
continuing his linguistic studies. In July, 1878, he was induced by
Major Powell to resume field researches among the aborigines, and
repaired to the Omaha reservation, in Nebraska, under the auspices of
the Smithsonian Institution, where he greatly increased his stock of
linguistic and other material. When the Bureau of Ethnology was
instituted in 1879, his services were at once enlisted, and the remainder
of his life was devoted to the collection and publication of ethnologic
material, chiefly linguistic. Although most of his energies were devoted
to the Siouan stock, he studied also the Athapascan, Kusan, Takilman,
and Yakonan stocks; and while his researches were primarily linguistic,
his collections relating to other subjects, especially institutions and
beliefs, were remarkably rich. His publications were many, yet the
greater part of the material amassed during his years of labor remains
for elaboration by others. The memoir on “Siouan Sociology,” which
was substantially ready for the press, is the only one of his many manu-
seripts left in condition for publication. He died in Washington,
February 4, 1895, of typhoid fever, at the early age of 47.
WwW J M.
207
ALPHABET
a, as in father. y (in Dakota), after a vowel has the sound
‘a, an initially exploded a. of n in the French bon, See™.
i, as in what, or as o in not. fl, as ng in sing.
‘1, an initially exploded i. hn, its initial sonnd is expelled from the
ii, as in hat. nostrils and is scarcely heard.
c, as shin she. Sees. 0, as in no. ;
9, a medial sh, a sonant-surd. ‘o, an initially exploded o.
é (Dakota letter), as ch in church. d, a medial b or p, a sonant-surd.
¢, as thin thin. p’, an exploded p.
5, a medial ¢, sonant-surd, q, as German ch inach. See h.
¢, as th in the. s, a medial z or s, a sonant-surd.
e, as in they. 8 (in Dakota), as sh in she. Seec.
‘e, an initially exploded e. 4, a medial d or t, a sonant-surd.
é, as in get. t’, an exploded t.
‘G, an initially exploded é. u, as 00 in tool.
g, as in go. ‘au, an initially exploded u.
& (in Dakota), gh. See x. ii, as 00 in foot.
y (in Osage), an h after a pure or nasal- | u, a sound between o and u.
ized vowel, expelled through the mouth | ii, as in German kiihl, siiss.
with the lips wide apart. x, gh, or nearly the Arabic ghain. See &.
h (in Dakota), kh, ete. See q. z (in Dakota), as zin azure. See j.
i, as in machine. dj, as j in judge.
‘i, an initially exploded i. te, as ch in church. See ¢.
i, as in pin. te’, an exploded te.
j, as 2 in azure, or as j in the French | 40, a medial te, a sonant-surd.
Jacques. ts’, an exploded ts.
y, a medial k, a sonant-surd. 4s, a medial ts, a sonant-surd.
k’, an exploded k. See next letter. ai, as in aisle.
k (in Dakota), an exploded k. au, as ow in how.
tw (in Kansa), amedialm,asound between | yu, as u in tune, or ew in few.
mand b.
The following have the ordinary English sounds: b, d, h, k, 1, m,n,
p, T, 8, t, Ww, y, and z A superior n (") after a vowel (compare the Da-
kota )) has the sound of the French n in bon, vin, ete. A plus sign (+)
after any letter prolongs it.
The vowels ‘a, ‘e, 4, ‘o, ‘u, and their modifications are styled initially
exploded vowels for want of a better appellation, there being in each
case an initial explosion. These vowels are approximately or partially
pectoral sounds found in the Siouan languages and also in some of the
languages of western Oregon and in the language of the Hawaiian
islands.
208
CONTENTS
Page
Generaliteatnresofsorpanizaul Olen seep sence sel ae cise sealers chia ee sie eae 213
The Dakota tribes. .---...---.- BGA EO OD Se ScCS EE SORES Oo SEBS oe aoe ea ie 215
Desicnationandanodecioficamping sae- 2-2 ee = eee Sa Sen eee ea ae 215
TY aYEV I Wa ERT CUETO TO UP VU PP eS ee 215
ThenWiag pe-kute= osc J-~ 2c sce scisceoe ceteris cesaa sere cccs se asacccesete 216
Rh eaWaci pesto sweet OMNVia hpebOmrn sis rericta\ayeieie staeitsiacis mera sataetacate ere ta= 216
SLOP SisitORwa Or SissetOMes ce)! sis sss) oso sje cre e'mso Soler sis sis Si=i ole =,c¥eeleie oo secicle.s 216
hhoplanktoawalzvorsvanktonl. ose mistslec cee eee ee mies es cert co cee ene ae 217
Mheywhanitorwaln aor ank tonal =seevsee ssa oeeiess cece ee eee se ersee ee 217
MH OwibOLwatOLwhe LOM eee. a Meme ccc e mine cisteracinicinstae aol ce cise cleiece ee 218
Tee ali ATS} 0 eran ee OB ciara ces eens ERE Sere oer te Resi cee ee 218
SRN OMS UGCA UR a ee rein oa sinsn eersisete ele sie cieciers fein a = alcin\sersieise cee see SSieie se 218
ANNG EWAN SOD, 565 ss GhG6 abance sno a copa eco eeouS See eign ee OSCR USAArEne 219
Mhersiba-cap mor blackteetwe-s sssece =e se == <eeloes siseiiasieie oss ee 219
(RheyMinikoojWeaaseat ee esate erste ce eis ace e@ee es isjacia cee nich evice sess 220
LEO ohesnOnp aor ih wOPAe ublese sje eecealoey- Sela vesieeteeseie a lero aie oF 220
EIN) or] ai epee ee eve Meas asl yaoie ore pneere scm mie minjale min lalaye(siciotsinweieieisds sia 220
imhesdonik pap aeeeeece see ee cease ne Ses ese neon ee aks se ve cess 221
MAkotaysoclalecushOmSyems.. 522 soles ees ene ee menos oe ee oe rere n eee ee 221
PMHEVAS IN UDO se ena ai eena cise s ces ctee cm cies. cee caren oaie ne eoeusines Se nes elas secre 222
PLhe OMAN ai soseeisece ce camels esicncce oe 226
The Ponka.-.- 228
AND QUIET? GRU A De ee SoS ese Sane aos BD SSe a Baeaoo BSS Seana Oe Comme aeere 229
Mheulkan zeloriSanSarmaseoss jos sate eine oes esas aiersaisies eres Jeena eee 230
4S) OS EYGG) SBR ccabeo 5556 SESE SEHOAE Bees SSeS cess Cope Ree See SOpaSe Aa EASE aBe sear 23
TNO IONE ese S Bette chs as ops aes Se re SERS st a em Pe 238
PIN ERO LO me eiare een tee aveiace es ees oe as raj tepa sees Se Si akiis aire eaeBoeeeemnises 240
PLN OENUG- tt UCLOTs MISSOWL acl — stare cans ste see ainisigjaniae ciclo viele iets <ateiwia's cicteictenies 240
MieyHotcan pare OreWinne DAG Oe mcat Meee ate eee eee eesccr saeetn =e 240
ADs ITO Na ae eS ee ey oe eee ee eee eS 241
slilyephti dats treme: Sette ro Pees wn cen e nee eI Ae ae ieee’ Exim seee re mmc s 242
PVEL ORO WROTFAIDSATOcaiey-. ce soc cyst, rete elaine mice ners materia eieises sisiebeeicie seen arene 243
eliep Silo xierem oka eer: Se tsa Sees Seen oe eee Ase eh Nissi ates steer ne Se 243
Bilregi ute] Ome ms Sas se ees pects nae oie yea. aie ea cians fofnom a cisigoroms ce eelneeciees 244
POLO RGR WA ie Se ces Se mernce cee.o aa See em ASR SRE eee epee cecemmwes siaa.e 244
15 BYrH—14
UES Te ASL OUNGsS
Page
FIGURE 30. Sisseton and Wahpeton camping circle. ......-- SE eR aCE oLeeoS 216
Slee SISSOLOMLCATN PUNO CIRC] Oia heist ata) satan intitle eleanor 217
Ge) Sion Crp yee @ite O)Wa a espe saceesecnsos SoSDeU peace Seserooee 219
Say Oveiey Garon Ot baa a5 cae eoeoceese esac spor eecees Bee eeo ceo= 221
Se Oma ai CAM PIN OF CICLO se eee leer eee ala = eiatenae ee == ten 226
Spe inke-sabepentilevassembly,. = <<. sc 22 nels ome serie selmi sim === == = 227
Sosbon Kalcam pin Oye Ne] Operas seis a staat ae a inlet ate laate=lam otal l= at 228
Bile Uiritiytnriny ona vee@ io Gis e eos Secs cesses adem GOED pesarees Beaaeraesosc 230
88. Osage camping circle.....-....----25 2-2-2202 222222 eee eens = ee 233
PLOUsINT SOCIOlnOGN
By JAMES OWEN DORSEY
GENERAL FEATURES OF ORGANIZATION
In the study of the organization of societies, units of different orders
are discovered. Among the tribes of the Siouan family the primary
unit is the clan or gens, which is composed of a number of consan-
guinei, claiming descent from a common ancestor and having common
taboos; the term clan implying descent in the female line, while gens
implies descent in the male line. Among the Dakota, as among the
(egiha and other groups, the man is the head of the family.
Several of the Siouan tribes are divided into two, and one (the
Osage) is divided into three subtribes, Other tribes are composed of
phratries, and each subtribe or phratry comprises a number of gentes.
In some tribes each gens is made up of subgentes, and these in turn
of a lower order of groups, which are provisionally termed sections tor
want of a better designation. The existence of these minor groups
among the Omaha has been disputed by some, though other members
of the tribe claim that they are real units of the lowest order. Among
the Teton many groups which were originally sections have become
gentes, for the marriage laws do not affect the original phratries,
gentes, and subgentes.
The state, as existing among the Siouan tribes, may be termed a
kinship state, in that the governmental functions are performed by
men whose offices are determined by kinship, and in that the rules
relating to kinship and reproduction constitute the main body of the
recognized law. By this law marriage and the mutual rights and
duties of the several members of each body of kindred are regulated.
Individuals are held responsible chiefly to their kindred; and certain
groups of kindred are in some cases held responsible to other groups
of kindred. When other condnet, such as the distribution of game
taken in the forest or fish from the waters, is regulated, the rules or
laws pertaining thereto involve, to a certain extent, the considerations
of kinship.
213
214 SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY (ern. ANN. 15
The legislative, executive, and judicative functions have not been
difterentiated in Indian society as found among the Siouan groups.
Two tendencies or processes of opposite character have been observed
among the tribes, viz, consolidation and segregation. The effects of
consolidation are conspicuous among the Omaha, Kansa, Osage, and
Oto, while segregation has affected the social organization among the
Kansa, Ponka, and Teton, There have been instances of emigration
from one tribe to another of the same linguistic family; and among the
Dakota new gentes have been formed by the adoption into the tribe of
foreigners, i. e., those of a different stock.
Two classes of organization are found in the constitution of the
state, viz, (1) major organizations, which relate directly to government,
and (2) minor organizations, which relate only indirectly to govern-
ment. The former embraces the state functionaries, the latter com-
prises corporations.
Although the state functionaries are not clearly differentiated, three
classes of such men have been recognized: chiefs, policemen or sol-
diers, and young men or “the common people.” The chiefs are the
civil and religicus leaders of the masses; the policemen are the serv-
ants of the chiefs; the young men are such as have not distinguished
themselves in war or in any other way. These last have 10 voice in
the assembly, which is composed of the chiefs alone. Among the
Omaha there is no military class, yet there is a war element which is
regulated by the Elk gens. The (ixida gens and part of the Nika-
daona gens of the Ponka tribe are considered to be the warriors of the
tribe, though members of other gentes have participated in war. In
the Kansa tribe two gentes, the Large Hatga and the Small Hanga,
form the phratry connected with war, though warriors did not neces-
sarily belong to those gentes alone. In the Osage camping circle all
the gentes on the right side are war gentes, but the first and second,
reckoning from the van, are the soldiers or policemen; while all the
gentes camping on the left are associated with peace, though their first
and second gentes, reckoning from the van, are policemen or soldiers,
Among the Omaha both officers and warriors must be taken from the
class of ‘young men,” as the chiefs are afraid to act as leaders in war;
and among both the Omaha and the Ponka the chiefs, being the civil
and religious leaders of the people, can not serve as captains, or even
as members, of an ordinary war party, though they may fight when
the whole tribe engages in war. Among the Dakota, however, chiefs
have led in time of war.
Corporations among the Siouan tribes are minor organizations, indi-
rectly related to the government, though they do not constitute a part
of it. The Omaha, for instance, and perhaps other tribes of the family,
are organized into certain societies for religious, industrial, and other
ends. There are two kinds of societies, the brotherhoods and the
feasting Organizations. The former are the dancing societies, to some
of which the physicians belong.
DORSEY] THE MDEWAKA*TO*wa’ 215
Social classes are undifferentiated. Any man can win a name and
rank in the section, gens, phratry, tribe, or nation by bravery in war or
by generosity in the bestowal of presents and the frequent giving of
feasts. While there are no slaves among the Siouan tribes, there are
several kinds of servants in civil, military, and religious affairs.
THE DAKOTA TRIBES
DESIGNATION AND MODE OF CAMPING
The Dakota call themselves Otceti cakowi" (Oceti Sakowin'), The
Seven Fireplaces or Council-fires. This designation refers to their
original gentes, the Mdewaka"to"wa" (Mdewakay-toyway), Waqpe-
kute (Walipe-kute), Waqpe-to"wa" (Walipetoy way), Sisito"wa® (Sisitoy-
way), Thank to"wa™ (Lhaynktoyway), LThank-to"watna (Lhayktoywayna),
and Tito®wa" (Titoyway). They camped in two sets of concentric cir-
cles, one of four circles, consisting probably of the Mdewaka*to"wa®,
Wagqpe-kute, Waqpe-to"wa" and Sisito"wa"; and the other of three cir-
cles, including the Ihankto"wa", Ihankto"watna, and Tito wa", as shown
by the dialectal resemblances and variations as well as by the relative
positions of their former habitats.
THE MDEWAKASTON Wa’
The Mdewaka"to"wa" were so called from their former habitat, Mde-
waka", or Mysterious Jake, commonly called ‘Spirit lake, one of the
Mille Lacs in Minnesota. The whole name means Mysterious Lake
village, and the term was used by De V’Isle as early as 1703. The
Mdewaka"to"wa" were the original Santee, but the white people, fol-
lowing the usage of the [hankto"wa", [hankto?wa"na, and Tito"wa",
now extend that name to the Waqpekute, Waqpeto"wa®, and Sisito"wa".
The gentes of the Mdewaka"to"wa" are as follows :”
1. Kiyuksa, Breakers (of the law or custom); so called because mem-
bers of this gens disregarded the marriage law by taking wives within
the gens.
2. Qe-mini-tca” (He-mini-éay) or Qemuitca (Hemni¢s ), literally,
“Mountain-water-wood;” so called from a hill covered with timber that
appears to rise out of the water. This was the gens of Red Wing,
whose village was a short distance from Lake Pepin, Minnesota.
3. Kap’oja (Kapoza), Not encumbered-with-much-baggage; “ Light
Infantry.” ‘ Kaposia, or Little Crow’s village,” in Minnesota, in 1852.
4, Maxa-yute-eni (Maga-yute-sni), Hats-no-geese.
5. Qeyata-oto"we (Heyata-otonwe), of-its-chief-Hake-wacte (Hake
waste); Qeyata-to"wa" (Heyata-toyway) of Reverend A. L. Riggs, Vil-
lage-back-from-the-river.
1Wherever in this paper there is a double notation of a Dakota name the former is expressed in the
alphabet of the Bureau of Ethnology and the latter in that of Dr S. R. Riggs, author of the memoirs
in Contributions to North American Ethnology, vols. Vil and 1x.
2S. R. Riggs, in Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, vol. Iv, p. xvi, 1852, and in Contributions
to North Amorican Ethnology, vol. 1x.
216 SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY (ETH. ANN. 15
6. Oyate-citca (Oyate siéa), Bad nation.
7. Titta-oto®we (Tinta-otonwe), of Hake-wacte, or Timta to®wa® (Tinta-
toywal) of A. L. Riggs, Village on-the-prairie (tinta).
These seven gentes still exist, or did exist as late as 1880,
THE WAQPE-KUTE
The name waqpe-kute is derived from waqpe (walipe), leaf, and kute,
to shoot at, and signifies Shooters-among-the-leaves, i. e., among the
deciduous trees, as distinguished from Wazi-kute, Shooters-at-or-among-
the-pines. The gentes exist, but their names have not been recorded.
THE WAQPE-TOSWAS OR WAHPETON
The name of this people signifies Village-among-the-leaves (of decid-
uous trees), the gens being known to the whites as Leaf Village or
Wahpeton. The gentes of this people, as given in 1884 by Reverend
Edward Ashley, are the following:
13, Inya"-teeyaka-ato"wa" (Inyan-ée-
yaka-atoyway), Village-at-the-dam or-
rapids.
14, Takapsin-to"wa'na (Takapsin-ton-
wanna), Village-at-the-shinny-ground.
15. Wiyaka-otina, Dwellers-on-the-sand
(wiyaka).
16, Oteqi-ato"wa® (Otelii-atoy way), Vil-
lage-in-the-thicket (otelii).
17. Wita-otina, Dwellers-on-the-island
(wita).
FIG. 30—Sisseton and Wahpeton camping 18. Wakpa-ato"wa" (Wakpa-atoyway),
gree Village-on-the-river.
19. Tea®-kaxa-otina (Can-kaga-otina), Dwellers-in-log (-huts?).
The numbers prefixed to the names of these gentes denote their
respective places in the camping circle of the Sisseton and Wahpeton,
as shown in figure 30,
THE SISITONWAN OR SISSETON
It is evident that the Sisseton were formerly in seven divisions, the
Wita-waziyata-otina and the Ohdihe being counted as one; the Bas-
detce-eni and Itokaq-tina as another; the Kaqmi-ato®wa®, Maniti, and
Keze as a third, and the Tizapta" and Okopeya as a fifth. When only
a part of the tribe journeyed together, the people camped in the follow-
ing manner: The Amdo-wapuskiyapi pitched their tents between the
west and north, the Wita-waziyata-otina between the north and east,
the Itokaq-tina between the east and south, and the Kap’oja between
the south and west. The following are the Sisseton gentes (figure 31):
1. Wita-waziyata-otina, Village-at-the-north-island.
DORSEY] SISSETON, YANKTON, AND YANKTONAI 217
2. Ohdihe (from ohdiha®, to fall into an object endwise). This gens
is an offshoot of the Wita-waziyata-otina.
3. Basdetce-eni (Basdeée-sni), Do-not-split (the body of a buffalo)-
with-a-knife (but cut it up as they please).
4. Itokaq-tina (Itokali-tina), Dwellers-at-the-south (itokaga). These
are an offshoot of the Basdetce-cni.
5. Kaqmi-ato™wa® (Kalimi-atoy way), Village-at-the-bend (kalimin).
6. Mani-ti, Those-who-camp (ti)-away-from-the-village. An offshoot
of the Kaqmi-ato wa".
7. Keze, Barbed-like-a-fishhook. An offshoot of the Kaqmi-ato"wa",
8. Tea"-kute (Cay kute), Shoot-in-the-woods (among the deciduous
trees); a name of derision. These people, according to Ashley, resem-
ble the Keze, whom he styles a ‘cross clan.”
9. Ti-zapta® (Ti-zaptay), Five-lodges.
10. Okopeya, In-danger. An offshoot of the Ti-zapta*.
11. Kap’oja (Kapoza), Those-who-travel-with-light-burdens. (See
number 3 of the Mdewaka*to"wa".)
12. Amdo-wapuskiyapi, Those-who-lay-
meat-on-their-shoulders (amdo) -to-dry-it
(wapuskiya)-during-the-hunt.
THE IHANKTONWAN OR YANKTON
The Yankton and Yanktonai speak the
Yankton dialect, which has many words
in common with the Teton.
In 1878 Walking Elk wrote the names
of the Yankton gentes in the following
order: 1, Tea"-kute (Oa kute), Shoot-in-
the-woods; 2, Teaxu (Cau), Lights or
lungs; 3, Wakmuha-oi® (Wakmuha o1y), Pumpkin-rind-earring; 4, Iha-
isdaye, Mouth-greasers; 5, Watceu"pa (Waceuypa), Roasters; 6, [kmu"
(Ikmuy), An animal of the cat kind (lynx, panther, or wildcat); 7,
Oyate-citca (Oyate-siéa), Bad-nation; 8, Waciteu”-tei"tea (Wasicun-
Gijéa) (a modern addition), Sons-of-white-men, the “‘ Half-blood band.”
But in 1891 Reverend Joseph W. Cook, who has been missionary to
the Yankton since 1870, obtained from several men the following order
of gentes (ignoring the halt-bloods): On the right side of the circle
were, 1, Iha isdaye; 2, Wakmuha-oi"; 3, Ikmu". On the left side of
the circle were, 4, Watceu"pa; 5, Tca*-kute; 6, Oyate-citca; and, 7,
Teaxu.
Fic, 31—Sisseton camping circle.
THE IHANKTONWANNA OR YANKTONAI
The Yanktonai are divided into the Upper and Lower Yanktonai,
the latter being known as the Hunkpatina, Those-camping-at-one-end
(or ‘“horn”)-of-the-tribal-circle.
218 SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY (ETH. ANN. 15
The Upper Yanktonai gentes are as follows: 1, Tea*-ona (Car) ona),
Shoot-at-trees, or Wazi-kute, Shooters-among-the-pines; from these the
Ho-he or Asiniboin have sprung. 2, Takini, Improved-in-condition
(as a lean animal or a poor man). 3, Cikcitecena (Siksi¢ena), Bad-ones-of-
different-sorts. 4, Bakiho" (Bakihoy), Gash-themselves-with-knives.
5, Kiyuksa, Breakers (of the law or custom); see Mdewaka"to®wa®
genus number 1. 6, Pa-baksa, Cut-heads; some of these are on Deyils
Lake reservation, North Dakota. 7, Name forgotten.
The following are the gentes of the Lower Yanktonai, or Hunkpatina:
1, Pute-temini, Sweat-lips; the gens of Maxa-bomdu or Drifting Goose.
2, Ci-iktceka (Suy ikéeka), Common dogs. 3, Taquha-yuta (Taliuha-
yuta), EKat-the-scrapings-of-hides. 4, Sa"-ona (San-ona), Shot-at-some-
white-object; this name originated from killing an albino buffalo; a
Hunkpapa chief said that refugees or strangers from another tribe
were so called. 5, Iha-ca (Iha-Sa), Red-lips. 6, Ite-xu (Ite-gu), Burned-
face. 7, Pte-yute-cni (Pte-yute-Ssni), Eat-no-buffalo-cows.
THE TITONWAN OR TETON
TRIBAL DIVISIONS
The Teton are divided into seven tribes, which were formerly gentes.
These are the Sitca"xu (Si¢angu), Itazipteo (Itazipéo), Siha-sapa, Mini-
kooju (Minikoozu), Oohe-no"pa (Oohe-noypa), Oglala, and Hunkpapa.
THE SITCASXU
The Sitca"xu, Bois Brulés or Burned Thighs, are divided locally into
(1) Qeyata-witeaca (Heyata wiéasa), People-away-from-the-river, the
Highland or Upper Brulé, and (2) the Kud (Kuta or Kuta) -witcaca,
the Lowland or Lower Brulé. The Sitca"xu are divided socially into
gentes, of which the number has increased in recent years. The fol-
lowing names of their gentes were given to the author in 1880 by
Tatanka-waka", Mysterious Buftalo-bull: 1, Lyak’oza (Tyakoza), Lump
(or wart) -on-a-horse’s-leg. 2, Teoka-towela (Coka-towela), Blue-spot-in-
the- middle. 3, Ciyo-tanka (Siyo-tayka), Large grouse or prairie chicken.
4, Ho-mna, Fish-smellers. 5, Ciyo-subula (Siyo-subula), Sharp-tail
grouse. 6, Ka"xi-yuha (Kangi-yuha). Raven keepers. 7, Pispiza-witcaca
(Pispiza-wicasa), Prairie-dog people. 8, Walexa-u*-woha® (Walega uy
woha1)), Boil-food-with-the-paunch-skin (walega). 9, Wateeu"pa (Wace-
unpa), Roasters. 10, Cawala (Sawala), Shawnee; the descendants of a
Shawnee chief adopted into the tribe. 11, Inankto"wa” (Ihayktonway),
Yankton, so called from their mothers, Yankton women; not an origi-
nal Sitca"xu gens. 12, Naqpaqpa (Nalipalipa), Take-down (their) -leg-
gings (after returning from war). 13, Apewa®-tanka (Apeway tanka),
Big manes (of horses).
In 1884 Reverend W. J. Cleveland sent the author the accompany-
ing diagram (figure 32) and the following list of Sitea"xu gentes, con-
taining names which he said were of very recent origin: 1, Sitea®xu
DORSEY] DIVISIONS OF THE TETON 29:
proper. 2, Kak’exa(Kakega), Making-a-grating-sound. 3a, Hitha?-ct"-
wapa (Hinhay-Sun-wapa), Toward-the-owl-feather, 3b, Cinkaha-nap i"
(Sunkaha napiy), Wears-a-dogskin-around-the-neck. 4, Hi-ha ka"ha®-
ha® wi" (Hi-ha kayhanhay wij), Woman (win) -the-skin (ha) -of-whose-
teeth (hi) -dangles (kayhanhay). 5, Hinku-wanitea (Hujku-waniéa),
Without-a-mother. 6, Miniskuya-kite’u" (Miniskuya kiéu), Wears
salt. Ta, Kiyuksa, Breaks-or-cuts-in-two-his-own (custom, etc; proba-
bly referring to the marriage law; see Mdewaka"to"wa" gens number
1). 7b, Ti-glabu, Drums-in-his-own-lodge. 8, Watceitt"pa (Waéeunpa),
Roasters. 9, Wagluqe (Waglulie), Followers, commonly called loaf-
ers; A. L. Riggs thinks the word means ‘“in-breeders.” 10, Isa yati
(Isanyati), Santee (probably derived from the Mdewaka"to"wa"). 11,
Wagmeza-yuha, Has corn. 12a, Walexa-o"-woha" (Walega-oy-wohay),
Boils-with-the-paunch-skin, 12b, Waqna(Walina), Snorts. 13, Oglala-
it@iteaxa (Oglala-idi¢aga), Makes-himself-an-Oglala. 14, Tiyotcesli
(Tiyoéesli), Dungs-in-the-lodge. 15, Wajaja (Wazaza), Osage (?). 16,
Teska-teitea (Leska-¢inéa), Interpre-
ter’ssons; “half-bloods.” 17,Ohe-no"pa
(Ohe-noypa), Two boilings or kettles.
18, Okaxa-witeaca (Okaga-wiéaSa),
Man-of-the-south.
THE ITAZIPTCO
The Itaziptco (Itazipéo), in full, Ita-
zipa-tcoda® (Itazipa-coday), Without-
bows or Sans Ares, had seven gentes,
according to Waanata" or Charger, in
1880 and 1884: 1, Itaziptco-qtea (Ita-
zipcéo-liéa), Real Itaziptco, also called
Mini-cala (Mini-Sala), Red water. 2,
Cina-Iuta-oi" (Sina-luta-oiy), Scarlet-cloth-earring. 3, Woluta-yuta,
Eat-dried-venison (or buffalo meat) -from-the-hind-quarter. 4, Maz-peg-
naka, Wear (pieces-of) -metal-in-the-hair. 5, Tatanka-teesli (Tatanka-
éesli), Dung-of-a-buffalo bull. 6, Cikeitcela (Siksiéela), Bad-ones-of-
different-kinds. 7, Tiyopa-otea"nu"pa (Tiyopa-oéaynuypa), Smokes-at-
the-entrance-to-the-lodge.
Fig. 32—Sitca"xu camping circle.
THE SIHA-SAPA OR BLACKFEET
The following are the gentes of the Siha-sapa or Blackfeet as given
by Peji or John Grass, in 1880: 1, Siha-sapa-qtca, Real Blackfeet. 2,
Ka*xi-ct-pegnaka (Kangi-suy-pegnaka), Wears-raven-feathers-in-the-
hair. 3, Glagla-hetea (Glagla-heéa), Untidy, slovenly (‘Too lazy to tie
their moccasins”). 4, Wajaje (Wazaze; Kill Eagle’s band; named after
Kill Eagle’s father, who was a Wajaje of the Oglala tribe). 5, Hohe,
Asiniboin. 6, Wamnuxa-oi? (Wamnuga-oin), Shell-ear-pendant. In
1884 Reverend H. Swift obtained the tollowing from Waanata® or
Charger as the true list of Siha-sapa gentes: 1, Ti-zapta® (Ti-zaptay),
220 SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY (ETH. ANN. 15
Five lodges. 2, Siha-sapa-qtca, Real Blackfeet. 3, Hohe, Asiniboin.
4, Ka"xi-citt"-pegnaka (as above). 5, Wajaje (as above). 6, Wamnuxa-
oi" (as above). Mr Swift stated that there was no Siha-sapa division
called Glagla-hetea.
THE MINTKOOJU
In 1880 Tatanka-wanbli, or Buffalo-bull Eagle, gave the author the
names of numbers 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, and 8 of the following list of the
Minikooju (Minikoozu), Minika"ye-woju (Minikayye-wozu), or Minne-
conjou gentes. These were given in 1884, with numbers 4 and 9,
to Reverend H. Swift by No Heart (Cante-waniéa): 1, Unktce-yuta
(Unkée-yuta), Eat-dung. 2, Glagla-hetca (Glagla-heéa), Slovenly. 3,
Cuika-yute-cni (Suyka yute-sni), Eat-no-dogs. 4, Nixe-tanka (Nige-
tanka), Big-belly. 5, Wakpoki®ya® (Wakpokiyyan), Flies-along-the-
ereek (wakpa). 6, I%ya"-ha-oi" (Iyyai-h-oiy), Musselshell-earring. 7,
Cikcitcela (Siksi¢ela), Bad-ones-of-different-sorts. 8, Wagleza-oi",
Watersnake-earring. 9, Wa®-nawexa (Wan-nawega), Broken-arrows.
The Wa"nawexa are nearly extinct.
THE OOHE-NO*PA OR TWO KETTLES
Of the Oohe-no"pa (Oohe-no"pa), Two Boilings or Two Kettles, Char-
ger knew the names of only two gentes, which he gave to Reverend IH.
Swift in 1884, as follows: 1, Oohe-no*pa, Two-boilings. 2, Ma-waqota
(Ma-waliota), Skin-smeared-with-whitish-earth.
THE OGLALA
The first list of Oglala gentes was obtained in 1879 from Reverend
John Robinson and confirmed in 1880 by a member of the tribe. These
gentes are as follows: 1, Payabya, Pushed-aside. 2, Tapicletea (Tapis-
le¢a), Spleen (of an animal). 3, Kiyuksa, Breaks-his-own (marriage
custom), 4, Wajaja (Wazaza. See the Siha-sapa list of gentes). 5,
Ite-citca (Ite-sica), Bad-face, or Oglala-qtea (Oglala-liéa), Real Ovlala.
6, Oyuqpe (Oyulipe); identical with Oiyuqpe of the next list. 7, Wag-
luge (Waglulie), Followers or Loafers. These were probably the
earlier divisions of the Oglala, but by 1884 considerable segregation
had been accomplished, as shown by the following list furnished by
Reverend W. J. Cleveland: 1, Ite-citea (Ite-Si¢a), Bad-face, under
Maqpiya-luta, Scarlet Cloud (‘Red Cloud”). 2, Payabyeya, Pushed-
aside (under Tasuyka-kokipapi, They-fear-even-his-horse; wrongly ren-
dered Man-afraid-of-his-horses). 3, Oyuqpe (Oyulipe), Thrown down
or unloaded. 4, Tapicletca, Spleen (of an animal). 5, Pe-cla (Pe-sla),
Baldhead. 6, Teeq-huha-to" (Celi-huha-toy), Kettle-with-legs. 7,
Wablenitca (Wableniéa), Orphans. 8, Pe-cla-ptcetcela (Pe-Sla-ptecela),
Short-baldhead. 9, Tacnahetca (TaSnaheéa), Gopher. 10, I-wayusota,
Uses-up-by-begging-for, ‘“‘ Uses-up-with-the- mouth.” 11, Waka® (Wa-
kay), Mysterious. 12a, Iglaka-teqila (Iglaka-teliila), Refuses-to-move-
camp. 12b, Ite-citca, Bad-face (as number 1). 13, Ite-citea-eta™ha®
(Ite-siéa-etanhay), ‘ From-bad-face,” Part-of-bad-face. 14, Zuzetea-
kiyaksa (Zuzecéa kiyaksa), Bit-the-snake-in-two. 15, Watceo"pa (Wace-
DORSEY] DIVISIONS OF THE TETON 221
oypa), Roasters. 16, Watcape (Wacape), Stabber. 17, Tiyotcesli
(Tiyocesli), Dungs-in-the-lodge. 18 and 19, Wagluge, Followers or
Loafers. 20, Oglala, Scattered-her-own. 21, Ieska-tei*tea (leska-
éinea), Interpreter’s sons, “ Half-bloods.”
According to Mr Cleveland the whole Oglala tribe had two other
names, Oyuqpe, Thrown-down or unloaded, and Kiyaksa, bit-it-in-two.
THE HUNKPAPA
The name Huikpapa (sometimes corrupted into Unepapa, Onepapa,
etc), should be compared with the Yanktonai name Hunkpatina; both
refer to the hunkpa or ends of a tribal circle. A Hunkpapa man in
1880 gave the following as the names of the gentes: 1, Teanka-oqa™
(Cayka-oliay) Sore-backs (of horses), not the original name. 2, Tce-
oqba (Ge-oliba), in which tee (¢e) has either a vulgar meaning or is a
contraction of teeya (Geya), to weep, and oqba (oliba), sleepy. 3
Tinazipe-citea (Tinazipe-siéa), Bad-
bows. 4, Talo-nap’i" (Talo-napin),
Fresh-meat-necklace. 5, Kiglacka
(Kiglaska), Ties-his-own. 6, Tceg-
nake-okisela (Cegnake-okisela), Half-a-
breecheloth. 7, Cikcitcela (Siksiéela),
Bad-ones-of-different-sorts. 8, Waka"
(Wakay), Mysterious. 9, Hiska-tea-
tojuha (Huyska-caytozuha), Legging-
tobacco-pouch.
The real foundation for the totemie
system exists among the Dakota, as " ee
=0 5 Fig. 33—Oglala camping circle.
well as among the other Siouan tribes
and the Iroquois, in the names of men often being taken from mythical
animals, but, in the opinion of Dr 8S. R. Riggs, the system was never
carried to perfection.
?
DAKOTA SOCIAL CUSTOMS
Among the eastern Dakota the phratry was never a permanent or
ganization, but it was resorted to on special occasions and for various
purposes, such as war or the buffalo hunt. The exponent of the phra-
try was the tiyotipi or ‘‘soldiers’ lodge,” which has been described at
length by Dr Riggs.!
While no political organization has been known to exist within the
historic period over the whole Dakota nation, the traditional alliance of
the ‘Seven Council-fires” is perpetuated in the common name Dakota,
signifying allied, friendly.
Among the Dakota it is customary for the rank and title of chief to
descend from father to son, unless some other near relative is ambitious
and influential enough to obtain the place. The same is claimed also in
regard to the rank of brave or soldier, but this position is more dependent
1 Contributions to North American Ethnology, vol., 1X, pp. 195-202.
Bae SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY
(ETH. ANN. 15
on personal bravery. While among the Omaha and Ponka a chief
can not lead in war, there is a different custom among the Dakota.
The Sisseton chief Standing Buffalo told Little Crow, the leader of the
hostile Santee in the Minnesota outbreak of 1862, that, having com-
menced hostilities with the whites, he must fight it out without help
from him, and that, failing to make himself master of the situation, he
should not flee through the country of the Sisseton.
Regarding chieftainship among the Dakota, Philander Prescott! says:
The chieftainship is of modern date, there being no chiefs before the whites came.
The chiefs have little power. The chief’s band is almost always a kin totem which
helps to sustain him. The chiefs have no votes in council; there the majority rules
and the voice of the chief is not decisive till then.
On the death of a chief, the nearest kinsman in the right line is eligible. If there
are no kin, the council of the band can make a chief, Civil chiefs scarcely ever
make a war party.
The Dakota woman owns the tipi. If a man has more wives than
one, they have separate tipis, or they arrange to occupy different sides
of one. Sometimes the young man goes to live with his wife’s kindred,
but in such matters there is no fixed rule. ‘To purchase a wife was
regarded the most honorable form of marriage, though elopement was
sometimes resorted to.
THE ASINIBOIN
The Asiniboin were originally part of the Wazi-kute gens of the
Yanktonai (Ihankto"wa"na) Dakota. According to the report of E. T.
Denig toGovernor I. I. Stevens,” “the Asiniboin call themselves Dakota,
meaning Our people.” The Dakota style them Hohe, “ rebels,” but
Denig says the term signifies “fish eaters,” and that they may have
been so called from the fact that they subsisted principally on fish while
in British territory.
Lists of the gentes of this people have been recorded by Denig, Max-
imilian, and Hayden, but in the opinion of the present writer they
need revision.
Asiniboin gentes
Denig
We-che-ap-pe-nah, 60
lodges, under Les Yeux
Gris.
L-an-to-ah, Stone In-
dians, the original appel
lation for the whole nation ;
50 lodges, under Premier
qui Volle.
Wah-to-pan-ah,
Indians, 100 lodges, under
Serpent.
Canoe
Maximilian
Itscheabine, Les gensdes |
filles.
Jatonabine, Les gens des
roches, the Stone Indiarsof
the English. Call them-
selves ‘‘ Eascab.”
Otaopabine, Les gens des
canots.
Hayden
Wi-i¢-ap-i-nah, Girls’
band.
T’-an-to’-an. (Either I»-
ya" to"wa", Stone village,
or Ihankto™wa", End _ vil-
lage or Yankton. J. 0. D.)
Wahi-to’-pap-i-nal),
1Schooleraft, Indian Tribes, vol. 11, 182, Philadelphia, 1852.
? Manuscript in the archives of the Bureau of Ethnology.
DORSEY] THE ASINIBOIN 220
Asiniboin gentes—Continued
Denig Maximilian Hayden
Wah-to-pah-han-da-toh, Watopachnato, Les Wali-to -pali- an - da - to,
Old Gauché’s gens, i. e., | gens de l’age. Genus du Gauché or Left
Those who row in canoes; Hand.
100 lodges, under Trem-
bling Hand.
Wah-ze-ah we-chas-ta, O-see-gah (of Lewis and Walhi-zi-ah, or To-kum-
Northern People (so called | Clark, Discoveries, p. 43, | pi, Gens du Nord.
because they came fromthe | 1806).
north in 1839); 60 lodges, |
under Le Robe de Vent.
The following gentes have not been collated: Of Maximilian’s list,
Otopachgnato, les gens du large, possibiy a duplication, by mistake, of
Watopachnato, les gens de ’age; Tschantoga, les gens des bois; Tanin-
tauei, les gens des osayes; Chabin, les gens des montagnes. Of Hay-
den’s list, Min’-i-shi-nak’/-a-to, gens du lac.
The correct form in the Yankton dialect of the first name is Witcei®-
ya"pina (Wicinyanypina), girls; of the second, probably I*ya"to"wa*
(Inyay tonwan); the third and fourth gentes derive their names from
the verb watopa, to paddle a canoe; the fifth is Waziya witcacta
(Waziya wicéasta). Tschan in Tschantoga is the German notation of
the Dakota tea" (Gay), tree, wood. Chain Chabin is the German nota-
tion of the Dakota word lie, a high ridge of hills, a mountain.
In his report to Governor Stevens, from which the following infor-
mation respecting the Asiniboin is condensed, Denig used the term
“band” to denote a gens of the tribe, and “clans” instead of corpora-
tions, under which latter term are included the feasting and dancing
societies and the orders of doctors, shamans, or theurgists.
These bands are distinct and occupy different parts of the country,
although they readily combine when required by circumstances, such as
scarcity of game or an attack by a large body of the enemy.
The roving tribes call no general council with other nations; indeed,
they are suspicious even of those with whom they have been at peace
for many years, so that they seldom act together in a large body. With
the exception of the Hidatsa, Mandan, and Arikara, who are station-
ary and live in a manner together, the neighboring tribes are quite
ignorant of one another’s government, rarely knowing even the names
of the principal chiefs and warriors.
In all these tribes there is no such thing as hereditary rank. If a
son of a chief is wanting in bravery, generosity, or other desirable
qualities, he is regarded merely as an ordinary individual; at the same
time it is true that one qualification for the position of chief consists
in having a large number of kindred in the tribe or gens. Should
there be two or more candidates, equally capable and socially well con-
nected, the question would be decided on the day of the first removal
of the camp, or else in council by the principal men. In the former
224 SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY (ETH. ANN. 15
case, each man would follow the leader whom he liked best, and the
smaller body of Indians would soon adhere to the majority.
Women are never acknowledged as chiefs, nor have they anything
to say in the council. A chief would be deposed for any conduct caus-
ing general disgust or dissatisfaction, such as incest (marrying within
his gens) or lack of generosity. Though crime in the abstract would
not tend to create dissatisfaction with a chief, yet if he murdered,
without sufficient cause, one whose kindred were numerous, a fight
between the two bodies of kindred would result and an immediate
separation of his former adherents would ensue; but should the mur-
dered person be without friends, there would be no attempt to avenge
the crime, and the people would fear the chief only the more. To pre-
serve his popularity a chief must give away all his property, and he is
consequently always the poorest man in the band; but he takes care
to distribute his possessions to his own kindred or to the rich, from
whom he might draw in times of need.
The duties of a leading chief are to study the welfare of his people,
by whom he is regarded as a father, and whom he addresses as his
children. He must determine where the camp should be placed and
when it should be moved; when war parties are advisable and of whom
they should be composed—a custom radically different from that of the
Omaha and Ponka,—and all other matters of like character. Power is
tacitly committed to the leading chief, to be held so long as he governs
to general satisfaction, subject, however, to the advice of the soldiers.
Age, debility, or any other natural defect, or incapacity to act, advise,
or command, would lead a chief to resign in favor of a younger man.
When war is deemed necessary, any chief, soldier, or brave warrior
has the privilege of raising and leading a war party, provided he can
get followers. The powers of a warrior and civil chief may be united
in one person, thus differing from the Omaha and Ponkacustom. The
leading chief may and often does lead the whole band to war; in fact,
it devolves on him to lead any general expedition.
The Akiteita (Akicita), soldiers or guards (policemen), form an impor-
tant body among the Asiniboin as they do among the other Siouan
tribes. These soldiers, who are chosen from the band on account of
their bravery, are from 25 to 45 years of age, steady, resolute, and
respected; and in them is vested the power of executing the decisions
of the council. Ina camp of 200 lodges these soldiers would number
from 50 to 60 men; their lodge is pitched in the center of the camp and
is occupied by some of them all the time, though the whole body is
called together only when the chief wishes a public meeting or when
their hunting regulations are to be decided. In their lodge all tribal
and intertribal business is transacted, and all strangers, both white
men and Indians, are domiciled. The young men, women, and children
are not allowed to enter the soldiers’ lodge during the time that tribal
matters are being considered, and, indeed, they are seldom, if ever,
DORSEY] ASINIBOIN SOCIAL CUSTOMS Dee
seen there. All the choicest parts of meat and the tongues of animals
killed in hunting are reserved for the soldiers’ lodge, and are furnished
by the young men from time to time. A tax is levied on the camp for
the tobacco smoked there, which is no small quantity, and the women
are obliged to furnish wood and water daily. This lodge corresponds in
some degree to the two sacred lodges of the Hanga gens of the Omaha.
Judging from the meager information which we possess concerning
the Asiniboin kinship system, the latter closely resembles that of the
Dakota tribes, descent being in the male line. After the smallpox
epidemic of 1838, only 400 thinly populated lodges out of 1,000
remained, relationship was nearly annihilated, property lost, and but
few, the very young and very old, were left to mourn the loss. Rem-
nants of bands had to be collected and property acquired, and several
years elapsed ere the young people were old enough to marry.
The names of the wife’s parents are never pronounced by the husband ;
to do so would excite the ridicule of the whole camp. The husband
and the father-in-law never look on each other if they can avoid it, nor
do they enter the same lodge. In like manner the wife never addresses
her father-in-law.
A plurality of wives is required by a good hunter, since in the labors
of the chase women are of great service to their husbands. An Indian
with one wife can not amass property, as she is constantly occupied in
household labors, and has no time for preparing skins for trading. The
first wife and the last are generally the favorites, all others being
regarded as servants. The right of divorce lies altogether with the
husband; if he has children by his wife, he seldom puts her away.
Should they separate, all the larger children—those who require no
further care—reinain with the father, the smaller ones departing with
the mother. When the women have no children they are divorced
without scruple. :
After one gets acquainted with Indians the very opposite of tacitur-
nity exists. The evenings are devoted to jests and amusing stories
and the days to gambling. The soldiers’ lodge, when the soldiers are not
in session, is a very theater of amusement; all sorts of jokes are made
and obscene stories are told, scarcely a woman in the camp escaping
the ribaldry; but when business is in order decorum must prevail.
The personal property of these tribes consists chiefly of horses.
Possession of an article of small value isa right seldom disputed, if the
article has been honestly obtained; but the possession of horses being
almost the principal object in life of an Indian of the plains, the reten-
tion of them is a matter of great uncertainty, if he has not the large force
necessary to defend them. Rights to property are based on the method
of acquirement, as (1) articles found; (2) those made by themselves
(the sole and undisputed property of the makers); (5) those stolen from
enemies, and (4) those given or bought. Nothing is given except with
15 ETH Lo
226 SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY [ETH. ANN. 15
a view to a gift in return. Property obtained by gambling is held by
a very indefinite tenure.
Murder is generally avenged by the kindred of the deceased, as
among the Omaha and Ponka, Goods, horses, ete, may be offered to
expiate the crime, when the murderer’s friends are rich in these things,
and sometimes they are accepted; but sooner or later the kindred of
the murdered man will try to avenge him. Everything except loss of
life or personal chastisement can be compensated among these Indians.
tape is nearly unknown, not that the crime is considered morally wrong,
but the punishment would be death, as the price of the woman would
be depreciated and the chances of marriage lessened. Besides, it would
be an insult to her kindred, as implying contempt of their feelings and
their power of protection. Marriage within the gens is regarded as
incest and is a serious offense.
THE OMAHA
The gentes keeping the sacred pipes and those having the sacred
tents are designated among the Omaha by appropriate designs. The
sacred tent of the Wejitcte was the
tent of war, those of the Ilanga were
the tents associated with the buffalo
hunt and the cultivation of the soil.
The diameter of the circle (figure 54)
represents the road traveled by the
tribe when going on the buffalo hunt,
numbers 1 and 10 being the gentes
which were always in the van. The
tribe was divided into half tribes, each
half tribe consisting of five gentes.
The sacred tents of the Omaha and all
the objects that were kept in them
are now in the Peabody Museum of Archeology and Ethnology at
Cambridge, Massachusetts.
The two groups of gentes forming the half tribes or phratries, some-
times composed of subgentes or sections, are as follows:
Hangacenu gentes—1, Wejincte, Elk. 2, Inke-sabé, Black shoulder,
a buffalo gens; the custodian of the real pipes of peace. 5, Hanga or
Ancestral, a Buffalo gens; the regulator of all the so-called pipes of
peace and keeper of two sacred tents. 4, @atada, meaning uncertain;
in four subgentes: a, Wasabe hit‘aji, Touch-not-the-skin-of-a-black-
bear; b, Wajifiga ¢ataji, Eat-no-small-birds; Bird people; ¢, ye-da it‘aji,
Touch-no-buffalo-head; Eagle people; d, ye-‘it, Carry-a-turtle-on-the-
back; Turtle people. 5, ypatze, Wind people.
Ictasanda gentes—6, Ma¢inka-gaxe, Earth-lodge-makers; coyote and
wolf people. 7, 7e-sinde, Buffalo-tail; a Buffalo-calf people. 5, yja-da,
Deer-head; Deer people. 9, Ing¢e-jide, Red dung; a Buffalo-calf gens.
+”
ICTA- [ HANGA
SANDA “ CENU
HALF- HALF-
TRIBE. TRIBE
7 eae
sx Pea
6 Cc
Fie. 34—Omaha camping circle.
\
DORSEY] OMAHA GENTILE DIVISIONS PAT
10, Icta-sanda, meaning uncertain (“‘ gray eyes”?), said to refer to the
effect of lightning on the eyes. This last gens consists of Thunder and
Reptile people.
The Inke-sabé formerly consisted of four subgentes. When the
gens met as a whole, the order of sitting was that shown in figure 35,
In the tribal circle the Wa¢igije camped next to the Haftiga gens, and
the other Inke-sabé people came next to the Wejitcte; but in the gen-
tile ‘council fire” the first became last and the last first.
The Teki¢é or Criers.
The Naq¢eit‘a-baji, Those-who-touch-no-charcoal.
The three subgentes here named sat on the same side of fireplace.
The Hanga formerly had four subgentes, but two of them, the Wa¢ita™
or Workers, and the Ha-ju-it‘aji, Touches-no-green(-corn)-husks, are
extinct, the few survivors having joined the other subgentes. The
remaining subgentes are each called by several names: 1, yesa™ha-
ga¢ica®, pertaining to the sacred skin of an albino buffalo cow, or
Wacabe, Dark buffalo; or Hanga-qti, real
Hanga,; or ye-¢eze-¢ataji, Do-not-eat-buf-
falo-tongues. 2, Ja*ha-ga¢ica®, pertaining
to the sacred (cottonwood) bark; or
Wagq¢exe-a¢i", Keeps-the-“spotted-object”
(the sacred pole); or Ja"-waqube-a¢i’,
Keeps - the - sacred - or - mysterious - wood
(pole); or ya-waqube-¢ataji, Does-not-eat-
the-sacred (inysterious)-butfalo-sides; or
Mi'xa-sa-¢ataji-ki geta®-¢ataji, Eat-no-
geese-or-Swans-or-cranes.
In the tribal circle the Wacabe camped 4... 95 tike-sabé sentileassembly. A,
next to the Inke-sabé, and the Waq¢exe- — The Wagigije, Maze or Whorl, or
a¢i" were next to the Wasabe-hittaji sub- Sete ahr petit ANG aA
gens of the (latada; but in the Hafiga Those-who-eat-no-red-corn.
gentile assembly the positions were re-
versed, the Wacabe sitting on the right side of the fire and the
Wagqtexe-a¢i" on the left.
The Wasabe-hit‘aji subgens of the (@atada was divided into four sec-
tions: Black-bear, Raccoon, Grizzly-bear, and Poreupine. The only
survivors are the Black-bear and Raccoon (Singers).
The Wajinga ¢ataji subgens was divided into four sections: 1, Hawk
people, under the chief Standing Hawk (now dead). 2, Blackbird peo-
ple, under the chief Wajita-gahiga. 5, Starling or Thunder people. 4,
Owl and Magpie people.
The ya"ze gens was divided into at least two subgentes, the Keepers
of the pipe and the Wind people. Lion, of the Deer-head gens, said
that there were four subgentes, but this was denied in 1882 by Two
Crows of the Hanga gens.
228 SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY [eTH. ANN. 15
The Ma¢inka-gaxe subgentes, as given by Lion, were: 1, Miyasi,
Coyote and Wolf people. 2, I'e-waqube-a¢i", Keepers-of-the-mysteri-
ous-stones. 3, Niniba-t‘a®, Keepers-of-the-pipe. 4, Mi"xa-sa"-wet*aji.
Touch(es)-not-swans. Cange-ska, White Horse, chief of the Ma¢it-ka-
gaxe (in 1878-1880) named three subgentes, thus: 1, Qube, Mysterious
person, a modern name (probably ineluding the Miyasi and I™¢-waqube-
ai", and certainly consisting of the descendants of the chief Wa-jiiga-
sabe or Blackbird). 2, Niniba-t‘a". 3, Mi®xa-sa"-wet‘aji.
The ya-da were divided into four parts: 1, Niniba-t‘a", Keepers-of-
the-pipe, under Lion. 2, Naq¢e-ittaji, Touches-no-charcoal, under Boy
Chief. 3, Thunder-people, under Pawnee Chiet. 4, Deer-people, under
Sinde-xa"xa® (Deer’s-)tail-shows-red-at-intervals (-as-it-bounds-away).
The Ietasanda gens also was in four parts: 1, Niniba-tta", Keepers-
of-the-pipe. 2, Real Ictasanda people. (Numbers 1 and 2 were con-
solidated prior to 1880.) 38, Waceta" or Reptile people, sometimes called
Keepers-of-the-claws-of-a-wildeat. 4, Real Thunder people, or Those-
who-do-not-touch-a-clamshell, or Keepers-
of -the-clamshell-and-the-tooth-of-a-black-
bear.
The social organization of the Omaha
has been treated at length by the author
in his paper on Omaha Sociology.!
THE PONKA
The Ponka tribal cirele was divided
equally between the Teitju and Wajaje
half-tribes. To the former belonged two
phratries of two gentes each, i. e., num-
bers 1 to 4, inclusive, and to the latter
two similar phratries, including gentes 5 to 8.
Teiju half-tribe—Thunder or Fire phratry: Gens 1, Hisada, Legs-
stretched-out-stifft (refers to a dead quadruped); Thunder people. Gens
2, Touch-not-the-skin-of-a-black-bear. Wind-makers or War phratry:
Gens 3, (ixida, Wildcat (in two subgentes: 1, Sinde-ag¢é, Wears-tails,
i. e., locks of hair; Naq¢e-it‘aji, Does-not-touch-chareoal; and Waseju-
it‘aji, Does-not-touch-verdigris. 2, Wami-it‘aji, Does-not-touch-blood),
Gens 4, Nika-da-ona, ‘“‘ Bald human-tead;” Elk people (in at least three
subgentes: 1, pe-sinde-it‘aji, Does-not-touch-a-buffalo-tail; 2, ge ¢eze
¢atajl, Does-not-eat-buffalo-tongues; 3, paqti ki A"pa® ¢ataji, Does-not-
eat deer-and-elk).
Wajaje half-tribe—Earth phratry: Gens 5, Maya", Medicine, a buf-
falo gens, also called ge-sinde ittaji, Does-not-touch-buffalo-tails (in
two subgentes: 1, Real Ponka, Keepers-of-a-sacred-pipe; 2, Gray
Ponka). Gens6, Wacabe, Dark buffalo (in two subgentes: 1, pe-sinde,
Fic. 36—Ponka camping circle.
1 Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1881-82.
DORSEY] PONKA AND QUAPAW DIVISIONS 229
Buffalo tail, or pe-¢eze ¢ataji, Does-not-eat-buffalo-tongues, or pe-jinga
¢ataji, Does-not-eat-a-very-young-buffalo-calf; 2, ye-da it‘aji, Does-not-
touch-a-buftalo-head or skull). Water phratry (?): Gens 7, Wajaje,
Osage (in two subgentes at present: 1, Dark Osage, Keepers-of-a-
sacred-pipe, or Wasejzu-it‘aji, Does-not-touch-verdigris, or Naq¢e-it‘ajl,
Does-not-touch-charcoal; 2, Gray Osage, or Wés‘a wet‘aji, Does-not-
touch-serpents; 3, Necta, an Owl subgens, now extinct). Gens 8, Nuqe,
Reddish-yellow buffalo (miscalled Nuxe, Ice). Subgentes uncertain, but
there are four taboo names: Does-not-touch-a-buffalo-head (or skull),
Does-not-touch-a-buffalo-calf, Does-not-touch-the-yellow-hide-ot-a-bufta-
lo-calf, and Does-not-eat-buffalo-tongues.
THE QUAPAW OR KWAPA
When the Kwapa were discovered by the French they dwelt in five
villages, described by the early chroniclers as the Imaha (lmaham,
Imahao), Capaha, Toriman, Tonginga (Doginga, Topinga), and Southois
(Atotchasi, Ossouteouez). Three of these village names are known
to all the tribe: 1, Uya’qpa-qti, Real Kwapa; 2, Ti/-u-a’/-d¢i-ma®
(Toriman), Ti’-u-a-d¢i/ ma® (of Mrs Stafford); 3, U-zu/-ti-u/-wé (Southois,
etc). The fourth was Ta’ wa® ji’ya, Small village. Judging from anal-
ogy and the fact that the fifth village, Imaha, was the farthest up
Arkansas river, that village name must have meant, as did the term
Omaha, the upstream people.
The following names of Kwapa gentes were obtained chiefly from
Alphonsus Valliere, a full-blood Kwapa, who assisted the author at
Washington, from December, 1890, to March, 1891:
Na’patta, a° Deer gens; O"pht" enikaciya, the Elk gens; Qid¢
e/nikaci/ya, the Eagle gens; Wajin’ya enikaci/ya, the Small-bird gens;
Han’ya e/nikaci/ya, the Han’ya or Ancestral gens; Wasa’ e/nikaci’ya,
the Black-bear gens; Ma*tu’ e/nikaci’ya, the Grizzly-bear (?) gens; Te
e/nikaci/ya, the Buffalo gens (the ordinary buffalo); Tuqe’-nikaci’ya,
the Reddish-yellow Buffalo gens (answering to Nuge of the Ponka,
Yuge of the Kansa, @uge of the Osage); Jawe’ nikaci’ya, the Beaver
gens; Hu i/nikaci’ya, the Fish gens; Mika’q‘e ni/kaci/ya, the Star gens;
Pe'ta® e/nikaci’/ya, the Crane gens; Canye’-nikaci’ya, the Dog (or
Wolf ?) gens; Wakan’qa e/nikaci/ya, the Thunder-being gens; Ta™d¢a™
e/nikaci/ya or Ta™/d¢a" tan/ya e/nikaci/ya, the Panther or Mountain-
lion gens; Ke-ni/kaci’ya, the Turtle gens; Wées‘a e/nikaci’ya, the Ser-
pent gens; Mi e/nikaci/ya, the Sun gens. Valliére was unable to say
on which side of the tribal circle each gens camped, but he gave the
personal names of some members of most of the gentes.
On visiting the Kwapa, in the northeastern corner of Indian Territory,
in January, 1894, the author recorded the following, with the assistance
of Mrs Stafford, a full-blood Kwapa of about 90 years of age: Among
930 SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY (ETH. ANN. 15
the Hanka gentes are the Han’‘ya tanya, Large Hanya or Ma"cka/
e/nikaci/ya, Crawfish people; Wajinya e/nikaci’ya, Small-bird people;
Jin’ya e/nikaci’ya, Small-bird people; Te ni/kaci’ya, Buffalo people, or
Han/ya ji’ya, Small Hanya; A"’pa® e/nikaci’ya, Elk people; Qid¢a/
e/nikaci’ya, Eagle people; Tuge’-nikaci’ya, Reddish-yellow Buffalo
people; and Canye/-nikaci’ya, Dog (or Wolf ?) people. Mrs Stafford
knew that five gentes were not on the Hanya side, three of them, Hu
i/nikaci’ya, Fish people, Ni/kia‘ta (meaning unknown), and Ke-ni‘ka-
ci‘ya, Turtle people, being on the same side; Ma"tu’ e/nikaci’ya, Lion
people; and Ti‘ju (answering to the Osage Tsiou, the Kansa Tciju, and
the Ponka Tei"ju), meaning not obtained, which last is extinet. Mrs
Stafford could not tell on which side camped any of the following
gentes given by Valliere: Maqc, Wés‘a, Wasa, Jawe, Mikaq‘e, Mi, ete.
The only persons capable of giving the needed information are among
those Kwapa who reside on Osage reservation. According to George
Redeagle and Buffalo Calf, two full-blood Quapaw, the Maqe-nika-
ci/ya, Upper World people, were iden-
tical with the Wakanja e/nikaci’ya,
Thunder-being people, of Valliére.
These two men said, also, that there
was no single gens known as the Hanya,
that name belonging to amajor division,
probably a half-tribe.
YATA | ICTUNGA
HALF- HALF-
TRIBE TRIBE.
5 THE KANZE OR KANSA
Among the Omaha the Yata people
are those who camp on the yata or left
iS S side of the tribal circle; the Ietunga
, people, those who camp on the ictiiiga
or right side. The tribe is divided into
seven phratries, or, as the Kansa style each, wayu"mi"da®, (i. e., those
who sing together), as follows:
Fig. 37—Kansa camping circle.
Phra-
Z Gentes Subqentes
tries f
I 1, Ma*yinka, Earth, or a, Ma"yinka tanga, Large earth. 6,
Matyinka gaxe, Matyinka jinga, Small earth.
Earth-lodge-
makers.
It, 2. Ta, Deer, or Wajaje, | a, Taqtei, Real deer. b, Ta yatcajji,
Osage. Eats-no-deer, or Ta ts’eyé, Kills-
deer, or Wadjiita ts’eyé, Kills-
quadrupeds.
DORSEY]
KANSA GENTILE DIVISIONS 231
Ill
Ill
val
Wal
Vil
VII
10.
alt
13.
. Wasabe, Black bear -
. Mi" k’i, Carries-the-
. Ibate‘e, Holds-the-
. Kaze, Kansa, or Tei
haci, Lodge-in-
the-rear; Last-
lodge.
>. Wanaxe, Ghost...-..
. Ke k’it, Carries-a-
turtle-on-his-back.
sun-on-his- back.
b Whos IOS oeen spor
Qiiya, White eagle. -
Has Nights] ese
firebrand-to-sa-
cred-pipes, or |
Haiga jitga,.
small Hanga.
Hanga tanga, Large
Hanga; Hanga
utanandji, Han-
ga-apart-from- |
the-rest, or Ta |
sindje qaga, Stiff-
deer-tail.
Subgentes
a, Pank unikaci*ga, Ponka people. b,
Qindj-ala", Wear-red-cedar
(-fronds)-on-their-heads.
a, Tadje unikaci*ga, Wind people, or
Ak’a unikaci®ga, South-wind peo-
ple, or Tci haci*qtci, Real Tei
haci", Camp-behind-all. 6, Tadje
jinga, Small-wind, or Ma" na®hind-
je, Makes-a-breeze-near-the-
ground,
a, Wasabéqtci, Real Black-bear, or
Saki" wayatce, Kats-raw (-food).
b, Sindjalé, Wear-tails (locks of
hair) -on-the-head.
Not learned.
Not learned.
Not learned.
a, Upa®-qtei, Real elk, or Ma"satha,
referring to the color of the fur.
b, Satha"ge, meaning unknown.
a, Hiisada, Legs-stretched-out-sti ff;
Qiiyunikaci"ga, White-eagle peo-
ple. b, Wabi" ijupye, Wade-in-
blood; Wabi® unikaci"ga, Blood
people.
a, Ha" nikaci*ga, Night people. 3,
Daka" matyi®, Walks-shining
(Star people?).
a, Qiiyegu jinga, Hawk-that-has-a-tail-
like-a-“ king-eagle;” ‘ Little-one-
like-an-eagle.” 0b, Mika unikaci”-
ga, Raccoon people, or Mika qla
jinga, Small lean raccoon.
A black eagle with spots. Subgentes
not recorded.
232 SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY (ETH. ANN. 15
Gentes | Subgentes
Il 14. Teedtinga, Buffalo a, Teedtinga, Buffalo with dark hair.
(bull), or Si tanga, b, Yuge, Reddish-vellow buffalo.
Big feet. (See Pouka Nuqe, Osage @uge,
Kwapa Tuge.)
V_ 15. Tei ju wactage, Tci- (Red-hawk people?). Subgentes not
ju peacemaker. recorded.
Il 16. Lu nikaci*ga, Thun- Subgentes not recorded.
| der-being people; |
| Leda" unikaci*ga,
Gray-hawk peo-
ple.
Great changes have occurred among the Kansa since they have come
in contact with the white race; but when Say visited them in the early
part of the present century they still observed their aboriginal mar-
riage laws. No Kansa could take a wife from a gens on his side of the
tribal cirele, nor could he marry any kinswoman, however remote the
relationship might be. There are certain gentes that exchange per-
sonal names (jaje kik’iibe au), as among the Osage. Civil and military
distinctions were based on bravery and generosity. Say informs us
that the Kansa had been at peace with the Osage since 1806; that they
had intermarried freely with them, so that ‘‘in stature, features, and
customs they are more and more closely approaching that people.”
He states also that the head chief of the Kansa was Gahi*ge Waday-
inga, Saucy Chief (which he renders *‘ Fool Chief”), and that the ten
or twelve underchiefs did not seem to have the respect of the people.
Unmarried females labored in the fields, served their parents, car-
ried wood and water, and cooked. When the eldest daughter married
she controlled the lodge, her mother, and all the sisters; the latter were
always the wives of the same man. Presents were exchanged when a
youth took his first wife. On the death of the husband the widow
searified herself, rubbed her person with clay, and became careless
about her dress for a year. Then the eldest brother of the deceased
married her without any ceremony, regarding her children as his own.
When the deceased left no brother (real or potential) the widow was
free to select her next husband. Fellowhood (as in cases of Damon
and Pythias, David and Jonathan) often continues through life.
The Kansa had two kinds of criers or heralds: 1, the wadji/pa”yi®
or village crier; 2, the ie/‘kiye’ (Omaha and Ponka i/éki’¢é). In 1882,
Satsile (a woman) was hereditary wadji’pa"yi" of the Kansa, having
succeeded her father, Pezihi, the last male erier. At the time of an
DORSEY] KANSA AND OSAGE DIVISIONS 230
issue (about 1882) Sa*sile’s son-in-law died, so she, being a mourner,
could not act as crier; hence her office devolved on K’axe of the Taqtei
subgens. In that year one of the Ta yateaji subgens (of the Taqtei
or Deer gens) was iekiye number 1. Iekiye number 2 belonged to the
Tadje or Kaze (Wind) gens.
THE OSAGE
In the Osage nation there are three primary divisions, which are
tribes in the original acceptation of that term. These are known as
the Tsiou uqse pe¢ii"da, the Seven Tsiou fireplaces, Hanya uqse pe¢i'da,
the Seven Hanya fireplaces, and Waoaoe use peditda, the Seven Osage
fireplaces. Each “fireplace” is a gens, so that there are twenty-one
gentes in the Osage nation. The Seven Hanya fireplaces were the
last to join the nation, according to the tradition of the Tsiou wactaye
people. When this occurred, the seven Hanya gentes were reckoned
as five, and the seven Osage gentes as two, in order to have not more
than seven gentes on the right side of the tribal cir¢le.
At first the Hanya uta¢angse gens had seven pipes, and the Wavase
had as many. The Waoase gave their
seventh pipe to the Tsiou, with the right
to make seven pipes from it, so now the
Wagaave people have but six pipes, though
they retain the ceremonies pertaining to
the seventh.
When there is sickness among the chil-
dren on the Waoave or right (war) side of
the circle, their parents apply to the Tsiou
(Tsiou wactaye?) for food for them. In
like manner, when the children on the left
or Tsiou side are ill, their parents apply to Fic. 38—Osage camping circle.
the Pa"yka (wactaye?), on the other side, in order to get food for them,
The Seven Tsiou fireplaces occupy the left or peace side of the
circle. ‘heir names are:
1. Tsiou Singsay¢é, Tsiou-wearing-a-tail (of hair)-on-the-head; also
called Tsiou Want”, Elder Tsiou; in two subgentes, Singsay¢é, Sun
and Comet people, and Cinye i/nigk‘aci"’a, Wolf people.
2. Tse qu/ya ingse’, Buffalo-bull face; in two subgentes, of which the
second is Tse’ ¢aika’ or Mi" paha’, Hide-with-the-hair-on. The police-
men or soldiers on the left side belong to these two gentes.
3. Mi k’i’, Sun carriers, i. e., Carry-the-sun (or Buffalo hides)-on-
their-backs. These have two subgentes, a, Mi"i/niqk‘aci"’/a, Sun people;
b, Mi®xa’ ska i/niqk‘aci"’a, Swan people.
4, Tsi/ou wacta/ye, Tsiou peacemaker, or Ta" wa"ya‘xe, Village-
maker, or, Ni/wa¢é, Giver of life. These have two subgentes, a, Wapi",
it‘a/oi, Touches-no-blood, or Qii¢a’ oii/yse, Red-eagle (really a hawk);
934 SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY [eTH. ANN. 15
b, Qii¢a’ pa sa’, Bald-eagle, or ga"sa™ wnhiyk‘aci"’a, Syeamore people,
the leading gens on the left side of the circle.
5. Ha® /nigk‘aci"’a, Night people, or Tsi/ou we/hayi¢e, the Tsiou-at-
the-end, or Tse/¢anka’. Their two subgentes ares a, Night people
proper; b, Wasa‘de, Black-bear people.
6. Tse qu’ya, Buffalo bull. In two subgentes, a, Tse qu’ya, Buffalo
bull; ), (@u/qe, Reddish-yellow buffalo (corresponding to the Nuqe of
the Ponka, Tuge of the Quapaw, and Yuge of the Kansa).
7. y¢ur, Thunder-being, or Tsi/haci", Camp-last, or Ma/xe, Upper-
world people, or Niy/ka wakan‘yayi, Mysterious-male-being. Subgentes
not recorded.
On the right (Hanya or Waogaoe) side of the circle are the following:
8. Waoa’oe Want’, Elder Osage, composed of six of the seven
Osage fireplaces, as follows: a, Waoa‘oe ska’, White Osage; ), Ke
ki’, Turtle-carriers; c, Wake’¢e ste4se, Tall-flags (?), Ehna™ min‘gse
tii’, They-alone-have-bows, or Mirke’¢e ste4se, Tall-flags; d, Ta ¢a/xii,
Deer-lights, or Ta i/niqk‘aci"’a, Deer people; e, Hu i/niqk*acia, Fish
people; f, Na'’pa*ta, a deer gens, called by some Ke ya/tsii, Turtle-
with-a-serrated-crest-along-the-shell (probably a water monster, as there
is no such species of turtle),
9. Hanya uta/¢angsi, Hanya-apart-from-the-rest, or Qii¢a/qtsi i/nig-
k‘aci’a, Real eagle people—the War eagle gens, and one of the original
Hanya fireplaces. The soldiers or policemen from the right side are
chosen from the eighth and ninth gentes.
10, The leading gens on the right side of the circle, and one of the
original seven Osage fireplaces. Pa"y/ka wacta/ye, Ponka peace-
maker, according to a Tsiou man; in two subgentes, a, Tse’wa¢é, Pond-
lily, and b, Waca‘de, Dark-buffalo; but according to Pa®y/ka waqa’yinya,
amember of the gens, his people have three subgentes, a, Wake’¢e,
Flags; 6, Wa’tsetsi, meaning, perhaps, Has-come hither (tsi)-after-
touching-the-foe (watse); c, Qiinzse’, Red cedar.
11. Han’ya a/hii ti’, Hanya-having-wings, or Hii/saja, Limbs-
stretched-stiff, or Qii¢ inigk‘aci"’a, White-eagle people, in two sub-
gentes, which were two of the original Hanya fireplaces: a, Hii/saqa
Want’, Elder Hiisaja; b, Hii/saqja, those wearing four locks of hair
resembling those worn by the second division of the Wasape tu".
12. Wasa‘de ti", Having-black-bears. In two parts, which were
originally two of the Hanya fireplaces: A, Singsay¢é, Wearing-a-
tail- (or lock)-of-hair-on-the-head; in two subgentes, (a) Wasade, Black
bear, or Han/ya Wa’ts‘ekawa/’ (meaning not learned); (b) Iiy¢in’/ya
oit/ya, Small cat. B, Wasa’de ti", Wearing-four-locks-of-hair, in two
subgentes, (a) Mi®xa/ska, Swan; (b) Tse/wa¢é qe/ya, Dried pond-lily.
13, U’pqa", Elk, one of the seven Hanya fireplaces.
14. Ka'’se, Kansa, or I/dats‘¢, Holds-a-firebrand-to-the-sacred-pipes-
in-order-to-light-them, or A’k’a Vniqak‘aci"’a, South-wind people, or
Tayse’ i/niqk‘aci’a, Wind people, or Pe4yse i‘niyk‘aci"’a, Fire people.
One of the seven Hanya fireplaces.
r
DORSEY] DESCENT OF OSAGE CHIEFS 235
The following social divisions can not be identified: ga/de i/niyk‘a-
ci’a, Beaver people, said to be a subgens of the Waoave, no gens
specified; Pe/tqa" i/niyk‘aci"’a, Crane people, said to be a subgens of
the Hanya(?)singsay¢é; Waptn’ya i/nigk‘aci"’a, Owl people; Ma"yin‘/ka
Vniyk‘aci’a, Earth people; qaqpii’ i/niqk‘aci"’a, meaning not recorded.
There is some uncertainty respecting the true positions of a few
subgentes in the camping circle. For instance, Alvin Wood said that
the Tsewa¢e qeya formed the fourth subgens of the Tse 4u’ya inqse;
but this was denied by yahiye wajayinya, of the Tsi’ou wacta/ye,
who said that it belonged to the Pa*yka wactaye prior to the extine-
tion of the subgens. Tsepa yaxe of the Wasape gens said that it
formed the fourth subgens of his own people. Some make the Tsiou
wactaye the third gens on the left, instead of the fourth. According
to yahiye wagayinya, ‘ All the Waoaoe gentes claim to have come from
the water, so they have ceremonies referring to beavers, because those
animals swim in the water.” The same authority said in 1883 that
there were seven men who acted as wactaye, as follows: 1, Kaqiye
wactaye, of the Tsiou wactaye subgens, who had acted for eight years;
2, Pahii-ska, of the Bald-eagle or Qii¢a pa sa™ subgens; 3, y¢ema*,
Clermont, of the t——; 4, Ta®wa"ysi hi, of the t——; 5, Nigka
kidana® of the Tsiou wehaki¢é or Night gens; 6, Pa*yka wagayinya,
Saucy Ponka, of the Wa/tsetsi or Ponka gens; 7, Nigka waoi" ta"a, of
the same gens.
On the death of the head chief among the Osage the leading men
eall a council. At this council four men are named as candidates for
the office, and it is asked, ‘‘ Which one shall be appointed?” At this
council a cuka of the Watsetsi (Ponka gens, or else from some other
gens on the right) carries his pipe around the circle of councilors from
right to left, while a Tsiou cuka (one of the Tsiou wactaye gens, or else
one from some other gens on the left) carries the other pipe around
from left to right. The ceremonies resemble the Ponka ceremonies for
making chiefs. When the chiefs assemble in council a member of the
Katse or Idats‘é gens (one on the right) lights the pipes. The criers
are chosen from the Ka"se, Upqa", and Mi" k’iv gentes. The Tsiou
Singsay¢é and Tse yuya ingse gentes furnish the soldiers or policemen
for the Tsiou wactaye. A similar function is performed for the Pa"qka
wactaye by the Waoaoe want" and Hanya uya¢angsi gentes. The
Singsay¢e and Hanya ujat¢angsi are “akiga watanya,” chiefs of the
soldiers; the Tse juya injse and Waoase Want" being ordinary soldiers,
i.e., subordinate to the others. The Waoaoe Ke k’i" are the moccasin
makers for the tribe. It is said that in the olden days the members
of this gens used turtle shells instead of moccasins, with leeches for
strings. The makers of the war-standards and war-pipes must belong
te the Wagsave ska.
Saucy Chief is the authority for the following: “ Should all the Osage
wish to dwell very near another tribe, or in case two or three families
of us wish to remove to another part of the reservation, we let the
236 y SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY (ETH. ANN. 15
others know our desire to live near them. We make up prizes for
them—a pony, a blanket, strouding, etec—and we ask them to race for
them. The fastest horse takes the first prize, and so on. We take
along a pipe and some sticks—one stick for each member of the party
that isremoving. The other people meet us and race with us back to
their home. They make us sit in a row; then one of their men or
children brings a pipe to one of our party to whom he intends giving
a horse. The pipe is handed to the rest of the party. The newcomers
are invited to feasts, all of which they are obliged to attend.” When
the Osage go on the hunt the Tsiou wactaye (chief) tells the Singsay¢é
and Tse yuya ingse where the people must camp. The following even-
ing the Pa"yka wactaye (chief) tells the soldiers on his side (the Wasage
and Hanya uja¢angsi) where the camp must be on the following day.
The members of the four gentes of soldiers or policemen meet in coun-
cil and decide on the time for departure. They consult the Tsiou
wactaye and Hanya (Pa"yka wactaye?) who attend the council. The
erier is generally a man of either the Upqa" or Ka®se gens, but some-
times a Mi® k’i" man acts. The four leaders of the soldier gentes call
on the erier to proclaim the next camping place, etc, which he does
thus:
“Ha+! hada yasi™ ya" awahe’ot" tatsi’ a’pi"gau+! Ha-++-! (Nioiigse masi®’ta)
Halloo! day tomor- on youmakeup shall they really Halloo! Missouri on the other
row in packs say river side
tei’ ivhe¢a’(e ta’tsi a 'di"tau-+-!”
tent you place shall they really
(?) ina line(?) say.
whieh is to say, ‘‘Halloo! tomorrow morning you shall pack your
goods (strike camp). Halloo! you shall lay them down after reaching
(the other side of Missouri river) !”
Then the four leaders of the soldier gentes choose a/kija (policemen)
who have a quja™hanya or captain, who then acts as crier in giving
orders, thus:
“Ha+! nikawasa’e! Ha-+! yahi’ye wagja’yinya ni’kawasa‘e! a‘¢akiya_ tatsi’
Halloo! O warrior! —-Halloo, Chief Saucy ! O warrior! you guard — shall
adi™tau’ ni’kawasa’‘e!”
they say O warrior!
really
which means, **Halloo, O warrior! Halloo, O warrior, Saucy Chief!
They have really said that you shall act as policeman or guard, O
warrior!”
These a/kiza have to punish any persons who violate the laws of the
hunt. But there is another grade of men; the four leaders of the
soldier gentes tell the captain to call certain men wa/pay¢a’oi utsi™,
and they are expected to punish any a‘kija who fail to do their duty.
Supposing Mi" k’it waqayinya was selected, the erier would say:
“Ha-+! ni’‘kawasa’e! Ha-+, Mi" ki"! waja/yinya n‘ikawasa’e! Ha+! wa‘dayta‘oi
uca’tsi" tatsi’ a’di®tan’, ni/kawasa’e! ”
“Halloo, O warrior! Halloo, O warrior, Saucy Sun Carrier! Halloo, it has been
really said that you shall strike the offenders without hesitation, O warrior!”
DORSEY] OSAGE CHILD NAMING 23
The four headmen direct a captain to order a Hanya uja¢angst man
to lead the scouts, and subsequently to call on a Singsay¢e man for
that purpose, alternating between the two sides of the camping circle.
There are thus three grades of men engaged in the hunt—the ordinary
members of the soldier gentes, the akiga, and the wapay¢aoi utsi®.
Should the Osage be warring against the Kansa or any other tribe,
and one of the foe slip into the Osage camp and beg for protection of
the Tsiou wactaye (chief), the latter is obliged to help the suppliant.
He must send for the Singsay¢é and Tse yuya ingse (leaders), whom he
would thus address: “I have a man whom I wish to live. I desire
you to act as my soldiers.” At the same time the Tsiou wactaye would
send word to the Patqka wactaye, who would summon a Wagavse and
a Hanya uta¢angsi to act as his soldiers or policemen. Meantime the
kettle of the Tsiou wactaye was hung over the fire as soon as possible
and food was cooked and given to the fugitive. When he had eaten
(a mouthful) he was safe. He could then go through the camp with
impunity. This condition of affairs lasted as long as he remained with
the tribe, but it terminated when he returned to his home. After food
had been given to the fugitive by the Tsiou wactaye any prominent
man of the tribe could invite the fugitive to a feast.
The privilege of taking care of the children was given to the Tsiou
wactaye and the Pa*yka wactaye, according to Saucy Chief. When a
child (on the Tsiou side) is named, a certain old man is required to
sing songs outside of the camp, dropping some tobacco from his pipe
down on the toes of his left foot as he sings each song. On the first
day the old man of the Tsiou (wactaye?) takes four grains of corn, one
grain being black, another red, a third blue, and a fourth white,
answering to the four kinds of corn dropped by the four buffalo, as
meutioned in the tradition of the Osage. After chewing the four
grains and mixing them with his saliva, he passes them between the
lips of the child to be named. Four stones are put into a fire, one stone
toward each of the four quarters. The Tsiou old man orders some
cedar and a few blades of a certain kind of grass that does not die in
winter, to be put aside for his use on the second day. On the second
day, before sunrise, the 'Tsiou old man speaks of the cedar tree and its
branches, saying, “It shall be for the children.” Then he mentions
the river, the deep holes in it, and its branches, which he declares shall
be medicine in future for the children. He takes the four heated stones,
places them in a pile, on which he puts the grass and cedar. Over
this he pours water, making steam, over which the child is held. Then
four names are given by the headman of the gens to the father, who
selects one of them as the name for the child. Meantime men of dif-
ferent gentes bring cedar, stones, ete, and perform their respective cer-
emonies. The headman (Tsiou wactaye?) takes some of the water
(into which he puts some cedar), giving four sips to the child. Then he
dips his own left hand into the water and rubs the child down the left
238 SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY (ETH. ANN. 15
side, from the tep of the head to the feet; next he rubs it in front,
then down the right side, and finally down the back. He invites all
the women of his gens who wish to be blessed to come forward, and
he treats them as he did the infant. At the same time the women of
the other gentes are blessed in like manner by the headmen of their
respective gentes.
THE IOWA
The Iowa camping circle was divided into two half-circles, occupied
by two phratries of four gentes each. The first phratry regulated the
hunt and other tribal affairs during the autumn and winter; the second
phratry took the lead during the spring and summer. The author is
indebted to the late Reverend William Hamilton for a list of the lowa
gentes, obtained in 1880 during a visit to the tribe. Since then the
author has recorded the following list of gentes and subgentes, with
the aid of a delegation of the lowa who visited Washington:
First phratry
Gentes Subgentes
1. Tu’-na"-p’i", Black bear. 1. Ta’-po-cka, a large black bear with a
Tohi" and Qiyre wonane white spot on the chest. ;
were chiefs of this gens 2. Pu’-xa ¢ka, a black bear with a red
in 1880. Tohi» kept the | nose; literally, Nose White.
sacred pipe. 3. Mu'-tei/-nye, Young black bear, a
short black bear.
4, Ki/-ro-ko/-qo-tee, asmall reddish black
bear, motherless; it has little hair
and runs swiftly.
2. Mi-tci’-ra-tee, Wolf......-- 1. Ci’-ta® cka, White-wolf.
Ma/-hi*wasachiefoftthis | 2. Ciin’-ta" ce-we, Black-wolf.
gens. 3. Ci"’-ta® qo/-qoe, Gray-wolf.
Ma-nyi’-ka-q¢i’, Coyote.
3. Tce’-xi-ta, Eagle and Na’ tci-tce’, i. e., Qra/-qtci, Real or
Thunder-being gens. Golden eagle.
Qra’htn’-e, Ancestral or Gray eagle.
Qra’ yre/-ye, Spotted-eagle.
Qra/’ pa ga", Bald-eagle.
4. Qo’-ta-tei, Elk; now ex- U»/-pe-xa qa"/-ye, Big-elk.
tinct. The Elk gens 2. U*/-pe-xa yit’/-e, Young-elk (?).
furnished the soldiers or 3. U».pe-xa Sre/-qoe yin’-e, Elk-some-
policemen. what-long.
4. Ho’-ma yin’-e, Young elk (?). The
difference between U*pexa and
Homa isunknown. Theformer may
be the archaic uname for ‘ elk.”
a
be SS
DORSEY] IOWA GENTILE DIVISIONS 239
First phratry—Continued
Gentes | Subgentes
5. Pa‘-qea, Beaver. Probably | 1. Ra-we’ qa” ye, Big-beaver.
the archaic name, as 2. Ra-dSro’-yoe, meaning unknown.
beaver is now ra-we. 35, Ra-we’ yin’-e, Young-beaver.
The survivors of this 4. Ni/wa"-ci/-ke, Water-person.
gens have joined the
Pa-ca or Beaver gens of
the Oto tribe.
Second phratry
GaRuetce Pigeon .sa22- 4. -- 1. Mi®-ke’ qa®’-ye, Big-raccoon.
| 2. Mit-ke’ yini/-e, Young-raccoon.
3. Ru’-tee yin’-e, Young-pigeon.
4, Co’-ke, Prairie-chicken, grouse.
%. A‘ru-qwa, Buffalo...-...-- 1. Tee-qo’ qa"’-ye, Big-buffalo-bull.
2. Tee-qo’ yin’-o, Young-buffalo-bull.
3. Tce p’o’-cke yin’-e, Young-buffalo-
bull-that-is-distended (?).
| 4. Tee yin’-ye, Buffalo-calf.
8. Wa-ka"’, Snake. An ex- | 1. Wa-ka™ 5i, Yellow-snake, i. e., Rat-
tinct gens. tlesnake.
2, Wa-ka"/-qtci, Real-snake (named after
a species shorter than the rattle-
snake),
3. Ce’-ke yin’-e, Small or young ceke,
the copperhead snake (?).
4. Wa-ka”’ qo/-qoe, Gray-snake (a long
snake, which the Omaha call swift
blue snake).
9. Man’-ko-ke,Owl. Extinct.) The names of the subgentes have been
forgotten.
An account of the mythical origin of each Lowa gens, first recorded
by the Reverend William Hamilton, has been published in the Journal
of American Folk-lore.!
The visiting and marriage customs of the Iowa did not differ from
those of the cognate tribes, nor did their management of the children
differ from that of the Dakota, the Omaha, and others.
Murder was often punished with death, by the nearest of kin or by
1 Vol. rv, No. 15, pp. 338-340, 1891.
240 SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY (ETH. ANN. 15
some friend of the murdered person. Sometimes, however, the mur-
derer made presents to the avengers of blood, and was permitted to live.
THE OTO
The author has not yet learned the exact camping order of the Oto
and Missouri tribes, though he has recorded lists of their gentes (sub-
ject to future revision), with the aid of Ke-yreje, an Oto, Ckayoinye, a
Missouri, and Battiste Deroin, the interpreter for the two tribes. These
gentes are as follows: 1, Pa-ca’, Beaver; 2, Tuna’’-p’i", Black bear, or
Mii"-tei’-ra-tce, Wolf; 3, A-ru’-qwa, Buffalo; 4, Ru’-qtea, Pigeon; 5,
Ma-ka’-tce, Owl; 6, Tce’-xi-ta, Eagle, Thunderbird, ete; 7, Wa-ka™,
Snake.
THE NI-U’-T’A-TCI OR MISSOURI
This tribe, which for many years has been consolidated with the Oto,
has at least three gentes. It may have had more, but their names have
not yet been recorded. 1, Tu-na®’-p’i", Black bear; 2, Tce-xi/-ta, Eagle,
Thunderbird, ete, in four subgentes: (a) Wa-kan’-ta, Thunderbird;
(b) Qra, Eagle; (ec) ypre’-ta", Hawk; (d) Mo’-mi, A-people-who eat-no-
small-birds-which-have-been-killed-by-larger-ones (a recent addition to
this gens, probably from another tribe); 3, Ho-ma’ or Ho-ta’-tei, Elk.
THE HOTCANGARA OR WINNEBAGO
The Winnebago call themselves Ho-tean/-ga-ra, “First or parent
speech.” While they have gentes, they have no camping circle, as
their priscan habitat was in a forest region. The following names were
obtained from James Alexander, a full-blood of the Wolf gens, and
from other members of the tribe:
1. Wolf gens—Common name, Cink i-ki/-ka-ra’-tea-da, or Cink-
teank’i-ki/-ka-ra/-tea-da, Those-calling-themselves-after-the-dog-or-wolf;
archaic name, (e-go/-ni-na, meaning not recorded.
2. Black-bear gens—Common name, Ho*te’ i-ki/-ka-ra‘-tea-da, They-
call-themselves-after-the-black-bear; archaic name, Tco/-na-ke-ra, mean-
ing not recorded.
3. Elk gens—Common name, Hu-wa'’-i-ki’-ka-ra’-tea-da, They-call-
themselves-after-the-elk; archaic name not recorded.
4. Snake gens—Common name, Wa-ka” i-ki/-ka-ra/-tea-da, They-call-
themselves-after-a-suake; archaic name not recorded.
5. Bird gens—Common name, Wa-nink’ i-ki/-ka-ra/-tea-da, They-eall-
themselves-after-a-bird; archaic name not recorded. This gens is com-
posed of four subgentes, as follows: (a) Hi-tea-qee-pa-ra, or Eagle;
(b) Ru-tcke, or Pigeon; (c) Ke-re-teti", probably Hawk; (d) Wa-ka"’-
tea-ra, or Thunderbird. The archaic names of the subgentes were not
recorded.
6. Buffalo gens—Common name, Tee’ i-ki/-ka-ra/-tea da, They-eall-
themselves-after-a-buftalo; archaic name not recorded.
DORSEY] WINNEBAGO AND MANDAN DIVISIONS 241
7. Deer gens—Common name, Tea’ i-ki/-ka-ra/-tea-da, They-call-them-
selves-after-a-deer; archaic name not recorded.
8. Water-monster gens—Common name, Wa-ktee/-qii-ki/-ka-ra’-tea-da,
They-call-themselves-after-a-water-monster; archaic name not recorded.
Some of the Winnebago say that there is an Omaha gens among the
Winnebago of Wisconsin, but James Alexander knew nothing about
it. It is very probable that each Winnebago gens was composed of
four subgentes; thus, in the tradition of the Winnebago Wolf gens,
there is an account of four kinds of wolves, as in the corresponding
lowa tradition.
The Winnebago lodges were always built with the entrances facing
the east. When the warriors returned from a fight they cireumambu-
lated the lodge four times, sunwise, stopping at the east just before
entering.
THE MANDAN
°
The Mandan tribe has not been visited by the author, who must con-
tent himself with giving the list of gentes furnished by Morgan, in his
“Ancient Society.” This author’s system of spelling is preserved:
Wolf gens, Ho-ra-ta’-mit-make (Qa-ra-ta’ nu-man/-ke?).
Bear gens, Mii-to/-no-miike (Ma-to’ nu-man/-ke).
Prairie-chicken gens, See-poosh’-kii (Si-pu/-cka nu-man/-ke).
Good-knife gens, Tii-na-tsi’-kii (Ta-ne-tsu/-ka nu-man/-ke?),
Kagle gens, Ki-tii’-ne-miike (Qi-ta’ nu-man’-ke?).
Flat-head gens, E-stii-pa’ (Hi-sta pe’ nu-man/-ke?),
High-village gens, Me-te-ah/-ke.
All that follows concerning the Mandan was recorded by Prince
Maximilian in 1835. Polygamy was everywhere practiced, the number
of wives differing, there being seldom more than four, and in general
only one. The Mandan marriage customs resemble those of the Dakota
and other cognate peoples.
When a child is born a person is paid to give it the name chosen by
the parents and kindred. The child is held up, then turned to all sides
of the heavens, in the direction of the course of the sun, and its name
is proclaimed. A Mandan cradle consists of a leather bag suspended
by a strap to a crossbeam in the hut.
There are traces of descent in the female line; for example, sisters
have great privileges; all the horses that a young man steals or cap-
tures in war are brought by him to his sister. He can demand from his
sister any object in her possession, even the clothing which she is wear-
ing, and he receives it immediately. The mother-in-law never speaks to
her son-in-law, unless on his return from war he bring her the sealp and
gun of a slain foe, in which event she is at liberty from that moment
to converse with him. This custom is found, says Maximilian, among
the Hidatsa, but not among the Crowand Arikara. While the Dakota,
Omaha, and other tribes visited by the author have the custom of
15 EVH 16
NS oop eb
242 SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY (RTH. ANN. 15
“bashfulness,” which forbids the mother-in-law and son-in-law to speak
to each other, no allowable relaxation of the prohibition has been
recorded.
THE HIDATSA
Our chief authority for the names of the Hidatsa gentes is Morgan’s
“Ancient Society.” Dr Washington Matthews could have furnished a
corrected list from his own notes had they not unfortunately been
destroyed by fire. All that can now be done is to give Morgan’s list,
using his system of spelling:
1. Knife, Mit-che-ro/-ka.
2. Water, Min-ne pii’-ta.
3. Lodge, Bi-ho-hii’-ta.
4. Prairie chicken, Seech-ka-be-ruh-pii/-ka (Tsi-tska’ do-lipa/-ka of
Matthews; Tsi-tska’ d¢o-qpa/-ka in the Bureau alphabet).
5. Hill people, E-tish-sho’-ka. °
6. Unknown animal, Ali-nali-ha-nii/-me-te.
7. Bonnet, E-ku/-pii-be-ka.
The Hidatsa have been studied by Prince Maximilian (1833), Hayden,
and Matthews, the work of the last writer! being the latest one treat-
ing of them; and from it the following is taken:
Marriageamong the Hidatsa is usually made formal by the distribution
of gifts on the part of the man to the woman’s kindred. Afterward pres-
ents of equal value are commonly returned by the wife’s relations, if they
have the means of so doing and are satisfied with the conduct of the hus-
band. Sometravelers have represented that the ‘marriage by purchase”
among the Indians is a mere sale of the woman to the highest bidder,
whose slave she becomes. Matthews regards this a misrepresentation
so far as it concerns the Hidatsa, the wedding gift being a pledge to
the parents for the proper treatment of their daughter, as well as an
evidence of the wealth of the suitor and his kindred. Matthews has
known many cases where large marriage presents were refused from
one person, and gifts of much less value accepted from another, simply
because the girl showed a preference for the poorer lover. Marriages
by elopement are considered undignified, and different terms are applied
to a marriage by elopement and one by parental consent. Polygamy
is practiced, but usually with certain restrictions. The husband of the
eldest of several sisters has a claim to each of the others as she grows
up, and in most cases the man takes such a potential wife unless she
form another attachment. A man usually marries his brother’s widow,
unless she object, and he may adopt the orphans as his own children.
Divorce is easily effected, but is rare among the better class of people
in the tribe. The unions of such people often last for life; but among
persons of a different character divorces are common. Their social
discipline is not very severe. Punishments by law, administered by the
1 Ethnography and Philology of the Hidatsa Indians; U.S. Geological and Geographical Survey,
miscellaneous publications No. 7, Washington, 1877.
DORSEY] HIDATSA, CROW, AND BILOXI 243
“soldier band,” are only for serious offenses against the regulations of
the camp. He who simply violates social customs in the tribe often
subjects himself to no worse punishment than an occasional sneer or
taunting remark; but for grave transgressions he may lose the regard
of his friends. With the Hidatsa, as with other western tribes, it is
improper for a man to hold a direct conversation with his mother-in-law ;
but this custom seems to be falling into disuse.
The kinship system of the Hidatsa does not differ materially from
that of any of the cognate tribes. When they wish to distinguish
between the actual father and a father’s real or potential brothers, or
between the actual mother and the mother’s real or potential sisters,
they use the adjective ka’ti (kaqt‘1), real, true, after the kinship term
when the actual parent is meant.
THE CROW OR ABSAROKA
As this tribe belongs to the Hidatsa linguistic substock, it is very
probable that the social laws and customs of the one people are iden-
tical with those of the other, as there has been nothing to cause exten-
sive differentiation.
It is not known whether the Hidatsa and Crow tribes ever camped
in a circle. Morgan’s list of the Crow gentes is given, with his peculiar
notation, as follows:
1. Prairie Dog gens, A-che-pii-be’-cha.
2. Bad Leggings, E-sach’-ka-buk.
3. Skunk, Ho-ka-rut/-cha.
4, Treacherous Lodges, Ash-bot-chee-ah.
5. Lost Lodges, Ah-shin’-né de/-ah (possibly intended for Last Lodges,
those who camped in the rear).
6. Bad Honors, Ese-kep-kii/-buk.
. Butchers, Oo-sii-bot/-see.
8. Moving Lodges, Ah-hii-chick.
9. Bear-paw Mountain, Ship-tet/-zi.
10. Blackfoot Lodges, Ash-kane/-na.
11. Fish Catchers, Boo-a-da/-sha.
2. Antelope, O-hot-du-sha.
13. Raven, Pet-chale-ruh-pii’-ka.
“1
THE BILOXI
The tribal organization of this people has disappeared. When the
few survivors were visited by the author at Lecompte, Louisiana, in
1892 and 1893, they gave him the names of three of the clans of the
Biloxi, descent being reckoned in the female line. These clans are: 1,
Ita atyadi, Deer people; 2, O"gi a"yadi, Bear people; 3, Naqotod¢a
a"yadi, Alligator people. Most of the survivors belong to the Deer
clan. The kinship system of the Biloxi is more complicated than that
of any other tribe of the stock; in fact, more than that of any of the
244 SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY [ETH ANN. 15
tribes visited by the author. The names of 53 kinship groups are still
remembered, but there are at least a dozen others whose names have
been forgotten. Where the (degiha language, for example, has but one
term for grandchild and one grandchild group, the Biloxi has at least
fourteen. In the ascending series the Dakota and (egiha do not have
any terms beyond grandfather and grandmother. But for each sex the
Biloxi has terms for at least three degrees beyond the grandparent.
The (egiha has but one term for father’s sister and one for mother’s
brother, father’s brother being “father,” and mother’s sister ‘‘mother.”
But the Biloxi has distinct terms (and groups) for father’s elder sister,
father’s younger sister, father’s elder brother, father’s younger brother,
and so on for the mother’s elder and younger brothers and sisters. The
Biloxi distinguishes between an elder sister’s son and the son of a
younger sister, and so between the daughter of an elder sister and a
younger sister’s daughter. A Biloxi man may not marry his wife’s
brother’s daughter, nor his wife’s father’s sister, differing in this respect
from a Dakota, an Omaha, a Ponka, ete; but he can marry his deceased
wife’s sister. A Biloxi woman may marry the brother of her deceased
husband. Judging from the analogy furnished by the Kansa tribe it
was very probably the rule before the advent of the white race that a
Biloxi man could not marry a woman of his own clan.
THE TUTELO
It is impossible to learn whether the Tutelo ever camped in a circle
The author obtained the following clan names (descent being in the
female line) from John Key, an Indian, on Grand River reservation,
Ontario, Canada, in September, 1882: On ‘one side of the fire” were
the Bear and Deer clans, the Wolf and Turtle being on the other side.
John Key’s mother, maternal grandmother, and Mrs Christine Buck
were members of the Deer clan. There were no taboos. The Tutelo
names of the clans have been forgotten.
THE CATAWBA
Dr A. 8. Gatschet, of the Bureau of Ethnology, visited the Catawba
tribe prior to March, 1882, when he obtained an extensive vocabulary
of the Catawba language, but he did not record any information respect-
ing the social organization of the people.
For further information regarding the Siouan tribes formerly inhabit-
ing the Atlantic coast region, see “Siouan Tribes of the East,” by
James Mooney, published as a bulletin of the Bureau of Ethnology.
ers wee ON KATE CIUNAS
BY
JESSE WALTER FEWKES
CONTENTS
Page
ToT MOG NOUMO he asec oscor Soe Gan conosocnbece peaconed Soedosnede SoDSbE BeSnoonEoo 251
Tabular view of the sequence of Tusayan celebrations.......---------------- 255
Names of months and corresponding ceremonials --...-----.----------------- 256
Means of determining the time for ceremonials -....--------.-----.---------- 258
GIRERIRGH Gn OF CEma nO bs 52. Ss — eos sdemes Hauge soso sesccsdee Oses caes esas 260
Discussion of previous descriptions of Katcinas - -----..--------------------- 264
(CHECETGAC MYO USXO he o5 -geosoaecd esha cebeenesoceo nee eoe cep Co aaee asones 265
TSU NORA RD IMERKOD ES Co55oa5 Sasa Sea Sa Soae Sees seeoee ao bens scOserEs seemoocrS 268
SOWING, 2a se eee ca sees seas enSeoe desea ones dys Sbosacses ao eeoees5oeuec 268
Katcina’s return 273
IRON iN a= goenee cose so bSo ab sense ane Soe enn eHos SoSS see coe Sea meao CeaS 274
TERMI KGS, SOen o= ae See senda Sonu ssaacadar 291
Nhat eon) saan ene de ooen sses acoder saane BA race eee Baisfesioree eee 292
Albbrevistedecat cin asweesmess seme eer ae eahee are ie eee ati al clear ata) 292
(HMONG cae Gegace desecorcaeas cobere Sees Sees soemecedoe coGonRe 292
S@CHAKG@). s-ssacencsae abone cobepcHoed sseamsacces Hoos suso ce deeeeeoesad 296
Dn Al ARK UU ace Habs Sen rae ne need Roce Seas ae adi deo waemsostreceoceuse | ett)
PA aca GCin ae mee ae ert Bee ee ean hoeee esses are eases eee: 303
Comparative study of Katcina dances in Cibola and Tusayan ....-..---.------ 304
PLATE CIV.
CV.
CVI.
CVII.
CVIII.
CEX.
CX.
CXa?
FIGURE 39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44,
45.
46.
47.
48.
TELUS TRATIONS
A, Shield with star symbol; B, Soydluna shield with star and
unknown symbol; C, Symbolic sun shield...--......--.------
(Rhe: Natackalceremoniysat Walp lec sme resettle tala ate se ieee
Hahatwitiqti, Natacka, and Soyékmana.-.-......-........--.----
Molton slakoman ares see ee cecises tees sets ise iar elas a ee esis
Kateina mask with squash-blossom appendage and rain-cloud
RAWAL WI oe e ce mea daoos coeccencusus ogee Udduor oe Sse copes sacere
Dollof Calakomana (mistakenly given on the plate as Calakotaka) -
Head-dressiof Alosok are s-a2) seen rae ia eaiseie osetia einen a
AMPowammMashkce ccc: cee Sace cea nec se sieeysiale sie a ace = seni eecie
Tablet of the Palahfkomana mask.........---...----.-.--------
Position of celebrants in the court of Sitcomovi in Siocilako-.--
Mask of Pawikkatcina (front view)...-.---.-------.------------
Maskiofp bawikkateina) (Sldeivlew) = 2c s— ess ses eiee s ereriais| sas
Maskcofehawikkatcinaman tise meciaeeene eens cassia eee
StatinoteawAkKkatcin ace seer cmacisieeteciine = jeristiee eee aay
Helmets, ear of corn, and spruce bough arranged for reception
COLEMONY; ears jars soe ses centere acoso seas ose ae eee aes.
Symbolism of the helmet of Humiskatcina (tablet removed). -.--
THE GROUP OF TUSAYAN CEREMONTALS CALLED
KATCINAS’
By JESSE WALTER FEWKES
INTRODUCTION
In their use of the word Katcina? the Hopi or Moki apply the term
to supernatural beings impersonated by men wearing masks or by
statuettes in imitation of the same. The dances in which the former
appear are likewise called by the same name which with the orthogra-
phy “‘Cachena” is used in descriptions of these dances in the valley of
theupper Rio Grande. The present use of the term among the Tusayan
Indians leads me to consider it as almost a synonym of a supernatural
being of surbordinate rank to the great deities. Ancestral worship
plays a not inconspicuous part in the Hopi conception of a Kateina.
When we endeavor to classify the ceremonials which form the ritual
practiced by the Tusayan villagers, the subject is found to be so com-
plex that it can be adequately treated only by the help of observations
extending through many years. The plan which I have followed in my
work, as will be seen in previous publications, has been to gather and
record data in regard to the details of individual observances as a basis
for generalization.
My former publications on this subject have therefore been simply
records of observations.’ For various reasons it has seemed well to
anticipate a final and general account and interpretation, with ten-
tative efforts at a classification to serve as a stepping-stone to a more
exhaustive and complete discussion of the relationship of these obsery-
ances, which would naturally appear in an elaborate memoir necessi-
tating a broader method of treatment than any yet adopted.
'These studies were made while the aathor was connected with the Hemenway Expedition from
1890 to 1894, and the memoir, which was prepared in 1894, includes the results of the observations of
the late A. M. Stephen as well as of those of the author.
«The letters used in spelling Indian words in this article have the following sounds: a, as in far; i
as in what; ai, as i in pine; e, a3 a in fate; i, as in pique; i, as in pin; u, asin rule; t, asin but;
li, as in the French tu; p, b, v, similar in sound; t and d, like the same in tare and dare, almost indis-
tinguishable; tc, a3 ch in chink: ¢, as sh in shall; 1, as n in syncope; s, sibilant; r, obscure rolling
sound; 1, m,n, k, h, y, 2, as in English.
These observations are confined to three villages on the East mesa, which has been the field more
thoroughly cultivated by the members of the Hemenway Expedition.
251
22, TUSAYAN KATCINAS [ETH. ANN. 15
At the present stage of my researches it would be too early to write
such an account of the ceremonial calendar of the Tusayan villagers, but
it has been deemed well to put on record, with many new observations,
this preliminary outline of what may be a portion of a general system,
to aid other investigators in kindred fields of study. When I began my
work, four years ago, the task of bringing order out of what appeared
to be a hopeless confusion seemed well-nigh impossible, but as one cere-
mony after another was studied it was found that the exactness of
the ritual as exemplified in ceremonial presentations pertained even to
details, and that there was a logical connection running throughout
all the religious observances of the Tusayan Indians, the presentations
of which were practically little influenced by white races with whom
the people had been brought in contact. As these ceremonials were
studied more sympathetically I discovered a unity throughout them
which, whatever their origin may have been, placed them in marked con-
trast to those of the nomads by whom they were surrounded. They
were found to belong to a type or ceremonial area in which the other
Pueblos are embraced, the affinities of which carry us into different
geographic regions of the American continent.
3ut while this type differs or differed in ancient times from those of
Athapasean or Shoshonean aborigines, it bears evidence of a composite
nature. It had become so by contributions from many sources, and
had in turn left its impress on other areas, so that as a type the Pueblo
culture was the only one of its kind in aboriginal America. With
strong affinities on all sides it was unique, having nearest kinship with
those of Mexico and Central America.
The geographic extension of the Pueblo type of culture was no
doubt formerly much greater than it is at the present time. What its
original boundaries were future investigation will no doubt help us to
decide, but the problem at present before us is the determination of its
characteristics as a survival in our times. When once this is satis-
factorily known, and not until then, can we advance with confidence
to wider generalizations as to its past distribution and offer theories
regarding its affinities with other ceremonial areas of the American
race.
It is doubtless true that we are not progressing beyond what can be
claimed to be known when we say that all the Pueblo peoples belong
to the same ceremonial type. [am sure that in prehistoric and historic
times delegations from the Rio Grande country have settled among
the Tusayan villagers, and that many families of the latter have
migrated back to the Rio Grande again to make permanent homes in
that section. The most western and the most eastern peoples of this
Pueblo culture-stock have been repeatedly united in marriage, bringing
about a consequent commingling of blood, and the legends of both tell
of their common character. It is too early in research to inject into sei-
ence the idea that the Pueblos are modified Indians of other stocks, and
FEWKES] EXPLANATION OF TERMS 253
we outstrip our knowledge of facts if we ascribe to any one village or
group of villages the implication involved in the expression, ‘‘ Father
of the Pueblos.” Part of the Pueblo culture is autochthonal, but its
germ may have originated elsewhere, and no one existing Pueblo peo-
ple is able satisfactorily to support the claim that it is ancestral out-
side of a very limited area.
In the present article I have tried to present a picture of one of the
two great natural groups of ceremonials into which the Tusayan ritual
is divided. I have sought also to lay a foundation for comparative
studies of the same group as it exists in other pueblos, but have not
found sufficient data in regard to these celebrations in other villages to
carry this comparative research very far. Notwithstanding these
dances occur in most of the pueblos, the published data about them is
too meager for comparative uses. No connected description of these
ceremonies in other pueblos has been published; of theoretical expla-
nations we have more than are profitable. It is to be hoped that the
ever-increasing interest in the ceremonials of the Pueblos of the south-
west will lead to didactic, exoteric accounts of the rituals of all these
peoples, for a great field for research in this direction is yet to be tilled.
In the use, throughout this article, of the words “gods,” ‘ deities,” and
“worship” we undoubtedly endow the subject with conceptions which
do not exist in the Indian mind, but spring from philosophic ideas
resulting from our higher culture. For the first two the more cumber-
some term ‘supernatural beings”! is more expressive, and the word
“spirit” is perhaps more convenient, except from the fact that it like-
wise has come to have a definite meaning unknown to the primitive
mind.
Worship, as we understand it, is not a proper term to use in the de-
scription of the Indian’s methods of approaching his supernal beings.
It involves much which is unknown to him, and implies the existence
of that which is foreign to his conceptions. Still, until some better
nomenclature, more exactly defining his methods, is suggested, these
terms from their convenience will still continue in common use.
The dramatic element which is ascribed to the Katcina? ritual is
more prominent in the elaborate than in the abbreviated presentations,
as would naturally be the case, but even there it is believed to be less
striking than in the second group or those in which the performers are
without masks.
There exists in Hopi mythology many stories or the old times which
form an accompanying body of tradition explaining much of the sym-
bolism and some of the ritual, but nowhere have I found the sequence
of the ceremonials to closely correspond with the episodes of the myth.
In the Snake or the Flute dramatizations this coincidence of myth and
ritual is more striking, but in them it has not gone so far as to be
1“Souls” inthe broadest conception of the believers in Tylor’s animistic theory.
2'The distinction between elaborate and abbreviated Katcinas will be spoken of later.
254 TUSAYAN KATCINAS (eTH, ANN. 15
comparable with religious dramatizations of more cultured peoples.
Among the Katcinas, however, it is more obscure or even very limited.
While an abbreviated Katcina may be regarded as a reproduction
of the celebrations recounted in legends of times when real super-
natural beings visited the pueblos, and thus dramatizes semimythie
stories, I fail to see aught else in them of the dramatic element.
The characteristic symbolism is preseribed and strictly conforms
to the legends. Explanations of why each Katecina is marked this
or that way can be gathered from legends, but the continuous carry-
ing out of the sequence of events in the life of any Katcina, or any
story of creation or migration, did not appear in any abbreviated!
Katcina which was studied. In this subdivision a dramatic element is
present, but only in the erudest form. In the elaborate Katcinas, how-
ever, we find an advance in the amount of dramatization, or an attempt
to represent a story or parts of the same. Thus we can in Soyaluna
follow a dramatic presentation of the legend of the conflict of the sun
with hostile deities or powers, in which both are personified.
I must plead ignorance of the esoteric aspect of the Tusayan concep-
tions of the Katcinas when such exists. This want of knowledge is
immaterial, for the object of this article is simply to record what has
been seen and goes no further. I will not say that a complete account
of the Katcinas can be given by such a treatment, and do not know
how much or how little of their esoterism has eluded me, but these
observations are wholly exoteric records of events rather than esoteric
explanations of causes. It is thought that such a treatment of the
subject will be an important contribution to the appreciation of expla-
nations which it naturally precedes.
Although it seems probable that the ritual of primitive man contains
elements of a more or less perfect dramatization of his mythology, I
incline to the opinion that the ritual is the least variable and from it
has grown the legend as we now know it. The question, Which came
first, myth or ritual? is outside the scope of this article.
Any one who has studied the ceremonial system of the Tusayan
Indians will have noticed the predominance of great ceremonials in
winter. From harvest time to planting there is a succession of cele-
brations of most complicated and varied nature, but from planting to
harvesting all these rites are much curtailed. The simplest explana-
tion of this condition would be, and probably is, necessity. There is
‘It would be interesting to know what relationship exists between abbreviated and elaborate
Katcinas. Are the former, for instance, remnants of more complicated presentations in which the
secret elements have been dropped in the course of time? Were they formerly more complicated, or
are they in lower stages of evolution, gathering episodes which if left alone would finally make them
more complex? T incline to the belief that the abbreviated Katcinas are remnants, and their redue-
tion due topractical reasons. In a general way the word Katcina may be translated ‘‘ soul" or ‘ deified
ancestor,’ and in this respect affords most valuable data to the upholders of the animistic theory.
But there are other elements in Tusayan mythology which are not animistic. As Mogk has well
shown in Teutonic mythology, nature elements and the great gods are original, so among the Hopi
the nature elements are not identified with remote ancestors, nor is there evidence that their worship
was derivative. As Saussaye remarks, ‘‘ Animism is always and everywhere mixed up with resigion;
it is never and nowhere the whole of religion.”
FEWKES] SEQUENCE OF CEREMONIALS. 255
not time enough to devote to great and elaborate ceremonials when the
corn must be cared for. Time is then too precious, but when the corn
is high and the crop is in sight, or during the long winter when the
agriculturist is at home unemployed, then the superstitious mind has
freedom to carry on elaborate rites and observances, and then naturally
he takes part in the complex ceremonies. Hence the spring and early
summer religious observances are abbreviated. Although the Pueblo
farmer may thoroughly believe in his ceremonial system as efficacious,
his human nature is too practical to consume the precious planting
time with elaborate ceremonials. But when he sees that the crop is
coming and harvest is at hand, then he begins the series of, to him,
magnificent pageants which extend from the latter part of August until
March of the following year.
It has been proven by repeated observations of the same ceremonials
that there is great constancy in the way successive presentations of
the ritual are carried out year after year. The inevitable modifications
resulting from the death of old priests undoubtedly in course of time
affect individual observances, but their ritual is never voluntarily
changed. The ceremonials which I have here and elsewhere described
were not invented by them to show to me, nor will any religious society
of the Hopi at the present day get up a ceremony to please the white
man. Each observance is traditional and prescribed for a certain time
of the year.
TABULAR VIEW OF THE SEQUENCE OF TUSAYAN CELEBRA-
TIONS!
The following tabular view of the sequence of ceremonials may aid
in the study of the Hopi calendar, and indicate the ceremonials pre-
sented to us for classification:
( Katcina’s return.
A* 2 Powamt.
l Paliiliikonti.
The abbreviated Katcinas commonly come in the interval, and vary
somewhat from year to year.
Niman (Katcina’s departure).
Snake or Flute (alternating).
Lalakonti.
Mamzratti.
Wiiwiiteimti® (sometimes Naacnaiya).
Soyaluna.
J
1 By Gregorian months, which of course the Hopi do not recognize by these names or limits. Their
own ‘‘moons"’ have been given elsewhere.
2The months to which the first division roughly corresponds are January to July. The second
division includes, roughly speaking, August and December (inclusive). More accurately defined:
the solar year is about equally divided into two parts by the Niman, which is probably the exact
dividing celebration of the ceremonial year.
3There is a slight r sound in the first two syllables of Wiiwiitcimti.
256 TUSAYAN KATCINAS (ETH. ANN. 15
Masked or Kateina Ceremonials
Fan February March April-June July
December
ary }
‘Soyaluna. Pa. Powami. Paliiliikonti. Variable ab- | Niman.
| | | breviated |
| | | | Kateinas. |
| |
}
Unmasked or Nine Days’? Ceremonials
|
| August September October November |
oe | i, =i
= , S50 | ical | =e A -
Snake or Flute.) Lalakoiti. |; Mamzrauti.) Wiiwiitcimti or
| | Nadacnaiya. |
The Kateina chief, Intiwa, erects his altar every year in the
Monkiva, but different kivas by rotation or otherwise celebrate the
dance of the Niman by their appropriate presentation, thus: The men
of the Wikwaliobikiva celebrated the dance in 1891; those of Nacab-
kiva in 1892; those of the Alkiva in 1893, and probably in 1894 the
men of the Teivatokiva will personate the last Katcina of the sum-
mer. It thus will appear that the special supernatural personage
represented varies from year to year within certain limits, and the
variations mean nothing more than that the members of the different
kivas participate in rotation,
:
NAMES OF MONTHS AND CORRESPONDING CEREMONIALS
The Tusayan names of the months are as follows:
| Months Ceremonials
re
| 1. Powamii/iyawt!....... Powamt.
3. _Kwiyaomii/iyawt.
4. Hakitonmii/iyawt.
5. Kelemii/iyawit.
| 2. U'ciimii‘iyawi ........ Paliiliikonti.
'The word mii/iyawt means ‘‘moon,”’ by which it wonld seem that our satellite determines the
smaller divisions of the year.
FEWKES] CEREMONIAL CALENDAR 257
Months Ceremonials
6. Kyamii/iyawt ....2-..- | Niman.
fieeleamldnyawleees eee | (Snake, Flute.)
8. Powa/mii/iyawt ....--- Lalakonti.
9, Hiiiikmii/iyawn.
10. U’eiimii/iyawi .......-| Mamzraiti.
11. Kelemti‘iyawi..-.--.-. W iiwiiteimti.
12. Kyamii‘iyawt......-. Soyaluna. |
IsaRamiifyanill 2 o2-- 2s Kateina’s return.
ere tally ae eat|
The second part of the October (U‘cii) is said to be called Tii‘hoe.
If this is recognized as a lunar period we would have 14 divisions to
the ceremonial year. In the Pamii/iyawi, the Snake ceremony, and the
Katcina’s return, the same Niiitiwa (struggle of maids for bowls, ete)
occurs.
It will be noticed that the five summer moons have the same names
as those of the winter; by that I do not mean to discard the divisions
“named” and “nameless,” elsewhere used on good authority. The
questions regarding the nomenclature of the different moons and their
number are very perplexing and not yet satisfactorily answered.
The determination of the number of moons recognized in the year
or the interval between the successive reappearance of the sun in his
house (Tawaki) at the summer solstitial rising 1s a most important
question, for a satisfactory answer to which my researches thus far are
insufficient. Several of the priests have told me that there were 135,
as given above; but others say there are 12, and still others, 14. The
comparative ethnologist, familiar with Mexican calendars, would be
glad to accept the report that there were 13, in which case there would
be introduced a remarkable harmony between peoples akin in many
ways. Although, however, therd is good evidence that 15 is recognized
by some priests, the negative evidence must be mentioned, especially
as it is derived from men whose knowledge of Hopi lore I have come
to respect. I have, however, provisionally followed the opinion of
those who hold that the Hopi recognize 13 ceremonial months in their
calendar.
If the second part of the U’eii moon be called Tii’hoe, we would have
14 moons, which would give 6 between 2 Powa, or 2 Pa, Kele, Kya,
and divide the ceremonial year into two parts of 7 moons each. The
Katcina’s return (Ukine), or the beginning of the Katcinas, then
occurs in the Pa moon; they end in Kya at the Niman (last, farewell).
The group of unmasked ceremonials (nine days) likewise begins at
the Pa moon in the Snake or Flute, and ends at the winter, Kya, or
Soyaluna.
15 ETH——17
258 TUSAYAN KATCINAS (ETH. ANN. 15
In endeavoring to find some reason for the similarity of names in the
two groups of months which compose the ceremonial year I have this
interesting hint, dropped by one of the priests: ‘When we of the
upper world,” he said, ‘are celebrating the winter Pa moon the people
of the under world are engaged in the observance of the Snake or
Flute, and vice versa.” The ceremonials in the two worlds are syn-
chronous. ‘That is the reason,” said my informant, ‘“‘that we make
the Snake or Flute pahos during the winter season, although the dance
is not celebrated until the corresponding month of the following
summer.” !
MEANS OF DETERMINING THE TIME FOR CEREMONIALS
Among the Hopi Indians there are priests (tawawympkiyas) skilled
in the lore of the sun, who determine, by observations of the points on
the horizon, where the sun rises or sets, the time of the year proper for
religious ceremonials. Two of these points are called sun houses, one
at tatyiika,? which is called the sun house (tawaki) par excellence,
another at kwiniwi, which also is called tawaki, or sun house.
The points on the horizon used in the determination of ceremonial
events are as follows:
1. Tawaki (hiitea, opening). The horizon point properly called
savwiiwee marks the cardinal point tatyiika or place of sunrise at the
winter solstice. The winter ceremony Soyéluna is determined not by
sunrise, but by sunset, although, asa general thing, the time of summer
ceremonials is determined by observations of sunrise.
2. Masnamiizrii (masi, drab or gray; namiizrii, wooded ridge). This
point is the ridge or crest of the mesa, east of Piip’ce.
3. Paviin/teomo (paviin’, young corn; te6mo, mound). A point on
the old wagon trail to Fort Defiance, a little beyond the head of Keams
canyon.
4, Honwitcomo (derivation obscure; h6nwi, erect).
5. Niivakteomo (niivak, snow; teomo, mound). When the sun reaches
here on its northern journey the Honani or Badger people plant corn;
the other Hopi people plant melons, squashes, and gourds.
6. Piilhomotaka (piilii, round, hump; homo, obscure; taka, man;
possibly many hump-back men). When the sun reaches here the Patki
‘From their many stories of the under world I am led to believe that the Hopi consider it a counter-
part of the earth’s surface, and aregion inhabited by sentient beings. In this under world the seasons
alternate with those in the upper world, and when it is summer in the above it is winter in the world
below, and vice versa. Moreover, ceremonies are said to be performed there as here, and frequeut
references are made to their character. It is believed that these ceremonies somewhat resemble each
other and are complemental. In their cultus of the dead the under world is also regarded as the abode
of the “ breath-body"’ of the deceased, who enter it through a sipapu, often spoken of as a lake. I
have not detected that they differentiate this world into two regions, the abode of the blessed and that
of the damned.
“The Tawaki of tatyiika is the sun house. There is no sun house at hépoko nor at tevyuna. The
names of the four horizon cardinal points are, kwiniwi, northwest; tevyi'fa, southwest; tatyuka,
southeast, and hopokyiika (syncopated hépoko), northeast.
FEWKES] TIME OF CEREMONIALS 259
or Water people plant corn. When the sun returns here the Snake-
Antelope fraternities assemble for the Snake dance,
7. Kwiteala.! When the sun rises at this point on his northward
journey general planting begins, which continues until the summer
solstice. When the sun returns to this point on his southerly journey
the Nimankatcina is celebrated.
8. Taiovi (?). ;
9. Owatcoki (owa, rock; teoki, mound house).
10, Wii/nacakabi (wii/na, pole; caka, ladder).
11. Wakaeva, cattle spring, 12 miles north of Keams canyon.
12. Payaukyaki, swallow house.
13. Tiiyiika, summer solstice.
We are justified in accepting the theory that sun and moon? worship
is usual among primitive men, Whether that of the sun or of our sat-
ellite was the earlier it is not in the province of this article to discuss,
but it is doubtless true that sun worship is a very ancient cult among
most primitive peoples. The Pueblos are not exceptions, and while we
can not say that their adoration is limited to the sun, it forms an essen-
tial element of their ritual, while their anhydrous environment has led
them into a rain-cloud worship and other complexities. I think we can
safely say, however, that the germ of their astronomy sprang from
observations of the sun, and while yet in a most primitive condition they
noticed the fact that this celestial body did not always rise or set at
the same points on the horizon. The connection between these facts
and the seasons of the year must have been noted early in their history,
and have led to orientation, which plays such an important part in all
their rituals. Thus the approach of the sun to a more vertical position
in the sky in summer and its recession in winter led to the association
of time when the earth yielded them their crops with its approach,
and the time when the earth was barren with its recession. These
epochs were noticed, however, not by the position of the sun at mid-
day, but at risings and settings, or the horizon points. The two
great epochs, summer and winter, were, it is believed, connected with
1Note the similarity in sound to the Nahuatl month, Quecholli, in which the Atamalqualiztli was
celebrated. See ‘A Central American ceremony which suggests the Snake dance of the Tusayan
villagers,” American Anthropologist, Washington, vol. v1, No.3. Quecholli, however, according to
both Sahagun and Serna, was in November. The Snake dance at Walpi is thus celebrated about six
months from Atamalqualiztli, or not far from the time when the people of the under world celebrate
their Snake-Autelope solemnities. In this connection attention may be called to the fact that the
Snake-Antelope priests in Walpi have a simple gathering in the winter Pa moon (January), when
their sacerdotal kindred of the under world are supposed by them to be performing their unabbre-
viated snake rites. Thisis at mostonly abouta month from the time Atamalqualiztli was celebrated.
Teotlico, the Nahuatl return of the war god, occurred in November; Soydluna, the warriors’ return,
in December. There are important comparative data bearing on the likeness of Hopi and Nahuatl
ceremonies hidden in the resemblance between Kwetcala and Quecholli (Kwetcoli).
2Miiyinwith, the goddess of germs, is preeminently the divinity of the under world, and has some
remarkable similarities to the Nahuatl Mictlantecutli or his female companion Mictlancihuatl. The
name is very similar to that for moon. This was the ruler of the world of shades visited by Tiyo, the
snakehero. (Seethe legend of the Snake Youth in Journal of American Ethnology and Archeology,
vol. Iv, Boston, 1894.)
260 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [ETH. ANN. 15
solstitial amplitudes, and the equinoctial, horizontal points, uncon-
nected with important times to agriculturists, were not considered as
of much worth. There is every evidence, however, that the time of
day was early indicated by the altitude of the sun, although the con-
nection of the altitude at midday with the time of year was subordi-
nated to observations on the horizon.
CLASSIFICATION OF CEREMONIALS
In attempting to make out the annual cycle of ceremonial obsery-
ances, as determined by observations made during the last three years,
I recognize two groups, the differences between which may be more or
less arbitrary. These groups are called—
I. The Katcinas.
il. The Nine days’ ceremonials.
The former of these groups, which is the subject of this article, begins
with the Katcinas’ return,! and ends with their departure (Niman).
It is not my purpose here to do more than refer to the latter group, as
a short reference to them may be of value for a proper understanding
of the Katcinas. ‘
There are significant likenesses between different members of the
series of nine days’ ceremonials, and they may be grouped in several
pairs, of which the following may be mentioned:
I, Snake or Flute.”
Il. Lalakonti and Mamzratti.
IL. Powamti and Paliiliikonti.
IV. Wiiwiiteimti and Naaenaiya.
The likenesses are built on the similarity of the rites practiced in
both members of each pair. The Hopi priests recognize another
kinship which does not appear in the nature of the ceremonies as
much as in the subordinate parts. Thus, Lalakonti and Paliiliikonti,
Wiiwiitcimti and Mamzratti are brother and sister ceremonials, accord-
ing to their conceptions. This kinship is said to account for certain
events in the ceremonials, and friendly feeling manifested between
certain societies, but much obscurity envelops this whole subject of
relationships.
The term ‘‘ Nine days’ ceremonies” refers to the active® ceremonial
days, including those in which the chiefs perform the secret observance
and the open dance of the last days. Strictly speaking, the ceremo-
nial smoke to determine the time is a part of the observance, and froni
;
'The Soyaluna has been called the Kactina’s return, which name is not inaccurate. It is, strictly
speaking, a warriors’ celebration, and marks the return of the leader of the Katcinas, as in Teotleco.
The Kateinas appear in force in the Pa celebration.
‘I have elsewhere pointed out the similarity between the dramatizations of the Snake-Antelope and
the Flute societies, but the members of the former scout the idea that they are related. Evidently
the similarity in their ceremonials, which can not be denied, are not akin to the relationships which
they recognize between brother and sister societies
‘Strictly speaking, eight active, since the first day is not regarded as a ceremonial day. See Jour
nal of American Ethnology and Archeology, vol. tv, p. 13, 1894.
FEWEES] NINE DAYS’ CEREMONIALS 261
this date to the final public exhibition there are sixteen days, a multi-
ple of the omnipresent number four,
Some of the Katcinas have nine days of ceremonials, counting the
assembly and the final purification.
The inception of the ceremony is called tedtcon yiinya, smoking
assembly, in which the chiefs (mon/mowitti) meet together in the even-
ing at a prescribed house. The meeting places are as follows:
Teiitciib (Snake-Antelope fraternity)... . - Snake chief’s mother’s house.
Mam 2ratle os se nlea-cccece ole aceek eee Salako’s.
Walakonteeeeter ess eet eas soot Koteniimsi’s.
NOyAluUNas sac seee ches sects s Se ee . Vénsi’s.
BVViLUWAL GCI ree ars Sas mers nc oe ere seit ereia: Teiwiiqti’s.
iEnsyan (EWU) ee es te see Talasvensi’s.
INDICT ae See Sena ae ae ie ee ee .. Kwiimaletci’s.
On the day following this smoke the speaker chief (teadkmofwi)
at early sunrise announces to the public that the ceremony is to begin,
and to the six direction deities (nananivo mon/mowitt) that the priests
are about to assemble to pray forrain, Eight days after the announce-
ment the chiefs gather in the kiva, and that day is called yiinya, assem-
blage, but is not counted in the sequence of ceremonial days. ‘The first
ceremonial day is Ciictala, after which follow the remaining days as
already explained in my account of the Snake ceremonials. Counting
the days from the commencement, the Snake, Flute, Niman, Lalakonti,
and Mamzrauti are always celebrated in extenso sixteen days, or nine
days of active ceremonies, as shown in articles elsewhere. When
Naacnaiya is not celebrated, Wiiwiitcimti, Powamt, Soyaluna, and
Paliiliikonti are abbreviated to four days of active ceremonials.
The following diagnosis may be made of these great nine days’ cere-
monials: Duration of the ceremony, nine consecutive days and nights;
no masked dancers in secret or public exhibitions; no Katcinas; no
Teuktwympkiyas.’ Altars and sand mosaics generally present. Indi-
vidual ceremonials either annual or biennial, but in either case at
approximately the same time of the year; sequence constant. Tiponi’
generally brought out in the public dance. Many pahos,’ ordinarily of
different Jength (Snake, Flute, Lalakonti, Mamzrauti), to deposit in
shrines at varying distances from the town. Ceremonial racing, gen-
erally in the morning of the eighth and ninth days.
1Clowns, called likewise ‘‘ mudheads”' and ‘‘ gluttons."’
2The tiponi is supposed to be the mother or the palladium, the sacred badge of office of the society.
It is one of the wimi or sacred objects in the keeping of achief, and is the insignium of his official
standing. The character of this object varies with different societies, and, in a simple form, is an ear
of corn surronnded by sticks and bright-colored feathers bound by a buckskin string. For the con-
tents of the more elaborate forms, see my description of the Lélakonti tiponi (called bundles of
pahos).
'Pahos or prayer-sticks are prayer-bearers of different forms conceived to be male and female when
double. Their common form is figured in my memoir on the Snake Ceremonials at Walpi; Jour.
Am. Eth, and Arch., vol.iv, p. 27. Preseribed forms vary with different deities.
262 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [ETH. ANN. 15
The following are the important nine days’ ceremonies:
1. The Antelope-Snake celebration, alternating biennially with the
Lélenti or Flute observance.
2 The Lalakonti. This ceremony lasts nine days and as many
nights, and is celebrated by women. The details of the celebration at
Walpi in 1891, together with the altars, fetiches, and the like have
already been published.t| It has some likenesses with the Mam-
zratiti, which follows it in sequence. There are four priestesses, the
chief of whom is Kéteniimsi. Three tiponis were laid on the altar in
Fig. 39—Tablet of the Palahikomana mask.
the celebration of 1891, although it is customary for each society to have
but one tiponi, which, with the other paraphernalia, is in the keeping of
the chief priest.
3. The Mamzratti. This ceremonial has likewise been described.”
In some celebrations of this festival girls appear with tablets on their
heads personifying maids called Palahikomanas. In 1891 these per-
sonages were represented by pictures* of the same on slabs carried in
the hands of girls. In this way the variations of their celebrations in
different years may be explained; sometimes women are dressed to
impersonate the Palahikomanas, at others only pictures of the same
are carried.
1The American Anthropologist, Washington, April, 1892.
2Tbid., July, 1892
*Erroneously identified as Calako in my description and plates of the presentation of the Mam-
zrauti in 1891.
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT. PL. CIV.
pact
SHIELD WITH STAR SYMBOL. SOYALUNA SHIELD WITH UNKNOWN SYMBOL.
7% : A, HOEN & CO., LITH
DRAWN BY MARY M. MITCHELL
FEWKES] THE WUWUTCIMTI CEREMONY 263
4. The Wiiwiitcimti. The Naaenaiya, of which this is an abbrevi-
ated observance, has been described.! One of the most prominent
events is the ceremonial making of the new fire; and as this is in a
measure distinctive of these two, it is proper to designate them the
New Fire ceremonies.
In essentials the Naacnaiya and the Wiiwiitcimti are the same, but
the former appears to be of less constant appearance and more compli-
eated. In it, as elsewhere described, the statuette of Talatumsi is
brought into the pueblo, but in the abbreviated form offerings are
made at her shrine down the trail. During the making of the new fire
Anawita,” personifying Masauwitth, is hidden behind a blanket held by
two assistants.
The second group, called the Katcinas, which may be divided into
two smaller divisions, known as the elaborate and the abbreviated, fills
out the sequence of religious ceremonials between the Soyaluna and
the Nimankatcina. These celebrations are distinguished from those of
the former group by the presence of masked personages to whom is
given the name of Katcinas. By the use of these masks or helmets
the participant is supposed to be transformed into the deity repre-
sented, and women and children avoid looking at Katcinas when
unmasked. The main symbolism of the deity is depicted on the helmet
or head, and varies in different presentations, but the remaining para-
phernalia is constant, whatever personage is represented.*
The mask (kii‘itii, head) is often addressed as ikwatci, ‘‘ my friend or
double.” Prescriptively it must be put on and taken off with the left
hand.* It is of helmet shape, fitting closely to the head and resting
on the shoulders. These masks or helmets are repainted at each pre-
sentation with the symbolism of the personage intended to be repre-
sented. They are ordinarily made of leather, portions of boot legs or
saddles, and in one or two instances I have found on their inside the
embossed or incised markings characteristic of Spanish saddles. Old
felt hats are sometimes used in the manufacture of the simpler masks
and those of the mud-heads are of coarse cloth. Few of the helmets
now used give evidence of very great antiquity, although some are
made of the skin of the bison. One can seldom purchase these helmets,
as their manufacture is difficult, and instead of being discarded after
use in one ceremony they are repainted for other presentations.
' The four societies who celebrate the Wuwiitcimti are the Adlwympkiya, Wuiwiitcimwympkiya,
Tataitikyamt. and Kwakwantt.
2 Chief of the Kwakwanti, a powerful warrior society. Among various attributes Masaiiwith is
the Fire God.
3 The body, save fora kilt, is uncovered. This kilt is white or green in color, with embroidered
rain-cloud symbols. Thisistied by asash, with dependent fox-skin behind. Rattles made of a turtle
shelland sheep or antelope hoofs are tied to one leg back of the knee, and moccasins are ordinarily worn.
Spruce twigs are inserted in the girdle, and the Katcina carries a rattle in one hand. This rattle is
a gourd shell with stones within and with a short wooden handle.
The left hand is always used to receive meal offerings and nakwéakwocis, and is spoken of as
kyakyauina, desirable. The right hand is called tiinticmahtu, food hand.
264 TUSAYAN KATCINAS (ETH. ANN. 15
There is a similar uniformity year by year in the time of the celebra-
tion of the extended or elaborate Katcinas called Niman, Powéami,
Paliiliikonti, Soyaluna, and the Pa or Katcina’s return. Their sequence
is always the same, but in the abbreviated Katecinas or masked dances
this uniformity is not adhered to. A certain number of these are cele-
brated each spring and summer, but the particular abbreviated Kateina!
which is presented varies from year to year, and may or may not be
reproduced.
While Katcinas or masked dances do not generally oceur during
the interval of the nine days’ ceremonials (autumn and early winter), I
have notes on one of these which indicate that they sometimes take
place in this epoch.
On September 20, 1893, a Kateina called Anakateina? was per-
formed in Hano after the Niman had been celebrated in Walpi.
Theoretically it would not be expected, as the farewell Katcina is
universally said to be a celebration of the departure of these person-
ages to their distant home, an event which does not occur at Hano.
It would be strange if later observations should show that Katcinas
are celebrated in other villages between the departure and return of
these personages.
DISCUSSION OF PREVIOUS DESCRIPTIONS OF KATCINAS
Our exact knowledge of the character of the Hopi Katcinas dates
back to Schooleraft’s valuable compilation. While the existence of
these dances was known previously to that time, and several refer-
ences to similar dances among the other Pueblos might be quoted from
the writings of Spanish visitors, our information of the Katcina cele-
brations in Tusayan previously to 1852 is so fragmentary that it is
hardly of value in comparative studies. Inthe year named Dr P.S.G.
Ten Broeck visited Tusayan and published a description of what was
probably a Katcina dance at Sitcomovi. Although his account is so
imperfect that we can not definitely say what Katcina was personated,
his description was the first important contribution to our knowledge
of the character of these dances among the Hopi Indians. It will be
noticed in a general way that the personation differed but slightly
from those of the present day. Ten Broeck noted that the male
same. The symbolism of each is best expressed by the carved wooden statuettes or dolls, tihus,
many examples of which I have described in my article on ‘* Dolls of the Tusayan Indians” in Inter-
nationales Archiv fiir Ethnographie, 1894. Profitable sources of information in regard to the sym-
bolic characteristics of the Katcinas are ceramic objects, photographs, clay tiles, clay images, pictures
on altars, ete. All pictorial or glyptie representations of the same Katcina are in the main identical,
with slight variations in detail, due to technique.
2¥For a description of the Anakatcina see Journal of American Ethnology and Archiology, vol. 1,
No.1.
FEWKES] PREVIOUS DESCRIPTIONS OF CEREMONIALS 265
(naktci?), and ‘‘visors' made of small willows, with the bark peeled off
and dyed a deep brown.” He recognized that the female dancers
(Katcinamanas) were men dressed as women and that they wore yel-
low ‘“‘visors” and dressed their hair in whorls as at the present time.
He described the musical (?) accompaniment of the dance with the
scapula of an animal rubbed over a “ground piece of wood.” He like-
wise noticed the priests who sprinkled the dancers with sacred meal,
and speaks of two small boys painted black with white rings who
accompanied the dance. The latter may have been personifications of
the Little Fire Gods.
The Hopi clowns, Tcukiwympkiyas, were likewise seen by Ten
Broeck, who described their comical actions. From his description of
the byplay of their “assistants,” I find very little change has taken
place since his time. In the Katcina which he observed food was dis-
tributed during the dance, as I have elsewhere described is the case
today. Although much might be added to Ten Broeck’s description,
his observations were the most important which had been made known
up to his time, and continued for forty years the most valuable record
of this group’ of dances among the Tusayan Indians.
CLASSIFICATION OF KATCINAS
Before considering the various ceremonials in which the Katcinas
appear, it may be well to say something of the nature of these super-
natural beings which figure in them as made known by the testimony
of some of the best-informed men of the tribe. The various legends
which are told about them are numerous and can not be repeated here,
but a few notions gathered from them may render it possible for the
reader to better understand the character of the ceremonials in which
they appear.
These deities are generally regarded as animistic and subordinate to
the greater gods.’ They have been called intercessors between man
\Thave also seen visors of this kind, and an old priest of my acquaintance on secular occasions
sometimes wore a huge eye shade or visor made of basketware. The helmet of the Humiskatcina
bears a willow framework which forms a kind of visor, and if, as I suspect from the ‘‘large paste-
board [skin over framework or wooden board} tower,” it was a tablet or nakei, the personification
mentioned by Ten Broeck may have been a Humiskatcina. In May, 1891, I observed a Humis, but
there is no reason from the theory of the time of abbreviated Katcinas to limit it to May. It might
have been performed in April equally well. The Katcinamanas were not observed by me to wear
such visors as Ten Broeck observed.
2During that time our knowledge of the Snake dance had been enlarged by Stephen, Bourke, and
others.
sThe Katcinas, sometimes spelteCachinas, are believed to be the same as the Zuni Kékos and pos-
sibly the Nahuatl teotls. The derivation is obscure; possibly itis from katei, spread out, horizontal,
the surface of the earth, nia, father, abbreviated na, surface of land, father. The Tusayan Indians
say that their Katcinas are the same as the Zuni Koko, pronouncing the word as here spelled. Cush-
ing insists, however, that the proper name of the organization is Ka’ka. I find Mrs Stevenson, in her
valuable article on the Religious Life of a Zuni Child, has used the spelling Kok’ko, which introduces
the o sound which the Tusayan people distinctly use in speaking of the Katcinas of their nearest
Pueblo neighbors. This variation in spelling of one of the more common words by conscientious
’
266 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [RrH. ANN. 15
and the highest supernatural beings. There are misty legends that
long ago the Katcinas, like men, came from the under world and
brought with them various charms or nahii with which the Hopi are
familiar. By some it is said that a Hondni (Badger) chief came up
from the Atkyaa, or under world, in the center of a square whose four
sides were formed of lines of Katcinas, and that he bore in his left
hand a buzzard wing feather and a bundle of medicine hats on his back.
The Katcinas recognized him as their chief, and became Kateina
Honani, Badger Kateinas.
The legend runs that in ancient times Hahaiwiiqti'! emerged from
the under world followed by four sons, who were Katecinas, each bear-
ing in his arms a pet called paliiliikontth, plumed serpent. Following
these four came other Kateinas with pets (pokomatii), of whom the
following are mentioned:
One bearing pakwa, frog (water-eagle).
One bearing patsro, water-bird.
One bearing pawikya, duck.
One bearing pavakiyuta, water on the backs bearers, aquatic
animals.
One bearing yiin/ocona, turtle.
One bearing zrana, bullfrog.
One bearing pavatiya, young water bearer (tadpole).
The others with kwahii (eagle), parrot, crow, cooper’s hawk, swallow,
and night hawk.
The Stimaikoli pets for the six directions are:
Sowilniwity eer sercce . yee et ee eee Kwintiwi.
Pan/‘wu, mountaimisheep s2.---2 2-24-10. 25. Tevyiina.
Teusbiovantelopel sees eee eee Tatyuka.
Meaizrisa,Clkes <a o.5 acs, os eee et ee er Hopoka.
SOwi, hares, 25.f2e2 eases ee eee Omytika,
Taibo, cotton tall rab bites eee eae eee Atkyantuka.
The first four Katcinas bear a startling yet foreign resemblance to
the Navaho Etsuthcle.* The word pokomatii is difficult to translate,
but “ pets” seems a good rendering. Its usage is similar to that of cer-
tain Navaho words. A Navaho woman speaks of a favorite child as
ceilim; a man calls his pet horse ceili", and the shaman designates his
fetich-emblem of a nature deity bili"; a Hopi calls his dog poko. The
pet of Tunwup is depicted on the altar as elsewhere mentioned in my
account of the reredos of the farewell Katecina at Walpi.
observers shows one of the difficulties which besets the path of those who attempt etymologic dissec-
tion of Pueblo words. Many Zuni words in the mouths of the Hopi suffer strange modifications, so
that I am not greatly surprised to find idiomatic differences between the Hopi dialect of the East
mesa and that of Oraibi. How much may result after years of separation no one can tell, but the
linguist must be prepared to find these differences very considerable.
1This person is said to have been the mother of the Kateinas. She also was the mother of the
monsters, the slaughter of whom by the cultus hero, Pii/iikonhoya, and his twin brother is a con-
stant theme in Tusayan folklore
2Stevenson, Navaho Sand Paintings, in Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.
sJournal of American Ethnology and Archwolgy, vol. 11, No. 1.
PL. CV
ORT
UAL REP(
FIFTEENTH ANN
THE NATACKA CEREMONY AT WALPI
FEWKES] COMPLETE AND ABBREVIATED KATCINAS 267
In the Hopi conception of the All Katcina there seems to be an idea
that they dwell in four terrestrial places or world-quarters.' This may
be looked on as an application of a general idea of world-quarter
deities so common among them.
INORGhiWieStmlvi Miwa Peto <siectfa se cele eso oes Se Sng eles Sade 2 2 Kieyuba.
Southwest, tevytina ........ Niivatikyaubi, San Francisco mountains.
SO UbMCAS tua YU came mmn tests cretion oa) nck siete elefers Seas ey cesta c Wenima.
Northeast, hépoko =-...-...-... Niivatikyaubi, San Mateo mountains.
If there is any one feature which distinguishes a Katecina it is the
use, by some or all of the participants, of a mask or ceremonial helmet.
The Katcinas are divided into two groups, the complete and the abbre-
viated; the former is constant year by year, the latter varying. Altars
are present in the complete, absent in abbreviated presentations. A
cloud-charm altar or invocation to the six world-quarter deities is
sometimes made. Public announcements are not prescribed. The
Teuktwympkiya or clowns are generally present. Abbreviated Katei-
nas consist mainly of public dances in which Katcinas, Katcinamanas,
and clowns take part. The pahos or prayer offerings are few in num-
ber. Ceremony ends with a feast; generally no altars. Tiponi?’ is not
brought out in public. Itis possible that the fox-skin so universally
worn by the animistic personifications called Katcinas hanging from
the belt behind, is a survival comparable with the skin of the animal in
which formerly, as in Nahuatl ceremonials, the whole body was clothed.
In the case of Natacka, for instance, a skin is still worn over the
shoulders. Conservatism in dress is tenaciously adhered to in religious
paraphernalia among all peoples.
Roughly speaking we may say that the Katcina celebrations are
characterized by the presence of the Teukuwympkiyas (Tatciikti, Tciic-
kiith, Paikyamut or clowns), which do not appear in the unmasked or
nine days’ ceremonials. The epoch in which they remain among the
Hopi is therefore approximately that from the winter to the summer
1The Hopi report thatthe Zuni believe that the dead are changed into Katcinas and go to a Sipaph,
which they descend and tell the ‘‘chiefs’’ to send the rain. The Hopi believe that the dead become
divinized (Katcinas in a loose meaning) and intercede for rain. (See discussion of Mrs Stevenson's
statement that thedead send rain.) It seems to me that students of primitive myth and ritual have
hardly begun to realize the important part which orientation plays in early religions. As research
progresses it will be found to be of primary importance. The idea of world-quarter deities sprang
from astronomical conceptions and was derived froma primitive sun worship in which the lesser
deities naturally came to be associated with the four horizon points of solstitial sunrise and sunset.
Thaveelsewhere pointed out that the tiponi is called the mother, and this usage seems to hold
among the other Pueblos. Asa badge of chieftaincy it is carried by the chiefs on certain occasions
of initiation and public exhibitions, as can be seen by consulting my memoir of the Snake Ceremo-
niala at Walpi. Cimo, the old Flute chief (obit 1893), once made the following remark about his
tiponi: ‘‘This is my mother; the outer wrapping is her garment; the string of shells is her neck-
lace; the feathers typify the birds, and within it are all the desirable seeds. When I go to sleep she
watches over me, and when I die one of the feathers will be placed upon my heart, and I hope the
tiponi will take care of me.’ From these words we learn how much the tiponi is venerated, and itis
not remarkable, considering the benefits which are thought to come from it, that itis designated ‘‘the
mother.”
268 TUSAYAN KATCINAS (ETH. ANN. 15
solstices; that in which they are absent, from the summer to the winter
solstices.!
[ classify the Katcina celebrations into two large groups, which may
be called the elaborate and the abbreviated, and have considered them
in the following pages.
ELABORATE KATCINAS
Under the head of elaborate Katcinas* may be included:
Soyaluna.
Katcina’s return.*
Powamt.
Paliiliikonti.
Nimankacina.
SOYALUNA
The celebration in the December moon has not as yet been described,*
but a large body of material relating thereto is in my hands. In order
to give a generalidea of its character a brief outline of a characteristic
portion of itis inserted in this place. Soyalunais distinctly a warriors’
observance, and has been called the Return Katcina. In one sense it
may be so designated, but more strictly it is the return of the War god,
regarded as a leader of the gods, and in that recalls the Nahuatl
Teotleco, as elsewhere pointed out. The singing of the night songs of
the warriors is one of the most effective archaic episodes of the ceremo-
nial of the winter solstice.
In the following account a description of a few events in the celebra-
tion of 1891 is introduced:
On the 22d of December of that year most of the men of the villages
prepared cotton strings, to the end of which they tied feathers and
pinon needles. These were given away during the day to different
persons, some receiving from one to two dozen, which they tied in their
hair. When a maker of these feathered strings presented one to a
friend, he said, as translated, ‘‘ Tomorrow all the Katcinas to you grant
your wishes,” holding his bundle vertically and moving it with a hori-
17 mention this fact since, following Bandelier’s studies among the Rio Grande Pueblos, we have
something different. The Koshare, which appear to correspond witha group of the Teukuwympkiya,
the Paiakyamf, are regarded by him as the summer and autumn men, while the Cuirana are the
spring men. During the late summer and autumn the Teukiwympkiya take no part in the ceremo-
nials at the East mesaof Tusayan. No Teukiwympkiyas appear in the Snake, Flute, Lilakonti,
Mamzratiti, Wiiwiitcimti, or in certain minor festivals. They appear to be almost universal accom-
paniments of the Katcina observances.
2The elaboration is of course along different lines of growth, and its characteristics are treated in
the several already published articles devoted to these subjects. Innoneof the abbreviated Katcinas
described was there an altar or complicated kiva performance, but on the other hand, in the elaborate-
Kateinas such secret observances always existed. Siocalako, described in this article, affords an
interesting abbreviated ceremonial with kiva rites.
8This might better be called a composite, abbreviated Katcina.
4The late Mr Stephen made extended studies of this presentation in 1892, but his fatal illness pre-
vented his being in the kiva the following winter. It is necessary that a continued study of this
dramatization be made before a complete account of the ceremonial calendar can be attempted.
The following men are distinctly called chiefs: Mon/mowitt of Soyaluia, Kwatcakwa, Sakwistiwa
Anawita, Nasimoki, Kwia, Sikydustiwa, and Supela.
FRWKES] THE SOYALUNA CEREMONY 269
zontal motion. At nightfall each man procured a willow wand from 3
to 4 feet long and Jooped upon it all the strings which he had received.
He then carried his stick to the Monkiva and placed it in the rafters,
thus imparting to the ceiling the appearance of a bower of feathers and
pinon needles.
All the kivas were meeting places of the participants, but the
Tataukyamtt met at the Monkiva, where the principal festivities took
place. Their chief wore a head-dress decorated with symbols of rain-
clouds (plate Cv1it), and carried a shield upon which was depicted the
sun (plate cry). The chief of a second society carried a shield upon
which was drawn a star (plate crv), and a third chief bore a shield
with an antelope drawn upon it. The head-dress of the chief of the
Aawympkiya was adorned with glistening triplex horns, and on his
shield was represented an unknown Katcina (plate cry). The fifth
society was Kwakwantt, or warrior, whose chief carried in his hand
an effigy of the great snake (Paliiliikohth) which was carved from
the woody stalk of the agave (kwan), from which the society was
named. He came from the Teivato-kiva and on his shield was depicted
a Kwakwantii in full costume. The sixth society was the Tatciik’ti or
“Knobbed heads;” their shield-bearer wore a head-dress like a coro-
net, while on his shield was drawn a black figure with lozenge-shape
eyes. The shield of the chief of the seventh society was adorned with
a picture of the Tawamonwi or sun chief.
After the societies had entered the kiva an invocation to the car-
dinal points was chanted, and the shield-bearers, in turn, standing
over the sipapt, stamped on it. At a signal the society arranged
itself into two irregular groups, one on the north, the other on the
south side of the main floor. All then vehemently burst forth into a
song, the shield-bearer making eccentric dashes among his associates,
first to one side and then to the other.
While the song lasted the shield-bearer continued these short, swift
rushes, aud the assembled groups crouched down and met his dashes
by rising and driving him back to the sipapt. He madly oscillated
from right to left, that is, from the north to the south side of the room,
and swung his shield in rhythm, while those near him beat their feet
in time. The shield was dashed from face to face, and the groups
made many motions as if to seize it, but no one did more than to touch
it with outstretched hands. The movements on both sides were highly
suggestive of attack and defense.
At 8 p. m. about one dozen men were collected in the Monkiva,
among whom was Lésma playing a flageolet. The hatchway was
guarded by a tyler, and for a natci there was placed there a wicker
skulleap ornamented with a pair of imitation mountain-sheep horns
(plate cx). Two hours later the room was densely packed with naked
men, their bodies undecorated, wearing small eagle plumes attached
to the crown of the head. Two women were present. Anawita, chief
270 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [ETH. ANN. 15
of the Kwakwanti, sat alone on the southern side of the main floor
which was clear in the middle, and twelve chiefs, among them Cimo,
Stipela, and Teubema, sat opposite him.
Ten novices from the other kivas entered gorgeously arrayed in
white kilts, brilliant crowns of feathers, white body decorations, bear-
ing an imitation squash blossom, with spruce sprigs in their left hands
and corn in their right hands. <As the chiefs took their places Lésma
sprinkled the floor of the room near the ladder with moist valley sand,
about an inch deep. The novices stepped from the ladder upon this
sand and passed up in front of the chiefs, then squatted before them
facing the south, their kilts having been lifted so that they sat on the
cold floor.
Anawita then crossed over to the south side of the room and seated
himself at the east end of the line of chiefs.
At the west wall of the kiva a strange altar had been erected,
Lésma had piled against the ledge of this part of the kiva a stack of
corn, two or more ears of which had been contributed by the maternal
head of each family in the pueblo. At either side and in front of the
stack of corn shrubbery had been placed. In the space between the
top of the corn pile and the roof wands were placed, and to these wands
had been fastened many artificial flowers, 4 or 5 inches in diameter, set
close together but in no regular lines. There were over 200 of these
flowers of different colors, dark-red and white predominating. Nearly
in the center of this artificial shrubbery there was a large gourd shell
with the convex side turned toward the audience and having an aper-
ture about 8 inches in diameter in its center. Through this opening
had been thrust the head of an effigy! of Paliiliikonth, the plumed-
head snake, painted black, with a tongue-like appendage protruding
from the mouth. When all the assembled priests were seated a moment
of solemn stillness ensued, after which Stipela arose, cast a handful of
meal toward the effigy of the snake, and said a short prayer in a rever-
ent tone.” Then the head of the snake, which was manipulated by an
unseen person behind the altar, was observed to rise slowly to the cen-
ter of the aperture, and a mellow sounding roar like a blast through a
conch appeared to come from the mouth, while the whole head was
made to quiver and wave. The sound was of short duration, repeated
four times, and then the head reposed again on the lower rim of the
ground shell. Presently was heard a sound as of a scapula drawn
across a notched stick six times. All the old chiefs in succession cast
meal to the effigy and prayed, and in response to each the great snake
emitted sounds identical with those mentioned above. The spectators
then left the kiva, and a frenzied dance of strange character occurred.
The societies from other kivas came in, and the chief of each declaimed
in a half-chanting voice which rose to a shriek at the close of a stanza.
See figures of this effigy in my account of the Paliliikonti, Journal of American Folk-lore, Oct.-
Dec., 1893.
?Here evidently we have a prayer to the deity symbolized by the effigy and not an invocation to the
effigy itself.
FEWKES] THE SOYALUNA CEREMONY Dial
First, he drew back to the fireplace, and then with a shuffling gait
approached the symbolic opening in the floor called the sipapi.
Anawita then shouted at the top of his voice, and the shuffler sprang
in the air and vaulted over the sipapt. Then everybody in the room
shouted loudly and a song in concert followed. A moment later the
visiting societies dashed down the ladder, each bearing a splendid
shield ornamented with the figure of the sun and a rim of radiating
eagle feathers. Each society had its distinctive sun shield, which on
entering was handed to the chief. As he received it he stamped on
the sipaptt and a fierce song was sung. Meanwhile two members of
the society stood apart from their fellows against the southern wall
facing each other, each holding a squash flower emblem in a bouquet
of spruce twigs and an ear of corn in his left hand.
Suddenly the fifteen or twenty members of the society drew back
from their chief, who then sprang upon the sipapu plank, and quickly
turning faced them as all burst forth in an eestatic shouting, with wild
flinging of their arms as they approached the shield-bearers. They
naturally formed two clusters, and as the shield-bearer dashed his
shield in their faces they surged back, to leap again toward him.
This seeming assault, wild though it appeared, was maintained in time
with the song. The two chieftains joined their men, all in ecstatic
frenzy, and one of them, shaking his shield, sprang from right to left,
drawing back his assistants in rhythm with the beating of the feet of
all on the floor. After a few moments of most exhaustive movements
some of the weaker staggered up the ladder, and shortly after one of
the chiefs fell fainting to the floor, overcome by exhaustion and the
intense heat of the room. One splendid athlete danced with vigor for
fully five minutes, and then swept toward the ladder where the assist
ant was standing in readiness to receive his shield. An ther stride
and he reached the foot of the ladder and suddenly became as rigid as
acorpse. The men who belonged to the Monkiva took no part in this
exhaustive dance but stood in readiness to carry those who fainted up
the ladder to the cool air outside.
It has been suggested that this assault of the men on the bearer of
the sun-shield dramatizes the attack of hostile powers on the sun, and
that the object is to offset malign influences or to draw back the sun
from a disappearance suggested by its southern declination.' In this
possible interpretation it is well to consider that immediately preced-
ing it the archaic offerings and prayers to the great snake were made,
as described, in the presence of spectators. The idea of hostility of
the great snake to the sun is an aboriginal American conception. In
the Maya Codex Cortesianus (33)) the plumed snake is represented?
1The dance with the sun-shield remotely resembles certain so-called ‘‘sun dances,’’ which have
been described among the nomads, in which physical exhaustion and suffering are common features.
~ This dance, it must be borne in mind, took place when the sun was at the winter solstice, and the
dramatization of attack and defense may have some meaning in connection with this fact.
2On the authority of Cyrus Thomas, ‘‘Are the Maya hieroglyphs phonetic?’ American Anthropolo-
gist, Washington, July, 1893, p 266. His reasoning that the scribe of the codex intended to repre
seut this astronomical event is plausible but not conclusive.
PA (72 TUSAYAN KATCINAS (ETH. ANN. 15
as swallowing the sun as in an eclipse. If Soyaluna is a propitiatory
ceremony to prevent the destruction or disappearance of the sun in
winter or to offset the attacks of hostile malevolent deities upon him,
we can see a possible explanation of the attacks and defenses of the
sun as here dramatized.! The evil influences of the great snake are
met by the prayers to his effigy; the attacks of other less powerful
deities are dramatized in the manner indicated.
The following contains a few suggestions in regard to the charac-
ter of the dramatization in the December celebration. In the prayers
to the Plumed Snake his hostility was quieted, and the chiefs did what
they could to propitiate that powerful deity, who was the great cause
of their apprehension that the beneficent sun (Tawa) would be over-
come. Then followed the dramatization of the conflict of opposing
powers, possibly representing other deities hostile *to our beneficent
father, the sun. Although the struggle involved, so far as the partici-
pants were concerned, their highest powers of endurance and bodily
suffering, the sun-shield or symbol of Tawa had the good fortune to
resist the many assaults made upon it.
The introduction of dramatization as an explanation of the warrior
celebration is theoretic, therefore not insisted upon, and is at least
plausible until a better interpretation is suggested. It has in its sup-
port the evidence drawn from a comparative study of ceremonials. In
the light of this theory the return and departure of the Katcina has a
new significance, aud may be regarded as a modified sanmyth. At the
winter solstice the sun and his attendant deities have reached their most
distant point, and turned to come back to the pueblos. In the mid-
summer the solar deity approached them; he was near them, and in
appreciation of this fact, which means blessings, the poor Hopi made
his offering ;? danced the Snake dance, asking the snake to bring the
rain, believing he was no longer hostile or at enmity with the sun.
But the withdrawal of the gods (Farewell Katcinas) could not be
delayed by these rites, and the sun each day drew farther from them.
The Katcinas (gods) departed; the bright, beneficent summer gave
place to cold, dreary winter; life was replaced by death. In this most
critical epoch the warriors, the most potent human powers of the
pueblo, performed their ceremony to bring back the beneficent god
and his train. The Nahuatl priest called a similar ceremony ‘ Teotleco,”
the god comes—“'The dead god is reborn,” says Duran. The gods
(Katecinas) come, say the Hopi (Soyaluna, all assemblage; derived
from co, all; yuhya, assemblage). The Nahuatl] priest sprinkled meal
on the floor of the teocalli, and when he saw in the meal the footprint
1There are members of the American race living where the sun disappears at the winter solstice or
succumbs to evil powers. Have the Pueblos inherited this rite from people who once lived far to
the north?
2The fact that the Snake dance follows the Niman may be explained as follows: The sun begins
to be affected by the Plumed Snake at the Farewell dance, and the growing influence of this divinity is
recognized, hence his children (reptiles) are gathered from the fields and intrusted with the prayers
of men to cease his malign influence.
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CVI
HAHAIWUQTI, NATACKA, AND SOYOKMANA
FEWKES] 273
THE RETURN KATCINA CEREMONY
of the War god, the leader of the divinities, he announced the fact.
The Hopi priest still continues to sprinkle sand on the kiva floor
during the ceremony.
KATCINA’S RETURN
The first celebration of the Katcinas in the spring, several months
after their departure,! took place in that division of the year called the
Pamiiyawit, and is known as Mohti Katcinumyiinya, or “ First Kateina
assembly.” I have called it the Return Kateina. It follows directly
after the winter paho making of the Snake- Antelope or Flute societies,
which varies in character according to whether the Snake or the Flute
society gives the presentation that year. In 1893 it followed the Snake
paho making, and in 1894 that of the Flute. It may be called a com-
posite, abbreviated assembly of Kateinas.
During the day Katcina masks were renovated in the kivas of the
mesa, and there were visitations at all the kivas by the personators in
the coming celebration. Women and children crowded the spectators’
quarters of these rooms, and the performances lasted from 10 oclock in
the evening until 2 oclock of the following morning. Previously to
the exhibition in the kivas, men personating different Katcinas visited
the following points to make homoya or meal offerings and to say
appropriate prayers:
Kiva Kateina penta eth nme thrown
MOT year = eistoxe Ktitea anak?......- S. W. Walpi. i Niivatikyaubi.
Wikwaliobi.. . Coyohimmomoyamu.....do.....-.--. do.
Nacabiseserna= Teatca kwaina ..-... soci Olvetets = 2. seh- do.
PAM yere sin ecais Sate Ropkotulsss- 4-2 -- 5: N. BE. Walpi ...| Kicyuba.
Neivato\./...--- Mi calznuie saree ee TO Ohare ane
Puviintcomo ..) Hitiki.
Hehéa.
Kwinyaptcomo. Avatchoya mana ...| N.E.Sitcomovi. do.
Monetemce.- -- WWABACA bie v5 ee electors N. E. Hano.... do.
mPendites 9---2- | Humis.
On the 24th of this month (Pa), as after the Snake ceremonials,’
the Niiitiwa, or struggles of the maids with the men for bowls, ete,
took place, except that in this instance it was a struggle with a Katcina
and not, as in the Snake observance, between girls and young men.
1 At the Nimdn in the preceding July.
2 With Tateii'kti (Mud-heads).
Journal of American Ethnology and Archeology, vol. rv.
15 ETH——18
274 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [eTH. ANN. 15
From the foregoing table we learn that in the Return Katecina for
1894 the following! were personified :
1. Kiitea (white) ana. 6. Hii/iki.
2, Coyohin. 7. Hehéa,
3. Teakwaina. 8. Aviatchoya.
4, Popkotu. 9. Tacab.
5. Mueaizru. 10. Humis.
The accompanying clowns were the Tatcii/kti or knob-head priests.
It is an interesting fact that in the celebration of the departure of the
Katcinas the clowns took no part, but these priests were important
additions to the Siocaélako.
The celebration of the Return Katecina, which oceurs in the winter
Pa moon, is accompanied by elaborate rites performed by either the
Snake-Antelope or the Flute fraternity, the society observing it being
that which will give its celebration in the summer Pa moon of the
same year. A description of these rites naturally falls in an account
of the group of unmasked dances. They extend over several days
and appear to be wholly distinct. from the celebration of the Return
Katcina. While these are being performed in the “upper world,”
the complemental Flute or Snake observances are supposed to be
taking place in the ‘‘under world,” where the summer Pa moon then
reigns. Precisely the same relationship is thought to exist between
the two as that between the seasons of the north and south temperate
zones.
POWAMO
This ceremony is one of the most elaborate in which the Kateimas
appear, and for want of a better name may be designated a renovation?
or purification observance. In the year 1893 it took place near the
close of January and continued for nine days, and in a previous ® arti-
cle I have mentioned and figured the most striking personages, the
monsters or Natackas, who appear in its presentation (plates Cy, CVI,
coxt). There are, however, certain other personages new to students
of Tusayan ceremonials who are introduced, and I have therefore
thought it well to describe the presentation in extenso.
The details of this ceremony in 1893 were as follows: *
January 20—Early this morning Honyi went to all the kivas and
formally announced that the ceremony was soon to begin. There was
no public announcement, as no Kateina celebration is made known in
1Numbers 1, 2,7, 9 and 10 of this list have been described as abbreviated Katcinas. The sym-
bolism of 3.and 8 is shown in my figures of dolls; of the remainder my information is as yet very
limited.
2Comparable with the Nahuatl Ochpanitzli. The points of similarity between the two are the
predominance of the Earth goddess and the ceremonial renovation of the sacred gathering places.
8American Anthropologist, Washington, January, 1894.
4The accompanying observations on the Powaémt were made by the late A. M. Stephen in his
work for the Hemenway Expedition.
FEWKES] THE POWAMU CEREMONY 275
this way, and the Katcinas must not be spoken of in public. Intiwa
and Pauwatiwa began making pahos in the Monkiva without prelimi-
nary ceremony at about 9 a. m., and fifteen other priests removed
the masks and redecorated them, after having scraped off the old paint
remaining from other ceremonials.
All the masks were finished about 7 p. m., after which Sunoitiwa
and the other elders brought fox-skins and other paraphernalia into
the kiva, where Kwatcakwa, Kopeli, Teabi, Kakapti, and four or
five other men began to decorate their bodies with pigment, using a
pale-red iren oxide (ctta) on their legs, knees, and waists. They
daubed the whole upper leg above the knee with a white pigment, and
drew two lines across the shins, the fore and upper arms, and on each
side of the chest and abdomen. The entrance into the katecinaki, or
paraphernalia closet, was open while this took place.
The masks were all ornamented with large clusters of feathers.
They were tied to the head with a loose loop across the top which
slipped over the crown where the plumage rested, and there were
strings at the sides of the mask by which they were attached. The
body was ornamented with ribbons, red flannel, and other articles of
white man’s make, which are innovations.
Kwatcakwa, who later personated a Teuktwympkiya, drew a broad
band of white clay across his shins, thighs, arms, and body. <A great
wisp of cornhusks was tied in his hair, which was all brought forward
and coiled over the forehead. The others donned their kilts, necklaces,
turquoise eardrops, and moccasins. Each one wore a fox-skin hanging
tail downward at the loins, and on the left leg below the knee a string
of bells, while the majority had garters of blue yarn. Their hair, which
was first bound in long cues, wrapped high with strings, was later
loosened, hanging in a fine fluffy mass.
Sakwistiwa, who was the puciiciitoi or drummer, wore pantaloons
held up by a belt of silver disks, and a grotesque mask. All left the
kiva immediately after their disguises were completed and assembled in
the Monkiva court.
Tntiwa hurriedly but thoroughly swept the floor of the chamber,
during which time a number of women and children came down the
ladder, filling the spectators’ part of the room. The assembled group
of Katcinas prayed and then went out, but about fifteen minutes later
returned to the kiva entrance and shook their rattles at the hatchway.
“Yunya ai,” ‘come, assemble,” said the old men, and the women invited
them to come down, which they did. Kwatcakwa, who personated the
Niivakkatcina, entered, followed by ten others. They assembled in a
semicircle, each with a rattle in the right hand and a spruce bough in
the left. Intiwa sprinkled with meal all who came, after which they
performed a dance, in which, however, their leader did not join.
Before they finished a band of ten men, disguised as Paiutes, carrying
bows and arrows, rabbits, and small game which they wished to trade,
276 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [ETH. ANN. 15
came to the hatchway. They had a drummer with a Paiute drum, made
of a bundle of skins wrapped in an oblong package, on which he beat
with a stick held in both hands. The persons performed a dance, which
they accompanied with a song. They likewise talked, cracked jokes,
and presented the rabbits to the assembled women.
After them there came others from the Nacabkiva, each with a crook
in the left hand and arattlein theright. These wore grotesque masks,
one representing an old woman with a long crooked staff in her hand.
Their bodies were whitened and they wore saddle-mat kilts around their
loins and tortoise rattles on the right leg. They sang a very spirited
song, Shaking their rattles as they advanced. These were six in num-
ber and were called the Powamikatcinas. Directly after them there
came a band of Tateii/kti, who sang and danced on the roof of the
kiva. The old men within repeatedly invited them to enter the room,
and a dialogue of some length ensued Their leader carried a large
basket tray in which were four cones made of wood and each mud-head
had in his hand a wooden rod and an eagle feather. The leader placed
the cones in the middle of the floor in a pile, one above the other, near
the fireplace. The others danced around the pile, roaring a song with
much dramatie action, and heaped up ears of corn in the tray.
They then brought a young married woman from those assembled to
the middle of the floor, where she knelt and tried without success to
lift the cones as high as the staff which the leader held beside them.
Four or five other women tried in turn, and all failed. The mud-
heads then divided the cones into two piles and one of the women
lifted them the required height. All the Tatcii’kti' then fell down on
the floor and kicked their heels in the air, while certain of them stood
on their heads for a minute or two. The woman who was successful in
lifting the cones received the contents of the tray. The Tatciik’ti then
left the room and the Katcinas returned and unmasked, indicating
that this part of the ceremony was over.
January 21—During last night there were ceremonials which were
not seen in the Moénkiva, in which it was said the Ahii/lkatcina made
parallel marks in meal on the four sides of the kiva and upon the ceiling
and floor as in the Mamzrauti and other ceremonials. A basin with
sprouting beans, which had been planted at the full of the Pamiiiya
or Pa moon (January 2) and which were about a foot high, was brought
from one of the houses opposite the Teivatokiva. The beans, which
were growing in a basin, were plucked from the sand, tied into a sepa-
rate bundle, and given to AhiiIkatcina. A large squirrel-skin was filled
with meal and given to him, and he was handed also a wooden staff (mon-
kohn). The large discoidal mask characteristic of this personage had
a pouch-like attachment of buckskin which was pulled over the head,
‘These men were from the Alkiva. They wore the knob-head helmets and their bodies were
stained red. Each carried a rattle in the right and an eagle feather in the left hand, and had a pouch
of skin or other material slung over the right shoulder. This held corn, beans, and other seeds, which
they gave to the women and elders.
FEWKES] THE POWAMU CEREMONY PACT
upon which was a large cluster of feathers. A white kilt was worn as
a cape and the skin of a gray fox hung from the girdle at his loins.
At daylight AhiiIktacina and Intiwa returned, passing the gap
(Wala) and halting at the pahoki (shrine') to deposit certain nakwa-
kwocis and pahos. Just as the sun rose the two visited a kiva in
Hano. Stooping down in front of it, Ahii’l drew a vertical mark with
meal on the inside of the front of the hatchway, on the side of the
entrance opposite the ladder. He turned to the sun and made six
silent inclinations, after which, standing erect, he bent his head back-
ward and began a low rumbling growl, and as he bent his head for-
ward, raised his voice to a high falsetto. The sound he emitted was
one long expiration, and continued as long as he had breath. This act
he repeated four times and, turning toward the hatchway, made four
silent inclinations, emitting the same four characteristic expiratory
calls. The first two of these calls began with a low growl, the other
two were in the same high falsetto from beginning to end.
The kiva chief and two or three other principal members, each car-
rying a handful of meal, then advanced, bearing short nakwakwoci
hotomni, which they placed in his left hand while they muttered low,
reverent prayers. They received in return a few stems of the corn
and bean plants which Ahii’l carried.
Ahii’l and fntiwa next proceeded to the house of Tetapobi,? who is
the only representative of the Bear clan in Hano. Here at the right-
hand side of the door Ahii’l pressed his hand full of meal against the
wall at about the leight of his chest and moved his hand upward.®
He then, as at the kiva, turned around and faced the sun, holding his
staff vertically at arm’s length with one end on the ground, and made
six silent inclinations and four calls. Turning then to the doorway he
made four inclinations and four calls. He then went to the house of
Nampiyo’s mother, where the same ceremony was performed, and so on
to the houses of each man or woman of the pueblo who owns a tiponi
or other principal wimi (fetich).
He repeated the same ceremony in houses in Sitecomovi and in Walpi,
where Intiwa left him. Ahii/l entered this pueblo by the north street
and passed through the passageway to the Monkiva. He proceeded to
the houses of Kwumawumsi, Nasyiiwewe, Samiwiki, and to all the
kivas and the houses of all the leading chiefs.
After visiting all the kivas and appropriate houses mentioned above,
Ahii/l went to Kowawainovi (the ledge under Talatryuku) and depos-
1 With the coiled stone, which resembles the cast of some large fossil shell. Iventure to suggest
that the reason we find petrified wood in some shrines can be explained in the following manner: In
times long past trees were believed by the Hopi to have souls and these breath bodies were powerful
agents in obtaining blessings or answering prayers. The fossilized logs now put in shrines date back
to the times of which I speak, consequently they are efficacious 1n the prayers of the present people.
This is but the expression of an animistic belief in the souls of trees.
2She has the Bear tiponi and other fetiches.
3 The name given for this marking by Ahii/l is 6mowtth monwittipeadta. 1t is an appeal to all the
gods of the six regions to bless these kivas and houses.
278 TUSAYAN KATCINAS (ETH. ANN. 15
ited in the pahoki all the offerings that he had received, after which he
returned to the Monkiva, divested himself of his ceremonial disguises,
and went home.
At 2 p.m. the Niivak (snow) Katcinas came from the Nacabki, led
by Soyoko. They were nine in number and were accompanied by a
drummer. All wore bright plumage on their heads and their masks were
painted green and white, but that of the drummer was pink. They
were adorned with many necklaces, and wore white kilts and gray fox-
skins. Yellow stripes were painted on the shoulders, the forearm,
on each breast and the abdomen, and the bodies of all were stained red.
After singing and dancing for about five minutes, nine clowns (Ta-
tcii/kti) came from the Alkiva and danced madly around the court, at -
first independently, but finally keeping step with the Katcinas. They
joined in line one behind the other, each grasping the uplifted leg of the
man in front of him, and then tumbled pell-mell over one another,
shouting and laughing as they did so.’
At 2.20 a personification of Teavatyo, arrayed in a conical black mask
with globular eyes and great teeth, entered the kiva. He carried a bow
and arrows in his left hand and a saw in his right. His forearms and
legs were painted black with white spots. This monster dispersed the
clowns, during which many Zuni words were uttered.
At 2.50 the Katcinas again returned and repeated their former dance
in the same way as described. The antics of the Tateii’/kti continued,
and the Katcinas appeared again at 4.20 p. m.; then later at 5, when
they all departed, not to return. When the Katcinas retired to Wik-
yatiwa’s house at 4 oclock the clowns went down into the Alkiva and
returned in their characteristic procession, the drummer in front, the
other eight in two lines of four persons. Each carried on his back a
large bundle composed of a fine blanket, cotton cloth, yarn, and all
kinds of textile articles of value. One also had the four cones which
they had used the night before and a tray of shelled corn of all colors,
mixed with various kinds of seeds. They laid the tray in the center of
the court and spread a blanket beside it, on which they placed all their
bundles. One of their number then piled the cones, one on top of
another, and while he was doing this the drummer rapidly beat his
drum, while the others shook their rattles and sung vigorously. When
the cones had been set up one of the men sought out a girl and brought
her to them and told her if she would take hold of the lowest cone with
both hands, raise the pile, and set it back in place without letting any
of the cones fall she should have all the wealth piled on the blanket.
But the least jar tumbled the cones down, and each one of the half dozen
or more girls to whom they made the same offer failed in turn. Then
they invited the youths to try, and several essayed, but none were able
to perform the teat. So the prize, doubtless designedly, was left in the
original owner’s hands. They then brought a blanket full of hoyiani
} The performances with the clowns were not unlike others in which they appear.
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.
FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT. PL. CVII.
A. HOEN & CO., LITH
DOLL OF CALAKO MANA.
FEWKES] THE POWAMU CEREMONY 29
and placed the cones in two piles, but even then none of the girls suc-
ceeded in carrying it. No one was allowed a second trial. Finally
one youth, Macakwaptiwa, carried them around safely and won the
prize. He was closely followed around the pillar by the Tatcii/kti shak-
ing their rattles, singing and crying, “Don’t fall, don’t fall,” and when
he laid them safely down in their original place all the Tatcii/kti fell
down as if dead. Intiwa then ran and obtained ashes from a cooking
pit and placed them on a private part of their bodies, Then all the
clowns got up and danced around with their usual pranks.
A tray full of corn and other seeds which was set beside the cones
was obtained by the Tatcii/kti from Nakwaiyumsi, the chief priestess of
the Katcina clan. At the close of the ceremony Intiwa distributed
these seeds in small handfuls to all the women spectators, to be planted
the coming season. It was not learned that these seeds were conse-
erated by the priestess, but they were part of those planted in the
kivas on the night of the 21st.
January 22—The younger men brought sand from a mound! and
threw it down in a pile at the east of the kiva, and each man, as he
came into the room with his basin, box, or other receptacle, filled it
with this sand. He then thickly sprinkled the surface of the sand
with seeds of every kind. Some had several vessels which they thus
planted, and the old wife of Soyoko gave her grandson a bag of large
white beans to plant for her.’ The basins were well watered, a hot fire
was kept in the kiva, and the hatch or entrance was entirely covered
with a straw mat to retain the heat in the chamber, making it a verita-
ble hothouse.
January 24—No ceremonies occurred today, but constant fires were
maintained in the kivas, from the heat of which the beans soon sprouted.
It was understood that children must not be told that beans were grow-
ing in the kivas nor be allowed to look into the room.
January 25—The Tateii’/kti went out from the Alkiva this morning
for wood, making their way northward, past Wala and along the mesa
to the cedar grove. They returned at evening, but left the wood they
had gathered at the gap.’ There was no singing nor dancing in the
kivas during the night.
January 26—During the morning the Tatcii’/kti went to Wala to
bring in the wood they had collected yesterday. Before their depar-
ture they covered their bodies with pinkish clay, put on an old kilt
(kwaca),* blue leggings, and masks with knobs. Each carried an eagle-
tail feather in the left and a small gourd in the right hand. They
1 The mound from which it was obtained is close to the base of the foothills eastward from Walpi.
and all the sand for all the kivas was obtained from this particular mound.
2During the festival the women clip the hair of their children. The hair is cut over the entire
cranium of the little boys, but in the case of the girls a fringe is left around the base of the head,
especially on each side, for the characteristic whorls worn by maidens.
3The gap in the East mesa, known as Wala, whence the name of the pueblo of Walpi at the western
end of the same height.
4 Woman's blanket without decoration.
280 TUSAYAN KATCINAS (ETH, ANN, 15
returned along the trail, marching in single file, with the loads of wood
on their backs, stamping their feet as they came. They likewise shook
their rattles and occasionally turned and walked backward.
They first assembled around each of the kiva hatchways in Hano,
singing and chaffing one another, and were sprinkled with meal by the
kiva chiefs. Proceeding onward to Sitcomovi, they went to the en-
trances of the kivas of this pueblo and were there sprinkled with meal
by the chiefs as they sang their curious songs, accompanying them
with a stamping of the feet and a rotating movement of the body. It
was after 1 oclock when they arrived at Walpi, for they halted a short
time at the neck of the mesa to arrange their loads. As they entered
the pueblo they advanced along the south street singing as they went.
At the entrance to Teivatokiva they stopped and told Pauwatiwa a
facetious story of their wood-gathering. He sprinkled them with
meal, and they then went on to the dance court and set down their
bundles, all the time making a droll byplay. They then separated into
parties of two or three members and visited the houses of several
women, with whom they left one or more bundles of wood. These
women had previously prepared nakwakwocis, which they gave to the
clowns with a handful of meal.
After all the wood had been distributed, with much rollicking fun,
several women gave them food, and the small parties of Tateii/kti
resumed their songs and marched through the dance court, where they
all assembled. One of them was a drummer, who sat in the middle of
the court, and the others danced about him in a circle, singing a Zuni
song. Pauwatiwa, Intiwa, Teosra, and Soyoko sprinkled them with
meal, and the first-mentioned invited the women who had been given
wood to approach, which they did, sprinkling the individual Tatcii‘ktis
with meal. Their masks were then harshly removed and thrust into a
bag, tied up in a bundle, and carried to the house of Wikyatiwa.
Most of the food which they had received was carried down into the
Alkiva, which was the assemblage place of the Tateii/kti in this cere-
mony.
In all the kivas the beans had sprouted and were now called hazrii
(angular), possibly so named from the angle formed by the cotyledons
with the stem. When they had grown somewhat higher they were
salled wupahazrii (great or long, angular).
January 25—No ceremonials were observed on this day.
January 29—This was called the first ceremonial day of the Powé-
muh. About 11 oclock last night the Natacka donned their masks in the
Alkiva, and the man who took the part of Hahaiwiiqti, the mother of
the Natackas, put on her disguise and took her long juniper bough.
Hahawe went up the ladder, standing on it with his shoulders just
above the hatechway, while the mother of the monsters stood at the
foot of the same in the room. Assuming a hollow falsetto voice, in
which the mother of the Natackas always speaks, she announced that
FEWKES] THE POWAMU CEREMONY 281
she was ready to visit the children. Hahawe shouted his replies to
her in a voice audible through the pueblo that the children were all
asleep and that she had better put off her visit to them until the morn-
ing. A dialogue, the real object of which was to announce to the
children that the Natackas had arrived, was maintained for five min-
utes, and Hahawe then went down the ladder; the Natackas and
Hahaiwiiqti took off their masks and all laid down to sleep.
About 420 p.m. the Tewa personification of Hahaiwiiqti, accom-
panied by one Natacka, came to Walpi and went to Kokyanwii/qti’s
and Kele’s houses, giving to the little girls a few seeds and a snare of
yucca shred. They dressed the Walpi Hahaiwiiqti, Natackas, and
Soy6kmana in the Alkiva at 4.25 p.m. Hahaiwiiqti carried, besides a
whitened gourd ladle, a basket (poota) containing two ears of corn,
and two boiled hoyiani, some squash seeds, and a small bundle of
sticks, of which she gave one to each little girl, who will later redeem
it by presenting Hahaiwiiqti with some hotomni. She gave each little
boy, who will also redeem it with some kinds of game, a shred of yucca
looped to a stick at the butt end (a rude snare). Natacka and Naamia
wore cloth shirts, trousers and buckskin leggings, and two buckskins
hung as loose mantles over their shoulders. The former carried a
tortoise-shell rattle on his right leg, and had a bow and arrows in his
left hand and an arrow in the right. Soyokmana had the hair smeared
with white clay. She wore a loose mantle and whistled as Natacka
hooted. Hahaiwiiqti wore a fox-skin around the neck. The hands of
all were whitened. Soyokmana wore a hideous black mask and was
dressed in dilapidated clothing. She had a large knife in her left hand
and a crook in her right (plates Cy and cyt).
Yhe Natacka helmets had turkey-tail feathers! closely radiating ver-
tically at the crown, and they wore a cloth shirt and trousers, with belt
with silver disks. Each had buckskin leggings and wore a fox-skin
around the base of the mask; two large buckskins hung as mantles
over the right shoulder. He carried a bow and arrows?’ in the left hand
and with his right hand he received the food and placed it in the
tozruki® slung over his right shoulder. Soyokmana was personified
by a lad of 12 years, wearing a woman’s blanket (kwaea) and a buck-
skin mantle. He had a nakwakwoci, stained red, tied to the scalp lock.
A similar group, all costumed identically, was prepared in each of
the three villages. The group of Tewa personifications went to every
house in that pueblo and then to the houses in other villages where
men from Hano have married. The groups of the other towns go first
to the houses of their own pueblo and then to the houses in the other
villages where men have transferred themselves by marriage.
When the Walpi group had finished their exercises at Hano and Si-
teomovi they went back to Walpi and proceeded along the front side of
1At the tip of the lowest tail feather on each side a nakwakwoci stained with eita was hung.
? Natacka carried a handsaw in the left hand.
3 Bandoleer.
282 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [ETH ANN. 15
their pueblo to their own kiva, where they disrobed about dark. The
object of the exhibition was to frighten children who exhibited fear of
them, but children 6 years of age or thereabouts were somewhat famil-
iar with them, and while it was evident they held the monsters in con-
siderable awe they tried to assume a bold front when receiving the
seeds and snares.!
At 8.30 aman personifying Tiimackatcina ran through Walpi from
the Monkiva toward Wala, emitting hoots as he went. <A full half
hour after, about 9 oclock, a group of masked but uncostumed men
wrapped in blankets went to the kiva hatches and uttered most fero-
cious groans for four or five minutes. This was done in an informal
manner, but was said to be prescribed ceremonially.
January 30—Between 7 and 8 oclock Wikokuitkatcina emerged from
the Alkiva, passed around Walpi to the east end of the pueblo, and
then down through the north lane, past Intiwa’s house, under the pas-
sageways back to the Alkiva. His body was painted white and he wore
a blanket tied with a girdle (wukokwena), a fox-skin dangling at his
loins. Nothing was elicited in relation to this event.
Between 8 and 9 oclock uncostumed groups of Tateii/kti went to the
entrances of the kivas and laid themselves prone upon the hatch, their
heads projecting over its edges. Several of them uttered their charac-
teristic growls and pretended to snarl at and worry one another, pos-
sibly imitating ferocious animals or monsters. One of them carried on
a dialogue with some one in the kiva.
At 9 oclock Tiimac and two Tunwutpkatcina (masked but uncos-
tumed) made the tour of the pueblos, emitting peculiar hoots. Between
9 and 10 oclock Owana zrozrokatcina and Wupamokatcina appeared
separately, each making a solitary tour of the village. They were not
masked, but so wrapped in blankets that their masks were not visible.
At 10 oclock the Hano clowns and Natacka group came to Walpi
and performed the same ceremony as the Walpi group, which has been
described. There was informal singing in all the kivas.
January 31—During this day the masks of Hililikateina and Soy6k-
mana were painted. After dark a masked man (Katcina not known)
rushed through the pueblo, and shortly after Tiimac and her two sons
(Tunwupkatcina), unmasked, ran through the pueblo hooting. About
9 oclock delegates from Sitcomovi, with a drum and rattles, made the
rounds of Walpi and carried on a dialogue with the kiva chief.
At 10 oclock 18 Teakwainakatcinas came to the Monkiva from
Hano. They were naked, save a breechcloth, but their bodies and
limbs were ornamented with white zigzag markings. They wore fillets
of a dozen or more yucea bands around the head, and necklaces in pro-
fusion on their necks. They passed in succession into the kivas, dane-
ing a few minutes in each, and returned home shortly before midnight.
'Hahaiwiiqti did not enter any of the houses, but merely went up the ladder two or three rungs
and stood there just high enough to bring her helmet on a level with the first terrace. She then gave
her shrill hoot, and when the women had brought out their children spoke to them in high falsetto,
FEWKES] THE POWAMU CEREMONY 283
February 1—Several tihus (dolls) were carved in the kivas, to be
distributed to the children as in the Nimankateina. Tumae and her
sons went around the pueblo about half past 7 oclock, as on former
evenings.
In the Teivatokiva 14 men and a boy about 10 years of age, with
Pauwatiwa as chief, whitened their faces, bound a fillet around their
foreheads, and made curious crescentic marks on their cheeks. They
afterward danced and sang. Sitcomovi priests, beginning at the Mon-
kiva, made formal visits to each kiva in Walpi. There were 12 of these
men and they were decorated like those of the Teivatokiva. They sang
Siohtmiskatcina songs, but wore no masks. They later visited the
Siteomoyvi kivas. The Tcivatokiva people then put on their kilts, tied
on their turtle-shell rattles, took their juniper staffs and gourd rattles,
and, led by Pauwatiwa, went to the Alkiva, and later to all the other
kivas, where they danced and sang Pawik (duck) Katcina songs. Pau-
watiwa sprinkled meal on the Katcinas from Sitcomovi before they
began, and the chiefs of the other kivas did the same to those who
visited them before they opened their dance.
‘ebruary 2—This afternoon 8 girls, assisted by the men, washed the
walls of the Moénkiva with a thin mud made of valley sand. The fol-
lowing girls took part in this work: Kaiyonsi, Humisi, Humita, Lénho
(a woman), Letinaisi, Tuvéwaisi, Hokwati, and Honka, The girls also
made mud designs, lightning symbols, and hand-prints on the rafters
of the room.
Tunwtpkateina! (personified by Takala) arrayed himself as follows:
He donned trousers made of cotton cloth and wrapped himself in a
blanket, under which he concealed all his paraphernalia. He received
two bunches of yucea with about twelve or fifteen leaves in each bunch,
and concealing them under his blanket hastened off to the northeastern
end of the village. There he arrayed himself, and at 5p. m. he returned,
running back and hooting as he came, until he halted at the court, where
he kept trotting up and down, marking time. He wore a mud-head
helmet with a black band across the eyes, and parrakeet feathers on the
top of the head. Turkey-tail feathers were arranged radiating hori-
zontally from the erown to the back of the head. He wore also a
cotton shirt and a kilt girded with a white belt (wuk6kwena). He had
yellow clay on his legs and a tortoise-shell rattle below each knee. His
moceasins were painted black. A whip or bunch of yucea with the
butts in front was held in each hand.
The children who were flogged were brought to Tunwup in the fol-
lowing way: The mother, sometimes accompanied by the father, led the
cnild to the court, and if it were a boy the godfather took him in charge.
He gave the lad an ear of corn, his teétenunwa, and a handful of prayer
meal, and led the frightened child close up to Tunwup. The godfather
‘A figure of Tuiwipkachina with his pet (pékema) appears on the reredos of the altar of the
Nimankatcina. (See Journal of American Ethnology and Archeology, vol. 11, No.1.) The sprig
which he is depicted as bearing in the hand was supposed to represent a cornstalk, but from the
new observations of the personification of Luiwup there is no doubt that a yucca whip was intended.
284 TUSAYAN KATCINAS (ETH. ANN. 15
prompted the boy, who cast his handful of meal on or toward Tunwup.
The godfather also cast meal on the same personage and then divested
the boy of all his clothing and presented the lad with his back toward
Tunwup, who all this time had maintained his trotting motion but with-
out advancing. Tunwup then plied one of his yueca wands vigorously,
giving the boy five or six forcible lashes on the back. After this was
over the godfather withdrew the screaming boy and tied a nakwakwoci
to his sealplock. The mother was standing by and hurriedly covered
her son, frightened with his punishment, and led him home, but the
mother was careful to see that he carried his teotenunwa in his hand.
If the child were a girl, her godmother led her up to Tunwup, but
her little gown was not taken off; only the mantle was removed for the
flogging. Notwithstanding this, however, the blows were delivered
with enough force to cause considerable pain, but her crying probably
resulted as much from fright as from physical suffering. The god-
mother led the little girl back to her home, after having cast meal on
Tunwup, and was very careful that the child carried her teotenunwa.
There were five children of age varying from about eight to ten
years who were thus flagellated. After each boy was flogged the god-
father cast meal toward Tunwup and then held out his own bared
arms and legs successively, which Tunwup lashed four or five times
with all his might; but no women were submitted to this flagellation.
Several men who had some ailment also went up to Tuniwup, and cast-
ing meal upon him received lashes on their bare arms and legs.
The man who personified Tunwup exercised considerable discretion
in performing his duty. In the case of a little girl who showed more
than ordinary fear, he simply whirled his yucca whip over her head with-
out touching her, and then motioned her away; but on the arms and legs
of the adults he laid his whip without restraint. When all had been
flagellated, Pauwatiwa came up from his kiva and gave Tunwup a
handful of meal and a nakwakwoci, who then trotted off, going outside
the pueblo, possibly to preserve the illusion among the children that
he was a real Katcina who had visited the pueblo from afar.
For four successive mornings the flagellated child was taken to a
point on the mesa called Talatiyuka and there deposited a nakwakwocei
in a shrine and cast meal toward the sun. During this time the child
was not permitted to eat salt nor flesh, but on the fourth day a little
before sunset this abstinence ceased, and the child might henceforth
look upon Katcinas and sacred objects in the kivas without harm.
The primary significance of the flogging seems to be that until
children have acquired sufficient intelligence or are eight or ten years
ot age, they are made to believe that the Katcinas, appearing at each
dance, are superhuman visitors, and they are never permitted to see an
unmasked Katcina. When they have matured enough or have sufti-
cient understanding, they are instructed that the real! Kateinas have
time transformed into a deity (soul).
FEWKES] THE POWAMU CEREMONY 285
long since ceased their visits to mankind and are merely impersonated
by men; but they acquire that knowledge at the expense of a sound
flogging, such as I have just described.
At 10 oclock six Teii’tekiitii (clowns), accompanied by Piptuku, who
was dressed as an old woman and wore an old mask, passed about the
pueblo from one kiva to another. These six persons entered the Mén-
kiva, and Piptuku, after some urging, followed them. One of the
Teii'tckiitii was sent out, and the other five in succession took a pinch
of ashes in the left hand from the fireplace, and poising it as if taking
aim at something through the hatch struck off the ashes with the right
hand.
A few minutes later four Wuwiyomokatcinas wearing characteristic
masks appeared at the kiva hatch with turkey feathers radiating ver-
tically around the upper part. They carried monkohus' and an
undressed skin pouch. Their leader, Silanktiwa, was without costume,
and Calako, Kwatcakwa, and seven other unmasked persons followed.
Their faces and bodies were whitened, the hair hanging loose, and limbs
bare. They wore plumes of gaudy feathers on their heads, were arrayed
in white kilts, and held crooks in their hands. A personage called
Eototo® preceded them, and Hahaiwiiqti, continually talking, fol-
lowed. The procession was closed by a warrior (Kaléktaka),* who ear-
ried a bundle of arrows in one hand and a bow and arrows in the other,
and frequently hooted. The uncostumed chorus, composed of about
twelve persons, accompanied by a drummer, followed in a cluster.
When the leading Wuwiyomo came to the Monkiva he threw down
the hatchway a ball of moist meal, which struck the middle of the
floor. After this announcement he was clamorously invited by those
within the chamber to enter, which he did, followed by the others.
Each Wuwiyomo bore a bundle of deer scapulie, which he clanked as
a rattle, and all were sprinkled with meal by Intiwa as they entered
the kiva. They afterward filed to the western side of the room where
the plants were growing; they sang for about five minutes, all standing.
When EKototo entered the chamber he made on the floor with meal
four symbols of the rain-cloud, one in advance of the other, and each
of the Calakos squatted on one of these symbols. The chorus, remain-
ing outside, continued their song for a few minutes, while the Wuwi-
yomos were singing. Those who had last entered the kiva then
passed out in the same order, and as they did so were sprinkled
with meal, and each of the four Wuwiyomos was handed a nakwa-
2E6toto (“*Aiwoétoto’’) has been described in my account of the daybreak ceremonials of the Fare-
well Katcina (Journal of American Ethnology and Archeology, vol.11, No.1). Hahaiwiiqti has been
figured and described in my article on Certain Personages who Appearin a Tusayan Ceremony (Amer-
ican Anthropologist, January, 1894).
3A society comparable with the ‘‘ Priesthood of the Bow” at Zuni. This society is a priesthood
apparently with much less power than that of the neighboring Cibolan pueblo, but its chief Pau-
watiwa is powerful, and, it may be said, en passant, a most genial and highly valuable friend to have
in ethnologic work at Walpi.
286 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [ETH ANN. 15
were made, but the same ceremonials were probably repeated. After
this they went off to perform the same ceremonies in the kivas of other
villages on the mesa.
At 11 oclock a group of 12 men and a boy from Hano, costumed but
accompanied by an uncostumed fiddler, visited all the kivas in succes-
sion. Their bodies were painted white and they had plumes in their
hair, but were unmasked. Each wore a fox-skin depending from the
loins, was barefoot, and carried a gourd rattle in the right hand and a
sprig of spruce in the left hand. Their visits were expected, but they
personated no especial Katcina, and after their departure the men in
the Monkiva rebearsed a song.
February 3—No ceremonial took place throughout the day. The
walls of the kivas were renovated by the girls with a wash of mud, and
every kiva on the mesa was replastered in this way during the festival.
February 4—This day the manufacture of tihus (dolls) went on in
all the kivas, and there was a continuation of the replastering and
decoration of the walls of these chambers.
At 9 oclock a dialogue similar to that above recorded on the 29th of
January took place between Hahaiwiiqti and the kiva chief. The
former wished to go among the children, but was told that it was very
dark and the children were asleep. She was finally prevailed on to
wait until the morrow.
At 10 p.m 20 unmasked persons,’ men and women with flowing hair,
from Sitcomovi visited all the Walpi kivas. Each of the male person-
ators carried a narrow green tablet (pavaiyikact ),’ fringed with long red
hair and decorated with a symbol of the sun painted in colors. Each
had a gourd rattle, and a stick about 2 feet long, to the end of which
was attached half a gourd painted to represent a squash blossom, was
held in the right hand. The 10 men personating women were not cos-
tumed. The leader carried a large Oraibi basket tray with a broad,
brightly colored handle. In this was an effigy of a bird.
He set this tray on the floor near the fireplace, and after the chief of
the kiva had sprinkled the visitors with meal a male and a female per-
sonator advanced from the western end of the kiva to the fireplace.
The man picked up the basket on the butt end of his stick and pre-
sented it to the woman, who held it in both hands and danced a few
moments, while all the others sang. She then laid the tray down and
passed to the northern side of the chamber, the man retiring to the
southern side. After the other couples had performed the same cere-
mony they left the kivas.
Immediately after their departure 28 personators from Hano entered.
These consisted of male and female deities, the latter personated by
men. The former passed to the southern, the latter to the northern
1 His fiddle was a notched stick which he scraped with a sheep scapula
1 Kawaikakatcinas. Kawaika is a Hopi name for the Laguna people of Keresan stock
3 See figure in Nadcnaiya, Journal of American Folk-lore, July-September, 1892
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOCY. FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT. PL. CVIII.
]
A. HOEN & CO., LITH
KATCINA MASK WITH SQUASH BLOSSOM APPENDAGE AND RAIN CLOUD SYMBOLISM.
FEWKES] THE POWAMU CEREMONY 287
side of the kiva. Each of the male personages wore a yucea fillet on
his head and his legs were decorated with clay streaks; he wore white
kilts and girdles, with dependent fox-skins. They also had tortoise
rattles on the legs and carried a gourd rattle in the right hand. Their
costume was as follows: They were without masks; the hair was loose
and an imitation of a squash blossom was tied therein. The face was
not colored, but on the right shoulder curving to the breast was daubed
a mass of blue and green pigment. On the left shoulder and over
the breast they were painted with yellow, and bright red streaks were
drawn from the neck down the center of the breast and middle of the
back. The upper part of the right arm was colored yellow, the left
forearm green, the upper part of the left arm green. These colors
were reversed on the right arm. The right leg also was yellow and
the left leg was green with two contrasting bands below the knee.
The hands, waist, and upper portion of the thighs were whitened.
They likewise wore white kilts tied with girdles (wukokwéna and
nanelkwéna). <A gray fox-skin depended from the loins. Each had a
tortoise-shell rattle on the right leg and on the left leg generally a gar-
ter to which small sleigh-bells were attached. Their moccasins were
blue or green. In his right hand each carried a blue or green painted
rattle, and in the left a sprig or small branch of spruce. Those per-
sonating females neither wore fox-skins nor held anything in the left
hand. The female personators carried in the left hand a bundle of
straw held well up before the face. After they had been sprinkled
with meal they began to sing, and the couple in the center on the west
side joined hands, holding them above the head—the female with the
palm turned up, the male with the palm down and fingers imbricated.
They advanced close to the fireplace and then returned to their respec-
tive places. The personators executed this figure four times in sequence
and then went out.
Immediately after this presentation the delegation from the Monkiva,
led by a masked person, entered. The bodily decorations of these
were not uniform; one had a figure of a gourd drawn on his breast,
another zigzag lines, and still another parallel bars. The males carried
a gourd rattle in the right hand; they wore no fillets on the head but
allowed the hair to hang loosely. The female personators held a bunch
of straw! and a sprig of spruce in the left hand, carrying it high up
before the face. They sang the same song and executed the same
figure as that already mentioned in the account of the presentation by
the men from the village of Hano. The groups finished their visits at
about midday.
'The signification of the bundle of straw may be that here we have the symbolic broom of the puri-
fication ceremony, if I am right in my interpretation that the Powamt is a lustral ceremony. In
Nabuatl ceremonial, Ochpanitzli, the mother, Toci. carries the broom, which is her symbol in this cel-
ebration, as shown in Seler's interpretation of the Humboldt manuscripts. In this connection the
reader is referred to the facts mentioned elsewhere in this article that all the kivas are replastered in
the course of the Powamt
288 TUSAYAN KATCINAS (ETH. ANN. 15
February 5—At earliest dawn (5 a, m.) either the chief or one of bis
elders roused all the sleepers in the kiva, and each spread his blanket
beside his basin of growing plants. He then carefully plucked the
plants, one by one, so as not to bruise either stalk or roots. He laid
them on the blanket in an orderly pile, the leaves together. The sand
which remained in the basin was carried to some place where children
would not see it, and the vessels were dried before the kiva fire and
hidden away in the houses out of sight of the prying eyes of the
young ones.
Nearly all the plants were tied with a yucca shred and a sprig of
spruce (symbol of a Katcina), in neat bundles, leaving loose bights
of the yueca by which to hold them. Each priest also tied up the dolls
which he had made. All traces of the soil in which the corn had been
forced to sprout had disappeared long before dawn.
The presents (dolls) which were made in the Tcivatoki were then dis-
tributed by a man personifying Pawikkatcina, under the instruction
ot those who had fashioned them. The distributing Katcinas of the
Nacabki were two Niivaktcinas,' and the same did this duty with the
dolls in the Monkiva. For the Alkiva two Teoshiihiiwih performed
this duty. These Kateinas and two persons called Kawaika (Keres)
from Sitcomovi bustled about the pueblo on their errands and the dis-
tribution was finished about sunrise. The men did not speak when
they approached a house with their gifts, but hooted after the cus-
tomary manner of Katcinas.
Almost half an hour before sunrise the Soyokmana passed around
the kivas, holding a dialogue at the hatchways with the chiefs inside.
She wore a black conical mask with red mouth and white teeth, and
was costumed as an old woman. In the right hand she bore a crook
7 feet long, at the end of which were tied many shells. In the left hand
sbe carried a knife smeared with rabbit blood. Hii/hiiwih also held
a dialogue with the kiva chiefs and made gifts of watermelons and
squashes to various persons.
At 11.30 a. m. Soyokmana, Hahaiwiiqti, and the Natackas (plate Cv1)
made a visit to all the houses. They were followed by two Hehéaka-
tcinas’ with bags and pouches of food recently received, and after them
followed three black and two white Natackas. These five went together
and were constantly in motion, moving or beating time with their feet.
The strange company went to each house demanding food, and when
it was refused or poor quality offered the Natackas uttered a hoot like
an owl, and at the same time Soyokmana whistled. They refused to
leave a house until proper food had been given them, and if a child who
had not been ceremonially flogged appeared with the mother its eyes
were shaded by the mother’s hand while she presented food to the
Natackas.
1 Elision of the syllable ka in this and similar compounds is common.
2The symbolism of their masks and their dance is described in the Journal of American Ethnology
and Archeology, vol. u, No. 1.
FEWKES] THE POWAMU CEREMONY 289
3etween 12 and 1 oclock [ntiwa, assisted by Honyi and Letaiyo,
finished making twelve sets of cakwa (blue) pahos, most of which
were composed of two sticks of uniform diameter, and only one set
showed the flat face characteristic of the female. They likewise made
twelve nakwakwoci hotomni, consisting of a twig about 2 feet long
from which four nakwakwocis depended at intervals, and twelve simple
feathered strings. When these were finished Intiwa placed them in a
tray of meal beside the sipapti and brought from the paraphernalia
closet of the kiva six ears of corn of different colors, his tiponi, two
nakwipis and as many aspergills, two or more rattles, and other bundles
containing the remaining paraphernalia of the cloud-charm altar.
At 1.30 p.m. he placed a small hillock of sand back of the sipapt
and deposited his tiponi upright upon it; he then made the cloud-
charm altar,! arranging the corn at the ends of six radial lines of meal
in a sinistral circuit, placing two crystals upon each ear of corn except
that corresponding to the nadir. The aspergills (nakwampis) also
were laid down beside each ear of corn except that which was symbolic
of the nadir. The sequence of ceremonials which then took place about
this altar was as follows:
1. Ceremonial smoke.
2. Prayers.
3. Liquid poured into the crenelated vessel or nakwipi.
4. Songs.
Synopsis of ceremonial events during the songs:
(a) Meal shaken from the six aspergills into the liquid.
(6) Whistling into the liquid through a turkey bone, and
asperging to the cardinal points with the same, six
times in all.
(ec) Meal east into liquid, on tray of pahos and over the tiponi
in ceremonial circuit.
(d) Pollen cast on the same objects in sequence.
5. Prayers.
6. Ceremonial smoke into the liquid with two pipes.
At the close of this observance Hahaiwiiqti and the Natackas came
to the kiva hatch and a comic dialogue ensued. She demanded meat
and other food, and the elders went up the ladder and refused to grant
her wishes. Natacka hooted and Soyokmana whistled back, and then
the Hehéakatcinas threw down the end of their lariat, and those in
the kiva below hung a piece of sheepskin and horns of goats to it.
Intiwa then called two youths, and without anointing them? gave
them instructions where to deposit the offerings which had been conse-
1See Nimankatcina altar, called nananivo podya, six-directions altar. The whole ceremony is an
invocation to the six world-quarter deities.
‘It is generally the custom to anoint the feet, hands, ete, with honey when a person is sent out with
offerings to shrines. (See ‘Snake dance," Jonrnal of American Ethnology and Archeology, vol. 1v.)”
*See cloud-charm altar in other ceremonials. It isredundant in this place to repeat these accounts,
as the variations are not important. (See Journal of American Ethnologe and Archeology, vol. U1,
No.1.) The Powdémi altars are the same as the Niman, q. v.
15 ETH 19
290 TUSAYAN KATCINAS (ETH. ANN. 15
erated on the cloud-charm altar? One youth was told to deposit his at
shrines in a circuit, beginning with Tawapa (Sun spring), and the other
at Kokyanba (Spider spring) and Tuveskyabi. Two sets of offerings
were left, and these with Katcinas were placed on the southwest point
of the mesa. This closed the ceremony, for Intiwa then replaced the
plug of the sipapti and tied up his tiponi and other paraphernalia.
The Natacka group went to the Wikwaliobikiva, and there Soyoko
gave each of them and the Hehéakatcina a handful of meal and a
nakwakwoci. Talahoya blew puffs of smoke over them, They then
marched around the houses to the Nacabki, along the plaza to Teiva-
toki, and then to Alkiva, where they begged for meat and held comic
dialogues with different chiefs. At the last-mentioned place there
came from the kiva six men arrayed and costumed as the Mamzraiti
teatumakaa, who, singing as they went, marched to the dance court and
halted close to the edge of the cliff, facing the houses. The Natacka
group accompanied them, and two men personifying Hehéakatcinas
assumed erotic paroxysms and lay down on their backs on the ground
close to the disguised Mamzratiti personages, endeavoring to lift up
their kilts and performing obscene actions. Then they rolled on the
ground in assumed fits. The Natackas, as usual, maintained their
prancing step around them, and occasionally Soyékmana thumped
them with the butt end of her crook. After about five minutes of this
exhibition the Hehéa seized the Mamzratiti personators and tumbled
them into an indiscriminate heap, fell on top of them, and did other
acts which need not be mentioned. The Natacka then retired for food,
and, unmasking in the kiva, did not again appear.
February 6—Food was carried to all the kivas yesterday morning,
but there was neither dancing nor ceremonials.
February 7—No ceremony took place on this day, but the kiva chief
and the Hehéakatcinas played a curious game of ball called sunwu-
winpa, in which the ball is attached to a looped string. The player
lay on his back and, passing the loop over the great toe, projected the
ball back over his head. Two groups of these players were noted.
The following Katcinas were personated in the Powami of 1893; !
Hahaiwiiqti, Ancient Woman, Wuwiyomo.
Mother of Monsters. Pawik, Duck.
Natacka, Monster. Niivak, Snow.
Soyokmana, Attendantof Natacka. Hehéa.
Tunwutp, Flogging Katcina. Mamzranti teatumakaa.
Ahii/1. Teayaiyo, Giant Elk
Tiimac, Mother of Ahii/l. Wupamo, Great Cloud.
Wuyokwati. Owanazrozro, Stone Devourer.
Teakwaina.
1 As the number of these personages was large in this presentation, this summary mention of their
names may be of interest.
FEWKES] THE PALULIKONTI CEREMONY 7yS)Ik
PALULUKONTI
The screen drama of the Paliiliikonti ceremonial as performed in 1893
has already been described.!
The following personifications of Katcinas appeared in the Paliilii-
konti in 1893:
Coyohim, All. Hokyana.
Pawik, Duck. Huhian, Barter.
Tacab, Navaho. Calako, Calako.
Its presentation in other years differs very materially from the
description given.
In the celebration of 1891 a wooden figure representing Calako was
introduced with two carved marionettes, which were manipulated as if
grinding corn, and serpent effigies were thrust through the sun open-
ing of the screen. These were likewise used in the presentation in
1894.”
The celebration of Paliiliikonti in 1894 was controlled by the Badger
people, and the exhibition of the screen drama occurred March 16. A
number of slabs with symbolic figures of Tawa (the sun), and Cotiiki-
nunwa (the heart of all the sky), and two small effigies of Paliiliikonth
(plumed snake) were introduced. The two mechanical figurines, which
were so manipulated as to appear to be in the act of grinding corn on
metates, represented Calakomanas, and were made by Totci-of the
Badger people.
This variation from year to year, it will be observed, preserves with-
out change the various deities introduced and recalls what I have
already written about the variations in altars of the Niman in different
villages. In stage effects latitude is permissible, but there is no change
in the deities represented. Something similar occurs in the Mamzraitti,
where, in 1891, tablets with Palahikomana symbols were used, while
in 1893 women represented that personage.
So far as I know the essential personages*® to be represented by
symbolism or by men in disguise, are:
Tawa, Sun.
Mii/iyawt, Moon.
Coétokinunwa, Heart of the Sky.
Hahaiwiiqti, Ancient Mother.
Paliiliikonti, Plumed Snake.
Calako taka or mana, Corn Man or Maid.
Various Katcinas, mentioned above, but these may vary year by year.
Masauwth, Fire God.
Various Teukiwympkiyas, Clowns.
1Journal of American Folk-lore, October-December, 1893.
2It will thus be seen that the details of this ceremony vary in different years, but the variation
depends simply on the kiva presenting it. It is commonly said that the original wimi of the
Paliiliikonti (Great Plumed Snake) were brought to Tusayan by the Water people from the far
south. Other observations support that statement.
3To these must be added the constant accompanying priests in all ceremonials, who are unmasked
and do not personate supernatural beings.
292 TUSAYAN KATCINAS (ETH. ANN. 15
NIMANKATCINA
An outline of the ceremonials attending the departure of the Katei-
nas from three of the Tusayan villages has already been given else-
where.! From new observations it is found that much remains to
complete this account, but the main events have already been described.
While the dance resembles the abbreviated Katcinas, from which it
should not be widely separated, the altar and kiva ceremonials place it
in the group of elaborate Katcinas or those with complicated secret
usages. It is only in those villages in which are preserved the wimi of
the Kachina moiwi that this celebration can occur, although, as we
shall later see, abbreviated Katcinas are not so limited. It will prob-
ably be found that any abbreviated Katcina may be used for the
public dance of the Niman, but no abbreviated Katcina can have
the secret ceremonials of the Niman without becoming the same.
When the Katcina chief, Intiwa, sets up his altar it is but natural that
any set of Katcinas may give the public dance, which, while a neces-
sary accompaniment, is far from being prescribed as to kind.
ABBREVIATED KATCINAS
CHARACTERISTICS
This group includes a large number of simple ceremonials in which
a masked dance in publie is the most significant part. The general
character of these observances may be seen by a consultation of my
article, “A few summer ceremonials at the Tusayan pueblos.”’ The
distinctive name is determined by the characters personified as ind1-
cated by the symbolic markings of the masks or by other paraphernalia.
No elaborate kiva ceremonials are performed.?
All the abbreviated presentations have certain common features
which run through them. These characteristics may be learned from
my description in the article on “The summer ceremonials,”* but in
order to make them more prominent I have mentioned them in an
appended footnote. ”
The special Katcina celebrated is designated by the symbolism
depicted on the mask, which is repainted and redecorated according
to the Kateina which it is intended to represent. For the special
1 Journal of American Ethnology and Archxology, vol. 11, No. 1.
2Tbid. The following abbreviated Katcinas have been described and figured: (1) Humiskateina,
Corn Flower; (2) Aiakateina, Long Beard; (3) Coyéhimkatecina, All; (4) Hehéakateina; (5) Siokatcina,
Zuni; (6) Mdlokatcina. The symbolic characters of the different Kateinas are best shown in my
article on ‘Dolls of the Tusayan Indians."’ The Nimankatcina is likewise outlined in the Journal
of American Ethnology and Archeology, op. cit., and some of these abbreviated Katcinas are accom-
paniments of the Niman.
$The participants of course frequent the kiva to prepare their masks and costume for one or more
days previous to the public dance, and certain simple ceremonial objects, as pahos and nakwakwocis
are made there, but in none of those Katcinas which are included in this group have I as yet observed
any altar or the like. The very name ‘‘ abbreviated” eliminates naturally these complex proceedings
and paraphernalia.
1Op. cit. The spruce tree of the Katcinas is commonly set up in the plaza.
FEWKES] FEATURES OF ABBREVIATED KATCINAS 293
name and the accompanying symbolism a study of the dolls will give
as good an idea as can yet be obtained from published articles.!
The participants in the abbreviated Katcinas may be divided into
two groups: (1) The Katcinas, male and female, with related masked
personages, and the priests who pray to them and sprinkle meal upon
them, and (2) the accompanying clowns and masked or other persons
who participate in their antics and presentation. The details of the
proceedings of the second or possibly subordinate group vary in
different dances more than those of the first.
The participants of the first group are:
1. Masked personages (always men) called Katcinas.
2. Masked men, personifying women, called Katcinamanas.
3. One or more masked persons, who vary in symbolic characters in
different Katcinas. These are often absent.
4. Priests (unmasked), directors of the dance, who sprinkle the
Katcinas with sacred meal. These priests are vehicles of prayers to the
Katcinas and masked participants, and are generally few in number.
The presentation is accompanied with a feast® (generally at noon)
limited to Katcinas and Katcinamanas. The Katcinas dance in line,
sing, distribute gifts, but never utter any continuous sentence or prayer.
The Katecinamanas dance in line facing the Katcinas, or kneel in front
of the same, accompanying their songs with a rasping noise made by
rubbing a scapula over a notched stick. Ordinarily their mask is
identical in all Katcinas of the abbreviated form, and they generally
have their bair in two whorls on the sides of the head, and wear white
blankets and other feminine apparel. The second group of personifi-
‘ations are the Teukiwympkias (Tateii/kti, knob-head priests;
Teii’ckiitt, gluttons; or Paiakaiamt, horned clowns). Their represen-
tation consists of a series of antics and dramatizations, story telling,
gluttony, obscene gestures or bawdy remarks, and flogging and other
indignities heaped upon each other or upon accompanying masked
persons. These representations and the personifications who carry on
their portion of the observance vary in different reproductions of the
same drama.
The Teukiwympkia do not dance or sing with the Katcinas, but
sprinkle them with meal and pray to them. While an essential fea-
ture in certain abbreviated Katcinas, they are not always present,
and their exhibition has many secular or temporal characteristics or
innovations more or less dependent on the invention of the partici-
pants. The masked persons who assist them are representatives of
semimythologie beings, called Piptuka, U’tei (Apache), Tacab (Na-
vaho), Kése, and others. A description of the various modifications
of their performances would mean special account of each presentation
1Dolls of the Tusayan Indians, op. cit.
2The food is brought to each by wives, daughters, or other women of his household. ‘Chis feast
takes place in the open air, not as at Zuni in the kivas.
294 TUSAYAN KATCINAS (ETH, ANN. 15
and would vary in details for each exhibition, but except in a very
general way these variations are quite unimportant in the study of the
characteristics of the abbreviated Katcinas. The following are some
of the episodes introduced :
1. Inordinate eating and begging, urine drinking, gluttony, and
obscenity.
2. Flogging of one another, stripping off breechcloths, drenching
with foul water, ribald remarks to spectators, and comical episodes
with donkeys and dogs.
Fic. 40—The Anakatcina.
3. Story telling for pieces of corn under severe flogging by masked
persons, races, Smearing one another with blood, urinating upon one
another, tormenting with cactus branches, ete.
The Katcina dance ordinarily lasts from daybreak to sunset, with
intermissions, during which the participants unmask under an over-
hanging cliff on the southern side of the mesa. Here likewise they
have their feast at midday. The dances in the forenoon are slimly
attended by spectators, but in the afternoon all the terraces and
roofs of the houses surrounding the plaza! in which the pillar mound
is situated are occupied by natives and visitors. The line of Katcinas
is led by an uncostumed chief, who sprinkles meal on the ground as he
enters and leaves the dance court, and who from time to time shouts to
1 This is the only plaza large enough for a long line of dancers, and hence is ordinarily used.
FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT. PL. CIX
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.
A. HOEN & CO., LITH
DOLL OF CALAKO TAKA.
FEWKES] FEATURES OF ABBREVIATED KATCINAS 295
the dancers (figure 40). The leader of the Katcinas stands midway in
the line, and by a rapid movement of his rattle as a signal changes the
song and directs the termination. To him! as a representative the
prayers are addressed. The dance is a rhythmic stamping movement
of one foot on the ground, and all keep in line, elbowing their neigh-
bors, turning now to one side, then to another, as directed. The female
Kateinas face the male and stand about midway in the line. They use
the serrated stick and scapula as an accompaniment to the song,
Itiscommon for both male and female Katcinas to bring gifts to the plaza
for spectators, especially
children, as they return
to the dance.? These gifts
are ordinarily corn, bread, or
tortillas. It is customary
for priests to sprinkle the
Katcinas with sacred meal,
and the Teukiwympkiyas,
or clowns, also perform this
function. The tiponi or Ka-
teina badge of office is not
earried in every celebration,
nor does the Katcina chief,
Tatiwa, always lead the line.
The one garment worn by
the male Katcinas is the cer-
emonial kilt. This is not
confined to them, but is like-
wise worn in other ceremo-
nials, asin the Snake-Ante-
lope observance and in minor
celebrations. Every male
Kateina, whatever his hel-
met, has one of these about
his loins. It is made of
coarse cotton, on the ends
of which are embroidered symbolic figures of rain-clouds, falling rain,
and lightning. Ordinarily half of the width is painted green, and the
lower edge is black, with nine square blocks of the same color at regular
intervals. ‘This kilt is represented on many dolls of the Kateinas figured
in my article on that subject.’
The Katcinas, irrespective of the special personage depicted, wear a
broad cotton sash with knotted strings at the proximal end. In this
lh
Fic. 41—Maskette of Anakatcinamana.
1To these prayers he alone responds ‘ Anteai,’' right.
2The configuration of the mesa and the fact that the house walls rise almost continuously with the
side of the cliff prevent the Katcinas dancing on the different sides of the pueblo, but in Zuni the
open spaces outside the village, in addition to the plaza in the heart of the pueblo, are used for dances
as I have elsewhere described.
3See also Jourual of American Ethnology and Archwology, vo .1V, p. 66.
296 TUSAYAN KATCINAS (ETH. ANN. 15
belt spruce branches are held, A fox-skin depends from the belt, and
turtle-shell rattles on the leg are invariably part of a Katcina’s costume.
Moccasins and heel bands are prescribed and bodily decoration with
pigments is common, but none of the above are characteristic of special
kinds of Katcinas. The mask is in general the one distinctive char-
acteristic of a definite personification.
S{OCALAKO
The Shalako is one of the most important observances at Zuni, and is
partially described by Cushing in an article on his life in Zuni.! An
exhaustive account, however, has never been published. The Hopi
occasionally celebrate a Calako, which from its name and other reasons
is undoubtedly an incorporated modification of this ceremonial, as the
Tusayan legends distinctly state.2. The following pages give an outline
of the Hopi presentation as a contribution to the comparative study of
Pueblo ritual. A complete account of the Shalako at Zuni is a great
desideratum before it is possible to undertake close comparisons.
The presentation of Calako is not an annual event at the East mesa
of Tusayan, but occurs after long intervals of time. The parapher-
nalia are kept in a house in Sitcomovi and belong to the Badger clan.
The house in which they are deposited is the property of Koikaamii,
the daughter of Masitimtiwa’s eldest sister, now deceased, and the
wimi likewise belong to her by descent.
The chiefs of all the gentes in Walpi and Sitcomovi, the chief of the
Katcinas, and one or two others from Hano assemobled in this house on
the 16th of July, 1893, and made a large number (over two hundred)
of pahos for use in the ceremonials to be described.
Early on the morning of the next day the masks and effigies of
Siocalako were renovated and carried to the spring called Kwatwaba
(sweet water), which is situated on the Zuni trail sonthward from the
mesa. In a modern house owned by a Sitcomovi family’ at this spring
the masks were repainted and the hoops which were used to make a
framework for the bodies were set around with eagle feathers.
The effigies which were used in personifications were made up of
masks or helmets of the ordinary size for the heads and a crinoline-hke?*
framework of willow hoops for the bodies. These masks were made
from narrow shreds of leaves of the agave plaited together diagonally,
and this plaited frame was covered with a painted buckskin upon
which the symbolism of the Siocalako was delineated. The projecting
beak of the face had a movable under jaw, which was hinged and
manipulated with a string. The helmet was attached to a staff form-
ing a backbone, 34 feet long, by which it was carried. The series of
1Adventures in Zuni,’ Century Magazine, vol. XXv, p. 507 et seq.
2 Several ceremonials are derived from Zuni, while others are peculiar to Tusayan. The symbolismof
the Siocdlako and the Hopi Calako is different. No girls (manas) were represented in the Siocalako.
3All the women and children of this family had been moved to the mesa a few days before.
4Compare the crinoline hoops of the effigies of Paliiliikonth (Journal of American Folk-lore, Octo-
ber—December, 1893).
FEWKES] THE SI1OCALAKO ZO
crinoline hoops or supports of the blankets which formed the body
were about fifteen in number, the upper being about the size of the
helmet, the lower 44 feet in diameter. A tii/ihi or large white embroid-
ered mantle was draped about the upper hoops or the shoulders, and a
gray fox-skin was hung around the neck, which was likewise profusely
decorated with shell necklaces.
The man who acted the part of bearer walked inside the crinoline,
freely supporting the effigy by the staff or backbone, holding it at such
a height as to permit the lowest hoop with its attached feathers to
reach to his knees. Each effigy bearer was bareheaded, and although
hidden from view, was decorated with the white kilt of a typical
Katcina.
An uncostumed chief led the four giants in single file toward the
mesa, followed by a large number of men dressed as mud-heads or
Tatcii’kti, who were called ‘“‘ Koyimse,” a term adapted from their
Zuni name.' All who had sufficient knowledge of the idiom spoke
Zuni, and the procession reached the Sun spring (Tawapa) at about
sunset. It was there met by two priests, Talahoya and a nephew of
Masitmtiwa, who were to act as conductors. All were welcomed and
homoya (prayers) were recited and much sacred meal was sprinkled.
Headed by the two conductors the procession climbed the trail to the
top of the mesa, and from thence marched into the main court of Si-
teomovi by the northeastern entrance, near which the men bearing the
four giant effigies, together with the mud-heads, halted. The latter were
closely huddled together in four groups, drumming with deafening
noise on as many drums.
The Katcina chief, Intiwa, and a man personifying Eototo? then
drew four circles with intersecting lines of meal on the ground at the
north side of the court in the positions indicated. This was followed
by a command of Hahaiwiiqti, who signaled with an ear of corn for
the first (kwiniwi, north) Calako effigy to advance. He did so with a
short, rapid step, and halted over the first circle of meal. The “bearer”
bobbed the effigy up and down so that the feathers which had been
fastened to the lower hoop of the crinoline touched the ground. The
bearer then stooped and rested the end of his staff on the ground,
holding it upright. The other three giant impersonators were then
brought up, one at a time, by Hahaiwiiqti. As each settled to its
position the bearer cried ‘* Ho!” six times in a shrill falsetto, and rap-
idly snapped the beak of the effigy he bore by means of a string. The
Calakos were then sprinkled with meal by the chiefs and others, after
which the effigies were moved one by one to circles of meal on the
southern side of the plaza, Six times this removal was repeated, each
time attended by ceremonials similar to those mentioned above.
1Koyeamashe (see Journal of American Ethnology and Archieology, vol. 1).
2The association of Eétoto with Intiwa has already been described in my account of the Niman-
katcina (Journal of American Ethnology and Archeology, vol. 11, No.1).
298 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [RTH. ANN. 15
At the conclusion of this observance in the plaza the four giants were
conducted by the chiefs of the Lizard, Asa, Badger, and Water gentes
to the houses of the elder sisters of the respective clans. The Calako
efligies were suspended by the mask from the rafters of each room,
and as the length of each was 7 feet 6 inches the tips of the radiating
feathers on the head and those on the last hoop of the framework of
the body just touched the roof and floor of the chamber. The same
ceremony took place in each house and there were prayers by the
elders, dancing by the effigy bearers, and singing and drumming by
the ‘“Koyimse.” At sunrise—for the exhibitions in the houses lasted
all night—a final presentation in the court similar to that which opened
the ceremonies took place, after which the Calakos and mud-heads went
I Mlanad V, Fositcons.
XN .
po | =
H re
f i
——
x
‘SUTTIOET Lf PUPA
Fic. 42—Position of celebrants in the court of Sitcomovi in Siocdiako.!
to the cliff and unmasked at the Kachinaki. There they performed
purification ceremonies (navotciwa) and dismantled the effigies. They
donned their ordinary habiliments and smuggled the paraphernalia
back into the chamber in Sitcomovi, where it is ordinarily kept.
On the 8th and 9th of the month, following the demise of the Cala-
kos, a most elaborate Wawae or Racing Katcina was performed.2
' Explanation of the diagram: a,b, c,d,anda‘,b’,c’, d', successive positions of the eftigy bearers on
the northern and southern sides of the plaza; e, Eétoto; h, Hahaiwugqti; ¢, Intiwa; k, Koyimse; m,
accompanying celebrants. The figures a-d and a’/-d’ represent the circles of meal, with cross lines,
over which the effigy bearers stand in the course of the ceremonials.
2The general character of the Wawec is described in my article in the Bulletin of the Essex Insti-
tute, where certain of the masks made use of in it are figured. The Racing Katcina performed at
this time was, however, much more complicated, and a description of it would be a digression from
the subject of this article.
FEWKES] PRELIMINARIES OF THE PAWIKKATCINA 299
PAWIKKATCINA
The Pawikkatcina, which I observed at Sitcomovi in 1892, had cer-
tain differences from any abbreviated Katcina dance which I have yet
described, and illustrated the ceremonial reception of these personages
after they had visited another pueblo. A priest of Siteomovi suggested
that his fellow villagers should send a delegation of young men to
Cipauloyi to return a dance with which they had previously been
honored by the latter pueblo. Accordingly the masks were painted and
the preliminary ceremonials took place in one of the Sitcomovi kivas,
\
ZA\ N \
Fic. 43—Mask of Pawikkatcina (front view).
those who were to participate in the ceremonial beginning their work
on the 25th of June. The visitors danced all day of the 27th at Cipaulovyi,
rested on the 28th, and continued their dance on the 29th at Sitcomovi.
The ceremonials on their return at the trail approaching Sitcomoyi took
place on June 28th, an hour before sunset.
This dance differed very little from that of other Katcinas, to which
attention has hitherto been directed.!_ There were twenty-three Katci-
} Journal of American Ethnology and Archeology, vol. 11, No. 1.
300 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [ETH. ANN. 15
nas and five! Katcinamanas, and the masks of both are illustrated in
figures 43, 44, and 45, while one of the staffs which they bore is repre-
sented in figure 46. They sang five songs called Omowth (cloud),
Yoivikka (swift), Pakwa (frog), Pawykia (duck), and Patzro (quail).
An interesting feature which I had never before seen in Tusayan
abbreviated Katcinas was the unmasked dance in the kiva.?
The secret ceremonials in the kiva were as follows: The three
priests, who had previously bathed their heads in their own houses,
made the pahos and nakwakwocis. Two of these men made four
prayer sticks similar to those described in the Walpi ceremonial, and
one made a long single paho. These were deposited in a flat basket
Fic. 44— Mask of Pawikkatcina (side view).
tray and smoked upon by those present. Before beginning the manu-
facture of the pahos the makers prepared themselves by a ceremonial
smoke.’ At the same time that the pahos were made twenty-three
nakwakwocis for the Katcinas and five for the Katcinamanas were
likewise manufactured.
‘Tt was said that there ought to have been six (possibly one for each cardinal point) of these, who
are called Ciwdata, sisters of the Pawikkatcinas.
2T have not been permitted to see the unmasked dance of the Kéko in the Zuni kivas, where it is
common, and was glad to supplement my observations by the same in one of the Tusayan kivas. In
the Katcinas which I saw in 1891 at Walpi there was no dance in the kivas.
3The pipe was passed ceremonially after having been lit with a coal (burning corneob) brought by
a woman from a house in Sitcomovi. In most ceremonials it is also prescribed that the makers of
péhos shall wash their heads before beginning their duties. but this takes place in their own
dwellings.
“VaVSO1V 4O SS3YO GV3H
W117 "OO 9 N3OH ‘Ww
XO Id ‘“LYOd3Y¥ IWANNY HIN33L4I4 “KOOTONHLZ 4O Nvauna
FEWKES] PAWIKKATCINA PARAPHERNALIA 301
At midday food was passed down into the kiva, but before partaking
of it one of the priests took a pinch of each kind of food (dundpna)
and went with it to a cleft in the mesa on the north side of Sitcomovi.
He there deposited it with a paho, a pinch of each kind of pigment
used in painting the paraphernalia, a little tobacco,’ but no sacred
Fic. 45—Mask of Pawikkatcinamana.
meal, This was an offering, it was said, to the Grand
Canyon of the Colorado sipapt. He then went to the
southern side of the mesa and placed in a similar cleft
a nakwakwoci, said to be an offering to Masauwth.
At sunrise on the 29th two offerings were deposited,
and each of the twenty-three Katcinas placed his nak-
wakwoci in a shrine.
Ceremonials attending visits of people from adjacent
or remote pueblos are simple but interesting. The fol-
lowing reception ceremony of visitors from a distant
pueblo not of their own people was noted: In the prog-
ress of the summer dances of Walpi in 1892 I observed
the ceremonial reception of several Zunis who came over
to assist in the Humiskatcina. They were formally
“received” in the Wikwaliobi kiva by Intiwa,? Ko6peli,
Honyi, Pauatiwa, and Lésma. Intiwa gave their head-
man a twig of spruce, to which Lésma tied four nakwa-
kwocis.. Intiwa sprinkled it with sacred meal and laid
Fie, 46—Staff of
Pawikkatcina.
1The first reference which I have found to the use of tobacco in the ceremonial smoke by the
American Indians is by Monardes. This interesting description of tobacco and its uses, accom-
panied with a figure of the plant, is one of the most complete for its date (1590) which I have seen.
‘Intiwa is Katcina monwi, chief of the Katcinas; K6peli, chief of the Snakes; Héiyi, hered-
itary Snake-Antelope chief; Wiki, chief of the Snake-Antelopes; Panatiwa, chief of warriors; Lésma,
Bear chief.
*See Journal of American Ethnology and Archeology, vol. u, No. 1.
302 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [ETH. ANN. 15
it in front of the Zunis, and finally all smoked together. This was
said to be a formal act of reception.!
The reception ceremony of the Pawikkatcinas when they returned
from Cipaulovi was as follows: At 4 p.m. Panatiwa’s father, a very
ap old man, sat on the edge of the mesa looking
west and north toward Cipaulovi. He called
my attention to a line of men coming along the
trail. When the line halted on the last rise
before the trail ascends to the top of the mesa
we went down to welcome them.
‘ Each Katcina placed his helmet in one of two
: parallel lines arranged along the trail, and in
front of the two lines he laid the spruce bough
which he carried. In front-of this pile of spruce
ZZ? boughs an ear of corn was placed in the trail
mS not far from the helmets. All the Kateinas then
Ms <= marched around the line in a sinistral circuit,
‘ sprinkling sacred meal upon the masks, corn,
and spruce boughs and throwing a pinch along
the trail in advance of the ear of corn. The
B circuit around the line of helmets was sinistral,
= as in all Hopi ceremonials.
Nine old men then formed a circle at the left
of the corn and smoked, sitting in a squatting
posture.” Noone was allowed to go up the trail
before this ceremony was completed, and one
who attempted to do so was warned back. A
short address of welcome was spoken by the
priests to the leader of the Katcinas, and at
sunset they put on their masks and marched to
ze the plaza of Sitcomovi. They first danced on
¥ the southern, then on the eastern, and lastly
on the western sides of the plaza, omitting the
northern side. The priests sprinkled the Ka-
tcinas with sacred meal, observing the sinistral
ceremonial circuit as they passed around the
line. A small spruce tree, upon which nak-
wakwocis were tied, had been placed near the
middle of the plaza.
as 'When the inhabitants of another pueblo visit that in which a
Wig Aja Helmete earofcom and sacred dance is taking place, it is customary for the hosts to enter-
spruce bough arranged for re-
ception ceremony.
tain by setting before them food, and it is no uncommon thing to see
visitors passing from house to house partaking of the pikami (mush)
and other delicacies. It is not unusual for the headmen of one
pueblo to send official thanks to the people of another for their sacred dances and other efforts
forrain. Ina memoir on the Snake dance I mention an instance where even the distant Havasupai
Indians brought offerings from their home to Walpi (Journal of American Ethnology and Archol-
ogy, vol. Iv).
2T need not describe their actions, as I have already done so for other Katcina dances (Journal of
American Ethnology and Archeology, vol. 11, No. 1.)
FEWKES] THE PAWIKKATCINA AND ANAKATCINA 303
The Katcinas and Katcinamanas then adjourned to the kiva, where
they unmasked, placing their helmets in a row and the spruce boughs
in the middle of the kiva.!' The two priests seated themselves on the
uprise, one on each side of the ladder.
On the following day the dance was continued from sunrise to sunset.
In the afternoon there appeared the Tetkuwympkiya, Mun/we (Owl
Katcina), two Tcosbiici, Pii/iikonhoya (the Little War God), and a
Navaho Kateina.
ANAKATCINA
The celebration of the Anakatcina at Hano, in the Niman of 1892,
gave me the following additional data to that already mentioned in
the description? of the Ana of 1891. These are due in part to the
variations in ceremonial customs, and are not regarded as essentials.
The Hopi Anakatcina was invited to Hano by Kaélakwai, and its
public presentation was identical with that of 1891 and that of the
Zuni Kokokei. The anties of the gluttons were very much more com-
plicated. This I ascribe to two causes—the rarity with which Katcinas
are celebrated in Hano, and the great need of rain at the time.
One interesting but highly disgusting part of the show of these
priests was the slaughter of a huge dog and the use of his entrails and
blood in distinguishing one of their number as Masauwith,* the Death
god. The details of this may be had by consultation with the author.
About 4 oclock on the morning of the public dance of the Ana the
participants danced in the Hano plaza, destitute of all clothing or
helmets and accompanied by the clowns, also without masks. This
feature I had not previously observed. After this early dance pahos
were deposited at the shrine situated in the middle of the dance plaza,
As no account of the ceremonial deposit of offerings to the winds
has ever been published, the following observations are given to fill
this gap in our knowledge. Probably the object of the wind offerings
is propitiatory, for high wind, it is believed, blows away the rain, to
produce which is the main object of the observance. MKwalakwa took
for this purpose in a blanket the following objects: Nakwakwocis, na-
tive tobacco, paper bread, pikami (pudding mush), sugar, and peaches.
He deposited a packet containing a pinch of each of these in six
1QOne marked difference between Katcina and Kéko, or Hopiand Zuni. dancers is that in the latter
the unmasked dance occurs in the kiva and the feast is held in the same place. At Tusayan the
feast is open, and generally there is no unmasked dance. The feast in the kiva at Zuni is possibly
a secondary modification for effecting secrecy.
2Journal of American Ethnology and Archeology, vol. 11, No.1.
8This is the only time I have seen the Death god personified. The Paiakaiamt rushed up to me
and demanded a knife, and when I refused to give it, not aware of their intention, they sought other
ways to kill the poor brute. It was an exhibition of extreme savagery, but of course with no danger
to any of the spectators. Later in their antics the gluttons themselves were lightly struck with a
cactus branch, and the person who performed this painful act went from housetop to housetop touch-
ing the arm or neck of every spectator—man, woman, and child. During this dance these Teuku-
wympkiyas performed the disgusting act of drinking human urine. Mr Cushing, in the Century
Magazine, records the slaughter of a dog ina similar manner, except that he says that his life was
threatened before the dog was killed, and it was by his defiant attitude that he was not seized by the
performers.
304 TUSAYAN KATCINAS (ETH. ANN. 15
shrines situated at cardinal points, beginning at the east.!. The Hopi
begin their ceremonial circuit ordinarily at the north, but the Tewa, it
would seem, place their offerings in the following order: East, north-
west, southwest by south, southwest, southeast by east, southeast.
In the interval between two of the dances, while the Katcinas were
unmasked, and had halted under an overhanging rock on the trail a
few feet below Hano, I observed a test of endurance which I had never
before seen, Kopeli, the Snake chief, took a bundle of yueca branches,
and different volunteers from the Katcinas, stepping up to him, first
held out one arm, then the other; Kopeli struck the outstretched limb
with more or less force, and at the conclusion presented his own arm
and naked body for this trying ordeal. "The Anakatcina is illustrated
in figure 40,
COMPARATIVE STUDY OF KATCINA DANCES IN CIBOLA AND
TUSAYAN
The published material which can be used as a basis of comparison
in the study of Katcinas in other villages is meager and insufficient.
Even of the nearest pueblo, Zuni, which has been more studied than
many of the others, and in which Katcina observances closely akin to
those of Tusayan are performed, the published accounts are very lim-
ited. In a general way it seems to me that the Tusayan ceremonials
are more showy and elaborate than those at Zuni. There is, however,
one marked exception ;* the powerful war society, called the Priesthood
of the Bow, has more elaborate ceremonials in Zuni than in Walpi,
where this organization is weak. It is not possible from my limited
knowledge of Zuni ceremonials to declare that it is less complicated
than that of Tusayan, but I believe that the powerful organization men-
tioned has had much to do with many of the differences between the two.
One source of information in regard to the differences and likenesses
between the Zuni and Hopi ceremonials is the testimony of the chiefs
themselves. This does not hold in regard to modified ceremonials pri-
marily the same or derived from a common source, and is only hearsay,
not science.
All the Hopi priests say that the Siotii (Zunis) have no knowledge of
the Tciitciibwimi (Snake-Antelope mysteries). The same chiefs likewise
claim that the Zunis have no Mamzratti, Lalakonti,’ Wiiwiitcimti, and
no societies corresponding to the Tataukyami, Aaltfi, or Kwakwanti.
) The direction of the ceremonial circuit of the Tewa is sinistral. In this instance it began at the
east. I believe this is the prescribed circuit of all the Pueblos. Some of the Tewa have told me that
in their folktales their people did not emerge from the same sipapti as the Hopi, but from a sipapt to
the east. Although some of the priests say that all people came from the middle of the earth, from
one sipapt, others beheve that each pueblo has its own ancestral geographical opening. ‘The idea
has been localized by environment, as is so often the case with modified legends.
2 There are certainly more evidences of white man’s influences in dance paraphernalia in Zuni than
at Tusayan. such, for instance, as the use of hats and calico shirts in dances, American chairs, rifles,
ete, etc.
3 Notwithstanding this statement, I have already pointed out similarities between both these
women's celebrations and certain Zuni dances (see American Anthropologist, vol. v, p. 236, note).
FEWKES] COMPARISON OF PUEBLO BELIEFS 305
Although they may not reproduce some of these ceremonials in the
form celebrated by the Hopi, it is not clear to me that some of those
which they observe may not be differentiations of the same ceremony,
as I have shown in my accounts of the women’s dances.' There is a
marked similarity in many of the myths, which would seem to imply
resemblances in ritualistic dramatizations of the same.
It is possible to verify historical data and legendary history by a
study of the same ceremony. For instance, the five oldest Tusayan
pueblos of which we have accounts in the earliest records are A watobi,
Walpi, Miconinovi, Cunopavi, and Oraibi.? Awatobi was destroyed in
1700, so that but four original communities of the time of Vargas still
remain. It is in these four and at Cipauloyi that the Snake ceremony
is still celebrated, and Sitcomoyvi and Hano are ascribed by Hopi legends
to a much later time than the first appearance of the Spaniards; their
names do not appear in the early descriptions of the province.
Itis a mistaken idea, and one which has led to many misconceptions,
to suppose that what is true of one group of pueblos is true of all.
While in a general way the mythology and ritual of all may be said to
have general resemblances, there is far from an identity between the
ceremonials, for instance, of the Hopi and the Zuni, or those of the
tio Grande pueblos and Tusayan. It is not a question of knowing all
by an intimate knowledge of one; but each branch, even individual
pueblos, must be investigated separately before by comparative knowl-
edge we can obtain an adequate conception of the character of the
pueblo type of mythology and ritual. Moreover, there is evidence that
this difference existed in ancient times, and while the differentiation of
the manners and customs of different pueblos may have been less rapid
in the past than today they were far from being identical. It does not
follow, except in certain limits, that the most primitive pueblos today
show in their survivals a better picture of the character of life in an-
other pueblo than the existing state of things in the latter. To recon-
struct the probable character of the ancient culture we must trace
similarities by comparative studies.
In a comparative study of the ceremonials of different pueblos,
it is important to decide which are most primitive or nearest the abo-
riginal condition and which are least affected by foreign influences.
The purer the present aboriginal culture, the greater worth will it have
1H6wina (Zuni, Owinahe), a kind of thanksgiving dance, is distinctly a Zuni dance, and is so recog-
nized by the Hopi. I have seen photographs of the celebration at Zuni which bear such a close
resemblance tu that called by the Hopi the Héwina that in all probability the two are identical. The
elaborate war dances celebrated at Zuni and the observances of the Priesthood of the Bow at that
pueblo are very much abbreviated in Tusayan (Kast mesa), where the organization has not the same
power as with the Cibolans.
2Cipaulovi, or the ‘‘ Place of Peaches,” would necessarily have received its name after those who
brought peaches came among the Hopi. It is known that Sitcomovi was a late colony of Asa people
from the Rio Grande, united with others from Walpi, while Hano was founded about 1700. The Cipau-
lovi people, however, celebrate the Flute ceremony, and the Flute people came to Tusayan shortly
after the Snake. It would thus appear that we have a date to determine that the Flute people came
to Tusayan after Vargas (1692). Morfi, in 1782, says that the people of Xipaulovi (Cipaulovi) came
from Xongopabi (Cuiopavi).
15 ETH 20
306 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [ETH ANN. 15
in our approximation to a true conception of the primitive pueblo cul-
ture. Many of the Pueblos practice a religious system which may be
rightly called aboriginal, but in some it has been modified by outside
influences. I think no one, for instance, would say that the present
Zuni custom of burial in a churchyard was not due in part to the influ-
ence of Catholic priests, for Spanish narratives of three and a half cen-
turies ago are quite explicit in their statement that the Zunis burned
their dead. If one custom has been changed, how are we to distinguish
the modified from the primitive? It can be shown that strong influ-
ences have been used for the direct purpose of destroying the Ka-
teina worship. Take, for instance, Zuni, the least changed of all the
pueblos except those of Tusayan. It is pagan today, and probably
never was profoundly modified by Christianity, but Roman Catholic
fathers, with the avowed determination to Christianize it, could not
have lived there continuously for over a century and caused the great
missions to be built without modifying the religious customs of the
Zunians. It is said that after the priests were driven out the Pueblos
returned to their ancient practices, but it must be admitted that no one
has yet shown how the pure Kateina practices were preserved over three
generations. They returned to an old worship, but who has evidence
to say that it was the same as that of their great-great-grandfathers ?
In some instances the natives have very willingly adopted Christian
teachings and the Christian God, believing that by so doing their own
religion would necessarily become strengthened by an addition to their
pantheon. Such adoption, however, no matter how regarded by them,
made a permanent impression on their primitive condition by changing
their mode of thought and life.
They apparently may have abandoned all that the church taught;
but what means could have been used to restore the pure worship of
pre-Columbian times? The culture which was revived was aboriginal,
but could never be identical! with that of the times before Coronado.
The question then resolves itself into a historical one—which pueblos
were the home of Catholie priests for the shortest time, and in which
were their influences least powerful? The historian will of course
answer the Tusayan pueblos, and ethnology contributes her quota of
facts to indicate that the purest form of Pueblo ceremonials are now
practiced by these villagers.
Although there are several ceremonials which the Hopi claim are not
performed at Zuni, and conversely others performed at Zuni which are
not observed in Tusayan, there is a similarity, differing in details, be-
tween the Koko and Kateina dances close enough to show their iden-
tity. The Hopi recognize this fact, and to prove it I need only mention
that the Anakatcina in 1891 was danced at Zuni by some of the Hopi
asa Koko. I have already pointed out the identity of the masks, para-
phernalia, and songs of the Kokokshi, performed by the Zunians, and
‘1 do not for a moment doubt that even when nominally Christianized the succession of the chiefs
in the several sacerdotal societies has not been broken up to our time.
2
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.
A. HOEN & CO., LITH
A POWAMU MASK.
FEWKES] ZUNI AND HOPI CEREMONIES 307
the Afakatcina at Walpi. There is no doubt in my mind that they are
the same, but I can not accept the dictum that what is observed in one
is identical with what exists in the other. There are slight modifica-
tions which exist likewise in different Hopi villages, as will be seen by
a comparison of my descriptions of the two. One marked difference is
that several Kokokshi dances were performed in the summer I spent
at Zuni, and that this identical Katcina (the Ana) is performed but once
each summer in any one Hopi village.
The only other K6ko! dance which I know of from personal observa-
tion is the tablet dance, which is in many respects homologous with the
Humiskatcina. The symbolism of the mask and tablet, however, dif-
Fic. 48—Symbolism of the helmet of Hamiskatcina (tablet removed).
fers from the Htimis, and while in a speculative way I regard them the
same we must await more research to prove them identical. The sub-
ject is still more complicated by the fact that the Hopi have a tablet
mask with still a third symbolic character, which they call the Zuni or
Siohtumiskatcina.
I think we need have no hesitation in supposing that the so-called Sio
(Zuni) Katcina, which I have elsewhere described, is a Zuni celebra-
tion derived from that pueblo. I do not know whether it is ever
performed there in the same way as at Walpi, since it has not been
described by any of the students of the Zunians.
We have, however, as before mentioned, a partial description by
Cushing of the Zuni Shalako, and from his account we can gather a
'Coco in Spanish signifies a bogy. In compounds it can be detected in Cocomaricopa, where it may
mean fool, possibly referr.ng to the inferiority of this stem. The derivation of Kéko or Ka’ka is not
known tome. The word Kateina has the advantage of Kéko or Ka’ka as a general designation.
308 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [PTH. ANN. 15
few of the main points of difference between it and the Siocdlako
performed at Walpi and described in the preceding pages. The Hopi,
however, have a Calako of their own. They distinguish it from the
Siocalako, which they not only recognize as of Zuni origin, but are
also able to designate the family which brought it from the Zudians.
The name of the celebration and the use of Zuni words in it both
point to this conclusion.
The correspondence between the Héemashikwi, or last! dance—the
tablet dance described by me elsewhere as occurring at the close of the
series of Kokos—is probably the same as the Nimankatcina. There
are many Similarities to indicate this fact, and, although as yet we
know nothing of the secret observances connected with it, | suspect
that a similarity between them and those described in the Monkiva
will later be made known.
Dolls in imitation of the Héemashikwi are reported in the catalogue
of Colonel James Stevenson’s collection from Zuni in 1881, and I have
no doubt it will be found that there formerly was, and possibly still sur-
vives, at the celebration of this dance at Zuni the characteristie habit
in Tusayan of distributing dolls as presents at the departure of the
Kachinas.
Mrs Stevenson has given short descriptions of some of the Zuni
Kokos and figures of the masks of the same. While it is not possible
for me to use them in a comparison with Katcina celebrations, they
are interesting in studies of symbolism. The “flogging Kokos,” for
instance, seem to function the same as Tiniwup among the Hopi, but
as the symbolism of the mask of the floggers, Saiahlias, is not given by
Mrs Stevenson I am not able to express an opinion whether the same
personage 1s intended or not. The time of year when the flagellation
is inflicted by the Saiahlia of Zuni would be an interesting observation,
and the accompanying ceremonials would also be of great interest for
comparison with the Powamn.
I have not been able to find the equivalents of the Siiliimobias among
the Hopi, but the symbolism of Pooatiwa agrees almost exactly with
that of the Hopi Patitiwa.
The Silimobias of the different world-quarters agree in color with
those assigned by the Hopi to the same points, with the exception of
those for the above and below. In Zuni, according to Cushing and
Mrs Stevenson, the above is all colors, the below black. Among the
Hopi the above was found to be black and the below all colors. This
discrepancy in observations is recommended as a good subject for
future students, both in Tusayan and Zuni.
In reviewing the Hopi ceremonial personages I have been unable to
find any homology with the Siiliimobias. The views of the masks?’
‘That is, the last Katcina before their departure in Cibola, as in Tusayan. In Walpi it is not an
autumn dance, but occurs at about the same time that I witnessed it at Zuni, near the end of July
(see Journal of American Ethnology and Archeology, vol.1, No. 1).
‘Itis recommended that in illustrating Zuni masks a full face view be given, for in that way the
symbolism is much better expressed than by profile views.
«
FEWKES] ZUNI AND HOPI CEREMONIES 309
given by Mrs Stevenson afford little information on this subject, but
in her sand picture, surrounded by the Plumed Snake, I find some of
the figures of Siiliimobias with indication of a connecting band between
the eyes, which recalls Patitiwa’s! symbolism. There does not seem to
be a wide difference between the profile views of the masks of Pattiwa
and Siiliimobia of the different world-quarters.
The environment of the pueblos of Tusayan and of Cibola is so
similar and the rain-cloud worship so imperative in both that, a priori,
we should expect the rain-cloud symbol to be as frequent in Zuni as in
Walpi. I am much surprised therefore in studying the description of
Zuni ceremonials to find nothing said of the characteristic Hopi sym-
bols of the rain clouds, the semicircles and the parallel lines of falling
rain (plate cviit). Ifthe rain clouds at Zuni are limited to the terraced?
figures found on the prayer-meal bowls and the same made in sacred
meal we certainly have a significant difference between the symbolism
of these two peoples. In Tusayan there is not one of the great religious
festivals where the semicircular clouds and falling rain do not appear
as symbols. Thus far students of the Zuni ceremonials have not figured
one instance in which they are used.°
The short account of the effigy of the Plumed Snake (Kolowisi) with
attendant ceremonials at Zuni, by Mrs Stevenson, shows the existence
of archaic rites with the Plumed Serpent which have been observed in
a different form (Paliiliikonti) at Tusayan. The time of the year when
the Zuni effigy is brought to the kivas on a rude altar is not given, nor
is the special name of the ceremony. The conch shell is similarly used
to imitate the voice of the Plumed Serpent at Zuni, as at Walpi, in the
Soyaluna and the Paliiliikonti. In neither of these ceremonials, how-
ever, have the effigies been observed to be carried ceremonially about
the pueblos of the Tusayan mesas. The symbolism of Paliiliikonth and
Kolowisi seems to differ, judging from published accounts and sym-
bolism on Zuni and Hopi pottery. I find no intimation of the horn on
the head of Zuni pictures of the Plumed Snake, and the arrowhead
decoration fails on the body. The two crescents which are common on
the body of the Zuni figures have not been observed in Hopi picto-
graphs or effigies.
It would seem both from legendary and other reasons that there has
not been the warmest friendship between the inhabitants of Tusayan
and Cibola. This is not to be wondered at, for only on rare occasions
has there been good feeling between two pueblos even of the same
}Pooatiwa is considered by Mrs Stevenson the ‘‘Sun Father.’ I have not gone far enough in my
studies to accept this relationship for Patitiwa. There are some reasons for considering Pautiwa the
Mist Father, which speculation has led me to interpret the Siiliimobias as Patitiwa forms of the rain-
clouds of the six world-quarters, but such an opinion is highly theoretical.
‘The terraced elevations are common on the Zuni nakwipis and handled prayer-meal bowls, as can
be seen in any large collection of Zuni ceramics; but the semicircular rain-cloud figures are very rare,
indeed wanting, in all I have seen. The frog, tadpole, snake, and similar symbols appear, however,
to be present in both. The question of the characteristic symbolism of Zuni and Hopi pottery is a
complicated one, which can not be considered in this article, but the two types can readily be distin-
guished by a student of this subject.
‘It would be a remarkable fact if accounts of this symbolism are not later described.
310 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [ETH. ANN. 15
speech. The massacre of Awatobi at the hands of the other Hopi has
been told elsewhere, and even at the present day Oraibi is not on the
best of terms with the other Hopi towns. The legends of the Hopi
are full of quarrels of one pueblo with another, and bitter hatred some-
times developing into bloody wars in which their own kindred were
attacked and pueblos destroyed.
In her article, “A chapter of Zuni mythology,”! Mrs Stevenson says:
“The Ahshiwanni,* a priesthood of fourteen men who fast and pray for
rain; the Kokko, an organization bearing the name of anthropomorphic
beings (principally ancestral) whom they personate, and thirteen eso-
teric societies are the three fundamental religious bodies of Zuni
* + + The society of the Kokko personate anthropomorphie gods
by wearing masks and other paraphernalia. There are six estufas or
chambers of the Kokko for the six regions, the north, west, south, east,
zenith, and nadir, aud these rooms present fantastic scenes when the
primitive drama is enacted by the personators of these anthropomor-
phic gods. + + + The esoteric societies, with but one or two excep-
tions, have nothing to do with anthropomorphic beings, this category
of gods being zoomorphic.”
Accepting these statements as a correct idea of the “three fundamen-
tal religious bodies of Zuni” I find great difficulty in tracing an intimate
relation between them and those of the Hopi system. A large number
of the Katecinas are anthropomorphic and likewise ancestral. They
bear the names of animals, and in that sense may be called in some
instances zoomorphic. Walpi, however, has but five kivas, the members
of each of which in the Powamt personify different Katcinas. I have
not yet discovered that each of these kivas is associated with a different
cardinal world-quarter, as Mrs Stevenson finds to be the case in Zuni.
The esoteric societies of the Zuni, according to Mrs Stevenson, ‘“ with
but one or two exceptions have nothing to do with anthropomorphic
beings.” I am not able to harmonize my observations of the secret
societies in Tusayan with the definition given of the esoteric societies in
Zuni, and must await some clearer insight into the character of the
latter before offering any discussion of several resemblances which can
be detected. From an examination of Cushing’s article in the Century
Magazine, in which the esoteric societies of Zuni are briefly defined, I
am led to believe that the so-called esoteric societies in that pueblo
differ a good deal from those in Walpi. The Hopi testify that while
some of their secret fraternities are represented in Zuni several of
them are not identical.’
‘Memoirs of the International Congress of Anthropology, Chicago, 1894, p. 315.
2On page 314 she mentions six Ahshiwanni as ‘train priests.’’ I am not able to definitely decide
from the text whether these six are the same as the fourteen mentioned above. It is not clear to me
in which group Mrs Stevenson places the ‘tMud-heads’’ and ‘‘Gluttons,”’ well described by Ten
3roeck in 1852 from Tusayan, and later by herself and Cushing from Zufii, and by other writers from
the Rio Grande pueblos.
STf these statements are true one sees that they tell in favor of the theory which the ritaal empha-
sized, and that while in a general way there is a similarity between the ceremonial system of the two
FEWEES] RAIN PRIESTS Soll
Mrs Stevenson does not make it clear who these fourteen (six) so-
ealled Alshiwanni are, but calls them “rain priests.” She intimates
that they appeal directly to the Sun father, their supreme deity, and to
the rain makers, while the ‘‘societies” address ‘the beast gods of their
worship to intercede with the Sun father and rain makers.” There
is apparently no parallelism between these conditions and those at
Tusayan, but I can readily find truth in the statement when applied to
the Hopi that ‘‘no society convenes without giving much time to inyo-
cations for rain.” Iam sure that some of the societies at Tusayan do
not appeal to the beast gods to intercede with the Sun father and rain
makers, but address the latter directly in their prayers. In this par-
ticular there is certainly a marked difference between the conceptions
back of the rites in Tusayan and those ascribed to the Cibolans.!
The custom of the Yokimonwi, or rain chief, retiring alone to a cell
to pray for rain was practiced in Tusayan. One of these retreats is to
be seen at the Middle mesa. Among the foothills there is a block of
sandstone, 15 feet long, 5 feet wide, and 4 feet thick. Its flat face is
about horizontal or slightly tilted toward the northeast. Portions of a
rough wall are still in place under the block, confirmimg the story that
there was here formerly a chamber of which the block was the roof. An
aperture on the northeastern corner, about 20 inches square, is usually
closed with loose stones, but the chamber is now filled in with sand to
within about 2 feet of the roof or lower surface of the slab. The inte-
rior of the chamber was about 8 feet long and 4 feet wide. On the
roof, which was painted white, are figures of yellow, green, red, and
white rain clouds with parallel lines of falling rain and zigzag lightning
symbols in conventional patterns. To this chamber, it is said, the Rain
chief of the Water people retired at planting time and lived there six-
teen days, his food being brought to him by a girl during his vigils. He
people, it is absurd to say that “what is written of one is true also of the other.’’ Long ago their
systems may have been identical; at present they have more or less differentiated one from the other.
In Zuni, according to Mrs Stevenson, ‘‘at the winter and summer solstices synehronal meetings of
most of these societies are held, and also at other times." After having carefully studied the cere-
monials at the time of the summer solstice at Tusayan, I have not found any synchronal meetings of
the societies which correspond with those mentioned as occurring at Zuni at that time.
Mt is desirable that the names of the priests who officiate in ceremonials be given in extended
accounts of them in order that the intimate character of this sacerdotal organization may be made
out. Until the names of the members of the different societies are complete we are more or less ham-
pered in our studies. The Zuni equivalent of wympkia appears to be kyalikwe (Teibkyalikwe, Snake
priests; from teihtola, snake, and kyalikwe, wympkia). Tam unable to tell to what priests in Tusayan
the ‘‘Ahshiwanni’’ correspond. The Tawa (Sun) wympkia or Sun priests have certain points in com-
mon with them, but this is as truly an esoteric society as any in Tusayan. I have elsewhere described
the Tewa ceremony in which the Sun priests make the pahos and their chief, KAlacai, appeals directly
to the rising sun. In that same ceremony pihos are likewise made to the Rain gods directly. In the
Katcina celebrations some of the same Sun priests, however, appeal to the leader of the Katcinas to
bring them rain, and this personage replies that he will. In this ease, supposing, as I think we justly
can, that the Katcinas are intercessors between men and gods of highest rank, we have in Tusayan
the possible equivalent of the ‘‘Ahshiwanni (rain priests)"’ intrusting their prayers to a zoomorphie
and anthropomorphic supernatural personage. The prayer of a single chief for rain for the people,
showing something similar to the so-called Ahshiwanni at Zuni, are not uncommon in Tusayan. In
Tusayan an organization of rain priests is not differentiated at the present day from the other socie-
ties. All holders of wimis are Rain priests, as well as the organization called the Sun priests, and all
at times make special prayers to the Rain gods.
312 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [ETH. ANN. 15
was able by his prayers to bring the rain. These visits were made long
ago, but even now there are pahos strewn about the chamber, and
devout persons visit the place at the present day with a nakwakwoci and
pray for rain. Although the Rain chief no longer passes the sixteen
days there, it is a holy place for the purposes mentioned.
“The earth,” says Mrs Stevenson,! “is watered by the deceased Zuni
of both sexes, who are controlled and directed by a council composed of
ancestral gods. These shadow people collect water in vases and gourd
jugs from the six great waters of the world, and pass to and fro over the
middle plane, protected from view of the people below by cloud masks.”
I find a different conception from this of the rain-making powers of
the dead among the Hopi. Among other ceremonials, when certain per-
sons die, after the chin has been blackened, the body washed, and pre-
scribed feathers placed on different parts of it, a thin wad of raw cotton
in which is punched holes for the eyes is laid upon the face. This is a
mask and is called a rain-cloud or ‘“‘prayer to the dead to bring the rain.”
In general, as mat.y writers have said, the use of the mask transforms
the wearer into a deity designated by the symbolism of the same,? and
as a consequence the dead, we may theoretically suppose, are thereby
endowed with supernatural powers to bring rain. The Omowths, how-
ever, are the Rain gods, and so far as I can explain the significance of
the symbolic rain-cloud mask on the face of the dead and the black
color on the chin, it is simply a method of prayer through the divinized
dead to the Rain-clond deities. Among the Hopi the earth is watered
by the Rain gods, but the dead are ceremonially made intercessors to
affect them. In this view of the case the Hopi may be said to believe
that the earth is ‘watered by the deceased of both sexes.”
The Hopi believe that the breath body of the Zuni goes to a sacred
place near Saint Johns, called Wénima. There the dead are supposed
to be changed into Katcinas, and the place is reputed to be one of the
homes of these personages. It is likewise specially spoken of as the
house of Calako, and it is believed that the Zuni hold the same views
of this mysterious place. In lagoons near it turtles are abundant, and
not far away Mr Hubbell and others discovered sacrificial caverns in
which were large collections of pottery. Totei, a Hopi resident of
Zui, is the authority for the statement that the Cibolans do not use
the raw cotton mortuary mask, although they blacken the face of the
dead chiefs. He says the same idea of divinization of the breath body
into a Katcina seems to be current among the Zuni as among the Hopi.
According to Mrs Stevenson the father of the Kokko is Kaklo(Kyiiklu),
whose servants are the Saéliimobiyas. The name of their mother is not
known tome, The Katcinas are said to be the offspring of an Earth
1Op. cit., p. 314. I believe many facts might be marshaled to prove that ancestor worship is a most
vital part of the Tusayan religious system.
2See ‘‘ The Graff collection of Greek portraits,’’ New England Magazine, January, 1894. MrJ. G.
Frazer (Jour. Anth. Inst. of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. xv, p. 73) from comparative studies of
burial customs suggests that the habit of masking the dead is ‘‘ to keep the way to the grave a secret
from the dead man.'’ This explanation seems to me much more labored than that given above.
FEWKES] KATCINA AND KOKO CEREMONIALS Sls
goddess,! who figures under many names. Their father’s name on com-
parative grounds is supposed to be Tawa, the sun, or Tiunwup, their
elder brother.
A study of the group of Katcina ceremonials as compared with the
Koko brings out in prominence the conclusion that while some of them
may be identical, as a rule there is considerable difference in the ritual
of the Tusayan people and their nearest neighbor, the Zuni. If varia-
tions exist between these neighbors we are justified in the suspicion,
which observation as far as it has thus far gone supports, that there
are even wider differences between pueblos more distant from each
other. The ethnologist fully cognizant with the ritual in one pueblo
has a general conception of the character of all, but changes due to
suppression of ceremonials, survivals, dying out of societies, and many
other causes have modified the pueblos in different ways. The char-
acter of the ancient system is adulterated in all. We can form an idea
of this modification in no better way than by a minute study of the
existing ritual in every pueblo. Upon such comprehensive study
science is at the very threshold.
The foregoing pages open many considerations of a theoretical nature
which I have not attempted to develop. My greatest solicitude has
been to sketch the outline of the Katcina ceremonials as performed at
the Hopi village of Walpi in Tusayan.
'Hahaiwiiqti. I have elsewhere shown reasons to suspect that several personages may be the same
‘Earth goddess.”” Kékyanwiiqti, the Spider woman, is also an ‘‘ Earth goddess.’ As everything,
even man himself, came from the womb of the earth, symbolized by the spider, it is not surprising
that an Indian should call] the spider the creator. It is a very different thing, however, to interpret
such information by our philosophic ideas, That the primitive mind should consider the earth as the
mother of everything, its creator in one sense, is natural; that the Pueblo Indian should symbolize
that mother by the Spider woman is probable, for other races have done likewise; but that he asso-
ciates with mother earth the spiritual idea which we have of the Creator is absurd. His cosmogony
bears no evidence that he rose, in pre-Columbian times, to the belief in a Great Spirit who created
the universe.
TIE REPAIR OF CASA GRANDE RUIN, ARIZONA, IN. 1891
COSMOS MINDELEFF
CONTENTS
Page
IMR RICO, oo pac caddce Geo sabass cosdpSSSes Honeby cSuboD SSESbEooopeSeuocs. 321
Mescriptionvoe tach OOS gees eerie elaine tae eters lelec= eaiscr= a= aleyeiaaia 321
Gonditioniot Casal Grand eninge 89 ler acter etet eetaaesee seee race asre eee eit= aos 323
TREN) iP UHI) EYE NES) Soo 555 paseso noose cedaouoope 6565 050nod BaceieoSoScSpaeds 325
IPxecu tions oLeth Ow Ol eases cece ise saison erie ae ee nen oie een asecise cee cisecee 326
RenehyatlonsOlauhoplandencnrssmee sess ce maces ace <e tleneniieaeses eerie 330
Specimens found in the excavations 330
TOA MNOMICo seedee Sac8 -ebeannceueasudece Ses REO nadde BECO RABE JORSEE ce seRberess 333
I. Contract for repairing and preserving Casa Grande ruin, Arizona... 333
II. Plans and specifications for the preservation of the Casa Grande ruin,
PATTON Aap] SO lesa ere im cesar aa cre cece eiavore at ei inom ee ae orane Meni atc we iaio. 335
Generalirequirements: 5.40252 -5-aee cece oe ecieece ceesoasnience 335
Clearinovouttheid ébriss=seceeeeesae eee ea ae eee eerie = 335
indexpinnin thwallseceer ese seeeeaseeaieceae eis -emioo eee 336
Milling ani openings seas se eee tess sees Seo ose See Ss cies eee 336
ISRO, os SBE oa amb pg SEAS ASRS SER OAL Aone ams ee men ae eee 306
WATS INCI ae oa ccae aa choca: HESSEN eT A eneenaon pReaDSease 337
FR OO Derren Settee eeaicnrs foe etic cee as Bes cee eine cal ee Sense eee 337
ieee lanstandssechionseesseeese cease eam tees see cee se sis eae eae 337
Vem Oathiordisinterestednesstsesessece se ceisatee ee aee acl ase as se 338
Wet Bids meme sma aae sci cerseee anes se esiecicciseteecacss cose tess seacecces 338
WilaIndorsements = 2.2.52 s:s2- sos eee cee clsaecee czccec osc ete cots cece 339
Will eheportoteMingHa@ ni zene sees aasnceeacste caccemecmecne ce. 340
Supplements sece-aeacsee es = oo == Sees one a een reine ose eee esos eee sees B44
Correspondence and ao relating to the condition of Casa Grande in
1895, with recommendations concerning its further protection. ....-..-- B44
I. Letter of Reverend Isaac T. Whittemore, custodian of Casa Grande,
to the Secretary of the Interior, recommending an appropriation
for further protecting bheoims- 2. sess ae] ee ee ee 344
II. Indorsement of Mr Whittemore’s letter by the Acting Secretary
ofpubesnteriore:-.- pens eee eee seen ee sae Do 3
Ill. Letter of the Acting Director of the Bureau of American Ethnol-
ogy to the Secretary of the Interior suggesting an examination
of Casa Grande with a view of its further protection ...._._.. 344
IV. Letter of the Acting Secretary of the Interior to the Director of
the Bureau of American Ethnology approving the suggestion
that Casa Grande be visited with a view of determining the
desirability of its further protection...............--.-...---- 347
VY. Letter of the Director of the Bureau of American Ethnology to
the Secretary of the Interior regarding the examination of Casa
Grandeyb ya MraWeJeMic Gee ese en ye eeree ee mrer eite ee sc ese c 347
VI. Report of the Director of the Bureau of American Ethnology to
the Secretary of the Interior on the examination of the condi-
tion of Casa Grande by Mr W J McGee, with a recommenda-
tion concerning its further protection. -.....-.---.-..--.-.---- 348
Piatt CXII.
CXIII.
CXIV.
CXVi-
CXVI.
CXVII.
CXVILIL.
(Ob: D:<
CxxX.
CXXTe
CXXII.
CXXIII.
CXXIV.
CXXV
ILLUSTRATIONS
Map) of the Casa Grande group...--.--..-.---.--.--. ----------
Ground planvof Casa\Granderuin: --22-2--2-- -.-=22 =----- ------
General view of Casa Grande... ..---
Imterion.wallsurtacenssmes oe ee a eeetie sae iste see eee ete eee
West front of Casa Grande showing blocks of masonry ---.----
Plan showing ground-level erosion, tie-rods, limits of work, and
Jinestofeoroundusechlons ness ects ee elecletasler l= falas eel trate lemmas
East-and-west ground sections..........---.------:-----------
North-and-south ground sections...............-.+.-----------
South front of the ruin, showing underpinning and ends of tie-
IRONS 5 Sos secues Aa bee Seon neaend cacoad CORB Aen eaeesbEae Baecor
View from the southeast before the completion of the work ----
Section through 4-B of roof plan, showing suggested roof
SWI NOOHUS oa6 sceQGoOnuEDd coooSS coos edeconieccs come sademese cues
Section through C-D of roof plan, showing suggested roof
SUPPOVbey on oa sa lerea emilee eine eimininisin == == = == naam ae sussce
. Map showing location of Casa Grande reservation
;
—_—— Co ne amt a
THE REPAIR OF CASA GRANDE RUIN
By Cosmos MINDELEFF
INTRODUCTION
In March, 1889, an appropriation of $2,000 was made by Congress
for the repair of Casa Grande ruin in southern Arizona, This amount
was insufficient for complete restoration, but under the authority of the
act of Congress making the appropriation some work was done, Partly
as an aid to further possible work, and partly that there may be an
available record of what has been done for the benefit of future stu-
dents of American archeology, this report is presented.
A full description of Casa Grande has been given by the writer in a
published memoir! on that ruin, hence only a brief account will now
be necessary to aid in making the present report intelligible. Follow-
ing this description is a statement of the condition of the ruin in 1891
and of the plans formed for its repair, the latter being necessarily con-
trolled by the amount appropriated. After this there 1s an account of
the work done, from the passage of the bill until the delivery of the
work to the agent of the United States who received it, and of the reser-
vation of an area of land about the ruin by order of the President.
This is followed by a catalogue of the articles found during the exea-
vations in and about the ruin, which were subsequently deposited in
the National Museum; a transcript of the contract under which the
work was done, including specifications, plans, and sections, and the
report of Mr H.C. Rizer, who inspected and received the work. Finally,
there are appended the correspondence and report relating to the con-
dition of Casa Grande in 1895, with recommendations concerning its
further protection.
Casa Grande has occupied a very important place in the literature of
American archeology, a place which it doubtless will continue to occupy;
and as dates are frequently of importance an effort has been made to
make the present report as full as possible in that respect.
DESCRIPTION OF THE RUINS
Casa Grande appears to be the sole surviving remnant of an extensive
and important class of remains in the southwest. These remains occur
usually in large groups or clusters, and Casa Grande is no exception.
! Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 289 et seq.
15 ETH 21 321
322 REPAIR OF CASA GRANDE RUIN (ETH. ANN. 15
The name has been ordinarily applied to a single house structure
standing near the southwestern corner of a large area covered by
mounds and other débris; but some writers have applied the term to
the southwestern portion of the area, others to the whole area.
Probably no two investigators would assign exactly the same limits
to this area, as its margins merge imperceptibly into the surrounding
country. The accompanying map (plate Cx11) shows the limits of the
ruins as interpreted by the writer. The surface covered by well-defined
remains, as there shown, extends about 1,800 feet north and south and
1,500 feet east and west, or a total area of about 65 acres.
Casa Grande ruin occupies a position near the southwestern corner
of the group, and its size is insignificant as compared with the entire
cluster of ruins, or even with the remains of the large structuré which
occupied the north-central part of the area. The contour interval on
the map is 1 foot, sufficiently small to show much surface detail. The
depressions are indicated by dotted contours.
Within the area shown on the map there are a large number of
mounds, more or less leveled by long-continued exposure to the ele-
ments. Some appear to be quite old, others represent buildings which
were standing within the historic period, and many interesting features
are presented which can not even be alluded to here.
Casa Grande proper was one of the smallest of the house clusters,
but it is unique in that the walls are still standing to a height of more
than 25 feet. While fragments of standing wall are not uncommon,
either in the area mentioned or in the valleys of Gila and Salt rivers
generally, no other example exists, so far as known, so well preserved
as the one under consideration.
For miles around Casa Grande the ground surface is so flat that from
the summit of the walls an immense stretch of country is brought
under view inevery direction. In the whole southwest, where there
are thousands of ruins, many of which represent villages located
with especial reference to outlook, there are few, if any, so well
situated as this.
A ground plan of the ruin is shown in plate Cxrr and a general view
in plate cxty. The area coveted and inclosed by standing walls is about
43 by 59 feet, but the building is not exactly rectangular, nor do its
sides exactly face the cardinal points, notwithstanding many pub-
lished statements to that effect. The building comprised three central
rooms, each approximately 10 by 24 feet, arranged side by side with
the longer axes north and south, and two other rooms, each about 9 by
39 feet, occupying, respectively, the northern and southern ends of the
building, and arranged transversely across the ends of the central
rooms, the longer axes running east and west. Excepting the central
tier of rooms, which was three stories high, all the walls rose to a height
of two stories above the ground. The northeastern and southeastern
corners of the structure have fallen, and large blocks of the material of
which they were composed are strewn upon the ground in the vicinity.
Se Ney
CSE
nen Vey
Mf
GE
Y
MINDELEFF ] DESCRIPTION OF CASA GRANDE 323
The exterior walls rise to a height of from 20 to 25 feet above the
ground. This height accommodated two stories, but the top of the
wall is from 1 to 2 feet higher than the roof level of the second story.
The middle room or space was built up three stories high, and the walls
are still standing to a height of 28 to 30 feet above the ground level.
The tops of the walls, while rough and greatly eroded, are approxi-
mately level. The exterior surface of the walls is rough, as shown in
the illustrations, but the interior walls of the rooms are finished with a
remarkable degree of smoothness, so much so that it has attracted the
attention of everyone who has visited the ruin. Plate Cxv shows this
feature. At the ground level the exterior wall is from 34 to 44 feet
thick, and in one place over 5 feet thick. The interior walls are from
3 to 4 feet thick. At the tops the walls are about 2 feet thick. The
building was constructed by crude methods, thoroughly aboriginal in
character, and there is no uniformity in its measurements. The walls,
even in the same room, are not of even thickness; the floor joists were
seldom in a straight line, and measurements made at similar places
(for example, at the two ends of a room) seldom agree.
Casa Grande is often referred to as an adobe structure, but this use
of the term is misleading. Adobe construction consists of the use of
molded brick, dried in the sun, but not baked. The walls here are
composed of huge blocks of ramined earth, 3 to 5 feet long, 2 feet high
and 3 to 4 feet thick. These blocks were not molded and then laid in
the wall, but were manufactured in place.
Plate cxvi shows the character of these blocks. The material
employed was admirably suited for the purpose, being when dry almost
as hard as sandstone and nearly as durable. <A building with walls of
this material would last indefinitely, provided a few slight repairs were
made at the conclusion of each rainy season. When abandoned, how-
ever, sapping at the ground level would commence and would in time
bring down all the walls; yet in the two centuries which have elapsed
since Padre Kino’s visit to this place—and Casa Grande was then a
ruin—there has been but little destruction from the elements, the dam-
age done by relic hunters during the last twenty years being, in fact,
much greater than that due to all causes in the preceding two centuries.
The building was well provided with doorways and other openings,
arranged in pairs, one above the other. There were doorways from
each room into every adjoining room, except that the rooms of the mid-
dle tier were entered only from the east. Some of the openings were
not used, and were closed with blocks of solid masonry, built into them
long prior to the final abandonment of the structure.
CONDITION OF CASA GRANDE IN 1891
The south and east fronts of Casa Grande seem to have suffered
particularly from the weather, and here rainstorms have probably
caused some of the damage. The outer faces of the walls are of the
same material as the wall mass, all the masonry being composed of
324 REPAIR OF CASA GRANDE RUIN (TH. ANN. 15
earth from the immediate site. In the construction of the walls this
soil was laid up in successive courses of varying thickness, whose
limits form clearly defined and approximately horizontal joints. The
northeast and southeast corners of the building have entirely fallen
away, and low mounds of their débris still show many knobs and
lumps, parts of the original wall mass.
The destruction of the walls was due mainly to undermining at the
ground level. The character of this undermining is shown in many of
the illustrations to this report, especially in plate CXVI, and its extent is
indicated on the accompanying ground plan (plate Cxvi1) by dotted lines
within the wall mass. Although the material of which the walls are
composed is very hard when dry, and capable of resisting the destrue-
tive influences te which it has been subjected for a long time, yet under
certain conditions it becomes more yielding. The excessively dry eli-
mate of this region, which in one respect has made the preservation of
the ruin possible, has also furnished, in its periodic sandstorms, a
most efficient agent of destruction. The amount of moisture in the
soil is so small as scarcely to be detected, but what there is in the soil
next to the walls is absorbed by the latter, rising doubtless by ecapil-
lary attraction to a height of a foot or more from the ground. This
portion of the wall being then more moist than the remainder, although
possibly only in an infinitesimal degree, is more subject to erosion by
flying sand in the windstorms so frequent in this region, and gradu-
ally the base of the wall is eaten away until the support becomes insufti-
cient and the wall falls en masse. The plan shows that in some places
the walls have been eaten away at the ground level to a depth of more
than a foot. Portions of the south wall were in a dangerous condition
and likely to fall at any time.
Visiting tourists have done much damage by their vandalism. They
have torn out and carried away every lintel and every particle of visible
wood in the building. After the removal of the lintels a comparatively
short time elapses before the falling in of the wall above. Apparently
but a small amount of this damage can be attributed to rainstorms,
which, although rare in this region, are sometimes violent. There is
evidence that the present height of the walls is nearly the original
height, in other words, that the loss from surface erosion in several cen-
turies has been trifling, although numerous opinions to the contrary
have been expressed by causal observers. The eastern wall has suf-
fered more from this cause than the others; a belt on the northern
half, apparently softer than the remainder of the wall, has been eaten
away to a depth of nearly a foot. The interior wall faces are in good
condition generally, except about openings and in places near the top.
Evidences of the original flooring are preserved in several of the
rooms, especially in the north room. The flooring conformed to the
pueblo type in the use of a series of principal beams, about 3 inches in
diameter, above which was a secondary series smaller in size and placed
NINY SONVYS VSVO 4O M3IA 1WH3N39
AIXD “Td = LHOd3H IWOANNY HiIN3SLdId ADOIONHL3 30 NV3"NS
MINDELEFF ] CONDITION OF CASA GRANDE . 325
quite close together, and above this again a layer of rushes with a coat-
ing of clay. All the walls show evidences of the principal series of
beams in the line of holes formed by their ends where they were
embedded in the walls. In the south wall, in parts of the east wall
high up on the level of the upper roof, and in parts of other walls a few
stumps of floor beams remained. These specimens of aboriginal wood-
work have survived only because they are not in sight from the ground,
and their existence therefore was not suspected by the tourists. Evi-
dence of the other features of the floor construction can be seen on the
valls in places where they have left an imprint, as described in the
memoir previously cited.
No single opening remains intact, as the lintels have been removed
from every one of them. This is particularly unfortunate, for openings
at their best are an element of weakness in a wall, and here each
opening, after the lintel was removed, became, as it were, a center
of weakness from which the destruction of the wall mass gradually
proceeded further and further.
PLANS FOR THE REPAIRS
The plans for the repair of the ruin and its preservation included
the reservation of the area covered by remains and, if possible, its
inclosure, for within that area are exhibited all the various degrees of
decay and disintegration which clearly link the comparatively well-
preserved Casa Grande with the numerous almost obliterated ruins
along the Gila and the Salt, whose vestiges will become eyen less
distinct as time passes and cultivation increases.
It was deemed necessary to remove all the rubbish and debris within
the building and from an area measuring 10 feet from the outer walls
in every direction. Plate v1 shows the extent of this area, and six
sections are shown in plates vir and vii, three on east-and-west lines
and three on north-and-south lines. The lines along which these
sections were made are indicated on the plan, plate cxvir. The ground
level was determined by excavation, and is of course only approxi-
mate. The sections show the estimated amount of débris which was
to be removed. Aside from other considerations, it was necessary to
uncover the walls to the ground level in order to do the necessary
underpinning.
It was planned to underpin the walls, where erosion at the ground
level had weakened them, with hard-burned brick laid in cement mor-
tar. Plate cxvit shows in a measure the extent of this erosion. The
brick surface was to be set back an inch or two and faced with that
thickness of cement mortar. Plate Cxx shows the south front and
plate cxxt the south and east fronts when the brickwork was com-
pleted, but before it was plastered, and will illustrate what was
planned better than can a description. :
326 REPAIR OF CASA GRANDE RUIN [ETH. ANN. 15
This treatment, it was believed, would give a surface capable of
effectually resisting atmospheric influences and the destructive action
of flying sand, and at the same time would not disfigure the ruin by
making the repairs obtrusive.
The broken-out lintels of openings were to be replaced, and the cav-
ities above them filled in with brick faced with mortar similar to the
underpinning.
The south wall, which was in a dangerous condition, was to be sup-
ported by three internal braces, as shown in the plan, plate cxvi1. The
longest brace or beam was necessarily of wood, as the wide range of
temperature in this region, even between day and night, would pro-
duce so much expansion and contraction in an iron rod 60 feet long
that without some compensating device the wall would be rocked on
its base and its rapid destruction necessarily follow.
EXECUTION OF THE WORK
Appended to that portion of the sundry civil appropriation act
approved March 2, 1889,! in which certain expenses of the United
States Geological Survey are provided for, is the following item:
Repair of the ruin of Casa Grande, Arizona: To enable the Secretary of the Inte-
rior to repair and protect the ruin of Casa Grande, situate in Pinal County, near
Florence, Arizona, two thousand dollars; and the President is authorized to reserve
from settlement and sale the land on which said ruin is situated and so much of the
public land adjacent thereto as in his judgment may be necessary for the protection
of said ruin and of the ancient city of which it is a part.
On the 12th of April, 1889, there was a conference between the Sec-
retary of the Interior and the Commissioner of the General Land Office
looking to the execution of the law, and on the 16th of that month the
Commissioner submitted a statement on the subject, calling attention
to the fact that the appropriation would not be available until July 1
following, and suggesting that a special agent should be sent out to
examine the ruin. This suggestion was approved, and on April 27,
1889, Special Agent Alexander L. Morrison, of the General Land
Office, was instructed to proceed to the ruins for the purpose of investi-
gating and reporting as to what method should be adopted for their
repair and protection. Mr Morrison was further instructed to report
“all the facts obtainable as regards said ruins of ‘Casa Grande,’ in
order that appropriate action may be taken by the Department for its
preservation.”
On May 15, 1889, Mr Morrison submitted a report to the Commis-
sioner, describing his journey, the location of the ruin, the ruin itself,
and other ruins in the vicinity Hestated that danger to the ruin was
of three kinds—(1) by vandalism, (2) by elements, (3) by undermining.
He recommended the construction of a roof and an underpinning of
125 Statutes, p. 961.
FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXV
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
INTERIOR WALL OF CASA GRANDE RUIN
MINDELEFF] STEPS TOWARD THE REPAIRS BAU
stone for the walls. Finally, he gave some historical notes, and closed
with a peroration.
Mr Morrison’s plans were found impracticable, as their execution
would require an expenditure of many times the sum appropriated,
and on September 23, 1889, all the papers in the case were transmitted
by the Secretary to the Director of the Geological Survey, “ for appro-
priate action under the clause of the act referred to, as being within
the province of your Bureau.” It was ordered that the work be com-
menced without the least delay, and November 27, 1889, Mr Victor
Mindeleff, of the Bureau of Ethnology, was detailed by the Director
and ordered to proceed to the ruin and report on the best means of
repairing it and protecting it from further destruction. He was also
directed to make other investigations in the vicinity, which have no
relation to the present case.
On July 1, 1890, Mr Mindeleff submitted a report. He described the
ruins of which Casa Grande is the type, and also Casa Grande itself.
He also made a statement of the condition of the ruin and suggested
that the main destruction was due to the undermining of the walls,
and stated that much damage had been done by tourists. He recom-
mended (1) that an area about the ruin be fenced in; (2) that a man
be located permanently on the ground to wateh the ruins; (3) that the
ruins be cleaned out; (4) that the walls be underpinned with brick
instead of stone, as previously suggested; (5) that the tops of the walls,
after removing several inches to afford a good bearing surface, be treated
with a coping of cement. It was regarded that this plan, if carried
into effect, would afford sufficient protection against the weather, but
a plan for a roof was submitted should such a structure be deemed
desirable and practicable. Mr Mindeleff also recommended a number
of tie-rods and beams, the replacement of the broken-out lintels, and
the filling of the cavities above.
This plan was approved in its general features, but the means pro-
vided for its execution were found insufficient. A further complica-
tion arose from the fact that a few months later Mr Mindeleff severed
his connection with the Bureau of Ethnology and his knowledge became
no longer available.
November 20, 1890, the writer was ordered to proceed to the ruin
and inaugurate the work of repair, following, so far as practicable, the
plans already approved. He left Washington soon afterward and
reached the ruin late in December. It was found necessary to make a
detailed survey of the ruin and of the group of which it forms a part,
and to make plans and sections showing the probable amount of excava-
tion for the use of those who were invited to bid on the work. Further-
more, the amount appropriated was so well known to be inadequate
that great difficulty was experienced in obtaining bids, and it was ouly
through the efficient cooperation of the Reverend I. T. Whittemore at
Florence and of Mr C. A. Garlick at Phoenix that success was finally
328 REPAIR OF CASA GRANDE RUIN (ETH. ANN. 15
achieved. Two bids were received from the former place and one from
the latter; but this was not accomplished until March 17, 1891, the date
when the last bid was received. In the meantime the writer, having
completed his work at Casa Grande, so far as he could, had entered, in
January, on an archeologic investigation of the valley of the Rio Verde,
in compliance with his orders to that effect.
It was found impossible to execute all the work deemed requisite for
the preservation of the ruin within the limits of the appropriation. A
selection of items became necessary, therefore, and those which were of
most importance were chosen. Even in this, however, it was found that
a maximum limit on the amount of work to be done on each item must
be set, and this limit was considerably below the amount of work esti-
mated to be necessary.
The first thing to be done was, of course, the clearing out of the
rubbish and débris. The item next in importance was the underpin-
ning of the walls with brick wherever it was needed. The third item
was the restoration of the lintels and the filling of the cavities above
them. The fourth item was the tying in of the south wall, or of the
several parts of it, with braces. This was the only feature of the plan
which would appreciably disfigure the ruin, but some such device was
deemed essential for the preservation of the south wall.
These four items consumed practically all of the amount appropri-
ated, and the other items of the original plan were therefore omitted.
The bid of T. L. Stouffer and F. E. White, of Florence, Arizona, coy-
ering the four items, was accepted, and a contract was made with them,
under date of May 9, 1891, for the execution of the work for the sum
of $1,985. This contract, together with the specifications, plans, and
other drawings which formed part of it, accompany this report. It
was transmitted to the Director of the Geological Survey, and by him
approved and forwarded to the Secretary of the Interior June 6, 1891,
It was approved by the Acting Secretary June 20, 1591. Finally, on
July 20, 1891, it was placed on file, together “ with the bids, proposals,
and all the original papers.”
A time limit of two months was made in the contract, expiring August:
20, 1591, but t was changed to four months from July 1, 1891, expir-
ing October 31, 1891. Before the time expired, however, Mr H.C.
Rizer, then chief clerk of the Bureau of Ethnology, was ordered to
proceed to Casa Grande ruin to examine the work done and, if in accord
with the terms of the contract and the specifications, to certify the
amount due the contractors. He submitted a report, under date of
November 24, 1891, which is appended hereto. He also obtained six
photographic negatives of the work as it stood a short time before its
completion, and two of these (reproduced in plates Cxx and CXX1) have
been utilized in the preparation of this report.
Mr Rizer found that a considerable amount of work had been done by
the contractors in excess of that authorized, and also that not suflicient
ES
——— ———————————_
— SS EEE
AYNOSVW JO SY9018 ONIMOHS ‘NINH SGNVYD VSVO 4O LNOUS LSaM
WAXD “Td = LHOd3H IWANNY HIN33L4I4
ASOIONH1I3 3O Nv3HuNEa
MINDELEFF] ADDITIONAL REPAIRS NECESSARY 329
work had been done to render the repairs permanently effective. Under
the terms of the contract, no amount in excess of that stated ($1,985)
could be paid, and payment of this amount was made late in 1891.
On January 7, 1892, the contractors filed a claim for extra work on the
ruin amounting to $600.40. The work was actually performed, but the
terms of the contract were clear, and the claim was therefore disap-
proved January 28, 1892.
It would have been desirable to have had a supervisor of the work,
but as the contract consumed practically all of the amount appropriated
no provision could be made for one. It is fortunate, therefore, that the
Reverend I. T. Whittemore, who had in the meantime been appointed
honorary custodian of the ruin, generously undertook to look after the
work without compensation, and on its conclusion the small sum remain-
ing ($15) was turned over to him, thus exhausting the appropriation.
In the sundry civil appropriation act for the year ending June 30, 1893,
provision was made for a salaried custodian of the ruinjand Mr Whitte-
“more was appointed to this position. Similar provision has been con-
tinued from year to year to the present time.
It is to be regretted that the necessities of the case, imposed by the
limited amount appropriated, compelled the fixing of a maximum
amount of work so far below the amount necessary that the repair of
the ruin is incomplete. Had it been possible to carry out the plans, it
is believed that the ruin would have stood unchanged for many decades,
if not foracentury. Should further provision be made for the continu-
ation of the work, it should inelude an item for the fencing of the area
covered by the ruins or of the reservation, and possibly an item for the
construction of a roof.
Itis not clear that a roof is absolutely necessary, but it is certain
that it would be very undesirable. The region where this ruin occurs
has probably less rainfall than any other part of the United States, but
it must not be forgotten that while rainstorms are infrequent they are
sometimes violent, and what damage they do may be done in a few
hours. <All the items for the repair of the ruin, except that pertaining
to a roof, were so devised that the ruin was not materially disfigured
or changed, and were they fully carried out the ruin would present
much the same general appearance as before. It is important that
this appearance should be preserved as far as possible, but it can not
be maintained if a roof is erected over the walls. As four years have
elapsed since the completion of the work, it should be possible now to
determine whether atmospheric erosion has played a material part in
the work of destruction.!
In the original plans and in the specifications which formed part of
the contract (although this section was not operative) a plan for a roof
was included. Such a structure, if erected at all, should be made as
1See the letter of the Director of the Bureau of American Ethnology to the Secretary of the Interior
regarding the examination of Casa Grande by Mr WJ McGee in the supplement to the present paper.
330 REPAIR OF CASA GRANDE RUIN [ETH. ANN. 15
inconspicuous as possible and should be supported entirely from within
the building. The system of framing employed might safely be left
to the contractor if he were made responsible for the strength of the
completed structure. .
RESERVATION OF THE LAND
The final step in the execution of the law quoted was taken June 22,
1892. On that date the recommendation of the writer to the Director
of the Geological Survey, referred by him to the Secretary of the Inte-
rior and by the latter to the President, was finally approved, and it
was ordered that an area of land sufficient for the preservation of the
ruin, and comprising in all 480 acres, be reserved under authority of
act of Congress approved March 2, 1889. This area is shown on the
map reproduced in plate Cxxy, the base of which is a map accompany-
ing the report of Mr H. ©. Rizer.
The letter of the Secretary of the Interior recommending the reserva-
tion of the Casa Grande tract, with its indorsement by the President, is
as follows:
DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR,
Washington, June 20, 1892.
Sir: I have the honor to recommend that the SW. + SW. 4, SE.+ SW. 3, SW. 4
SE. } section 9, NW. 4, NW. + NE. +, SW. + NE. +, NW. + SW. 4, NE. + SW. 4, and
NW. i SE. + section 16, all in township 5 south, range 8 east, Gila and Salt river
meridian, Arizona, containing 480 acres more or less, and including the Casa Grande
ruin, be reserved in accordance with the authority vested in you by the act of March
2, 1889 (25 Stat., 961), for the protection of the ruin.
The Director of the Bureau of Ethnology requests that the reservation be made,
and the Acting Commissioner of the General Land Office knows of no objection to
such action.
Very respectfully, JOHN W. NOBLE,
Secretary.
The PRESIDENT.
[Indorsement by the President]
EXECUTIVE MANSION, June 22, 1892.
Let the lands described within be reserved for the protection of the Casa Grande
ruin as recommended by the Secretary of the Interior.
BENJ. HARRISON.
The limits of this reservation are laid down on the plat of the survey
of said township in the General Land Office, and the reservation is now
under the control of the Secretary of the Interior.
SPECIMENS FOUND IN THE EXCAVATIONS
In the course of the excavations a number of specimens of archeo-
logic interest were unearthed. These were all preserved and on the
conclusion of the work were forwarded to the National Museum in
Washington, in compliance with the terms of the contract. Following
is a list showing the collection number and also the Museum number.
=) a
MINDELEFF]
SPECIMENS RECOVERED 331
Specimen number 627 B. E. was not obtained from the ruin itself, but
was found in that vicinity by Mr Whittemore and presented by him:
National | Burean of ; See
Museum | Ethnology Article se Remarks
number | number pipers
155088 595 | Fragments of large earth- | Lot. | Plain red on both sides.
enware vessel.
155089 596s|elargeibowl) once === === 1 | Red outside; black, polished
inside; restored.
155090 597) | Warge vase. =... <2 ===- 1 | Decorated outside; restored,
155091 598 | Pottery fragments ...--.---- 14 | Decorated.
155092 599 | Pottery vase (toy)..---.---- 1 | Small, dark brown.
155093 600 | Pottery bowl (toy) -.-----.- 1 | Small, black.
155094 601 | Pottery disk or spindle - .... 4
155095 602 | Pottery toy (mountain goat). 1 | Dark brown.
G0Sa|PAd ObeSeeeecaa ce -cteaeinte == 2 | Lumps; 1 showing impres-
sion of cloth, the other of
a human foot.
604 | Small shells).---..----.....- Lot
605) |---- = GOW sees eeee incense Lot
606 | Small shells (lonus?) ..----- Lot
607 | Small shells (eut and per- | Lot. | For use as pendants.
forated). |
608 | Small shells, beads, andpen- | Lot. | 1 string and 2 fragments.
dants.
609) | Bonetawils=--2-----.---- ---- 3
610 | Bone fragments ...-...-.--- 6 | Partly charred.
611 | Chalk, obsidian chips, and | Lot
brown adobe.
612 | Charred wood, 2 nuts, and 4
a corncob.
613 | Charred textiles, cloth..----. 2
614 | Wooden joist fragments ---. 3 | 3, 6, and 9 inches long; 4
inches diameter.
Gilby || Weal soo socmeoccooroseocss 1 | 12 inches long.
G1Gs|iStonevax esse eee c= = 7 | And 3 broken, grooved,
617 | Pounding stone and frag- 2) Of sandstone, with ring-
ment. shape handle.
618 | Stone pestles.......---.---- 2} One 124 inches long, 1}
inches diameter; one 9}
inches long, 1} inches di-
ameter; also a fragment,
619) | ‘Stone mullers 2---:-=-.- ---- 4
620 | Stone hammers ........--.--- 6 | 1 pitted.
621 | Stone mullers, flat ......-..-. 6 | 5 broken.
332
National
Museum
number
REPAIR OF CASA GRANDE RUIN (ETH. ANN. 15
Num-
Ethnology Article pe ms ae Remarks
number Sats
622 | Stone mortar, flat........-..- 1 | 6} by 12 inches; 2 inches
thick.
623 |.-..- (GD) sansco dena pcoDmopEect 1 13 by 22 inches; 6 inches
thick.
624 | Stone, polished...........-. 1 | 22 inches long, 6} inches di-
ameter; restored.
625 Stone hoes or chopping 2
knives.
626 | Limestone ornament. .-.-. --- 4 1 | Carved; fragmentary.
627 | Small stone vessel ......-.--. 1 Serpent carved on the out-
side.
628 | Stone arrowhead ......-..-- 2 | 1 of obsidian, very small,
and 1 of flint; also a
broken specimen.
FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXVili
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
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EAST-AND-WEST GROUND SECTIONS
EXHIBITS
I, CONTRACT FOR REPAIRING AND PRESERVING CASA GRANDE
RUIN, ARIZONA
This contract, made and entered into this ninth day of May, eighteen
hundred and ninety-one, between Theodore Louis Stouffer and Fred-
erick Emerson White, both of Florence, Arizona, as principals, and
Augustine Gray Williams, of Florence, Arizona, Andrew James Doran,
of Florence, Arizona, as sureties, of the first part, and the United States
of America, by Cosmos Mindeleff, acting for the Secretary of the Inte-
rior, of the second part:
Witnesseth, That the said parties of the first part do hereby contract
and agree with the United States of America, as follows: That for the
consideration hereinafter mentioned they will at their own expense and
risk perform and execute the work upon the Casa Grande ruin, described
and specified in the specification hereto annexed and forming a part
hereof, in the manner and with the conditions specified, items of said
work to be as follows:
Item No.1. Clearing out the débris: To excavate and remove 350
cubic yards of earth and débris, or less, as specified, amount of excava-
tion not to exceed 350 cubic yards.
Item No.2. Underpinning walls: To underpin the walls as specified,
requiring 750 cubic feet of brick masonry, or less, amount of masonry
not to exceed 750 cubie feet.
Item No. 3, Filling in cavities: To fill in cavities and openings as
specified, 500 lineal feet of 2 by 4 inches squared lumber and 800 cubic
feet of masonry, or less, whole amount of filling not to exceed 825 cubic
feet.
Item No. 4. To brace the walls as specified in the annexed plan and
specifications.
Items numbered five and six of the specifications hereto annexed,
together with the plans, specifications, and conditions pertaining espe-
cially and only to them and not to the other items, are omitted.
The said parties of the first part further contract and agree to deliver
over the work, completed and finished, to such person as the Secretary
of the Interior may designate, within two months after receipt of notice
that this contract has been approved by the Secretary of the Interior.
It is further stipulated and agreed, That should the parties of the first
part fail to complete the work within the time specified, or should they
deliver work which is not in accordance with the plans and specifica-
tions hereto annexed, only such sum shall be paid for the work as may
be agreed upon by the said parties of the first part and the Secretary
333
334 REPAIR OF CASA GRANDE RUIN (ETH, ANN. 15
of the Interior; and it is further stipulated and agreed on the part of
the parties of the first part that if the work is not completed in the
time specified and according to the specifications hereto annexed they
will pay to the United States a sum not exceeding fifty dollars for each
and every week after the time specified, such payments to be deducted
from the amount due for work done: Provided, That the Secretary of
the Interior, or such person as he may authorize to do so, may extend
the time for the completion of the work.
And the United States of America, by the said Cosmos Mindeleff,
acting for the Secretary of the Interior,do hereby contract and agree
with the said parties of the first part that for the aforesaid work,
performed and executed in the manner and under the conditions
aforesaid, there shall be paid to the said parties of the first part the
following sums:
For item No. 1. For clearing out the débris, as specified and as
above limited, sixty cents ($0.60) for each cubie yard.
For item No. 2. For underpinning walls, as specified and as above
limited, one dollar ($1) for each cubic foot.
For item No.3. For filling in cavities, as specified and as above
limited, one dollar ($1) for each cubie foot, including lumber.
For item No. 4. For bracing walls, as specified, two hundred dollars
($200). Provided, That payments for the work here contracted for
shall be made only after the inspection and approval of the work by
such person as the Secretary of the Interior shall designate.
It is an express condition of this contract that it shall have no force
or effect until it is submitted to and approved by the Secretary of the
Interior.
It is a further condition of this contract that no Member or Delegate
to Congress, or any other officer or agent of the United States, either
directly or indirectly, himself or by any other person in trust for him,
or for his use and benefit, or on his account, is a party to or in any
manner interested, in whole or in part, in this contract, or in the
enjoyments, benefits, profits, or emoluments arising therefrom.
(Signed). THEODORE LOUIS STOUFFER. _ [
FREDERICK EMERSON WHITE. [
AUGUSTINE GRAY WILLIAMS. [SEAL]
ANDREW JAMES DORAN. [s
Witnesses as to Stouffer, White, Doran, and Williams:
(Signed) FRANK C. KEBBEY,
Clerk District Court, Second Judicial District,
Territory of Arizona.
Cosmos MINDELEFF, [SEAL]
Acting for the Secretary of the Interior.
Witnesses as to Cosmos Mindelett:
(Signed) JEFF HUNT.
CuHas. B, EAMAN.
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MINDELEFF AFFIDAVIT OF CONTRACTORS 335
TERRITORY OF ARIZONA, County of Pinal, ss:
Augustine Gray Williams and Andrew James Doran, subscribers to
and sureties in the contract hereto annexed, being duly sworn, depose
and say, each for himself, that he is worth the sum of two thousand
dollars over and above all debts and liabilities which he owes or has
incurred, and exclusive of property exempt by law from levy and sale
under execution.
(Signed) AUGUSTINE GRAY WILLIAMS. |SEALI
ANDREW JAMES DORAN. |SEAL|
Sworn to and subscribed before me this ninth day of May, A. D. 1891.
[SEAL. | (Signed) FRANK C. KEBBEY,
Clerk District Court, Second Judicial District,
Territory of Arizona.
TERRITORY OF ARIZONA, S Ct:
I, Joseph H. Kebbey, associate justice of the supreme court of the
Territory of Arizona, certify that I am personally acquainted with
Augustine Gray Williams and Andrew James Doran, sureties, and
that in my opinion they are good and sufficient to the amounts in which
they have bound themselves in the foregoing contract.
Florence, Arizona Territory, 9th May, 1891.
(Signed) JOSEPH H. KEBBEY,
Associate Justice Supreme Court, Arizona Territory.
Il. PLANS AND SPECIFICATIONS FOR THE PRESERVATION OF
THE CASA GRANDE RUIN, ARIZONA, 1891
(Attached to and forming part of contract)
GENERAL REQUIREMENTS
All the work upon this ruin is to be carried out in such a manner as
to interfere as little as possible with the present condition and appear-
ance of the building, and the contractors will be held responsible for
any injury to it.
The work is to be carried on under a supervisor, acting for the United
States, who shall have power to reject any materials it is proposed to
use in the work which are not in his judgment equal to those specified,
and he shall have power to have torn down any work done which he
has reason to suspect is not such as required by the specifications,
but if such work shall prove upon inspection to have been well done
the contractor may make a charge of the amount which would have
been allowed for that part of the work had it passed inspection.
When the work is completed it must pass the final inspection of the
supervisor, or such person as the Secretary of the Interior may desig-
nate for the purpose.
1. CLEARING OUT THE DEBRIS
The débris now filling up the interior is to be removed down to the
floor level, or the original ground level. The débris covering an area
336 REPAIR OF CASA GRANDE RUIN (RTH. ANN. 15,
measuring 10 feet from the exterior walls of the building in every diree-
tion is also to beremoyed. ‘This work is to be carried on in conjunetion
with the underpinning of the walls, and is to be dependent upon the
progress of the latter, the work being done as required by the person
holding the contract for the underpinning. All proper precautions
must be observed during the progress of the work to prevent any injury
to the building, the walls being properly braced and supported before
excavation is commenced. The contractor will be held responsible for
any injury to the building. Any objects found of archeologie or other
value properly belong to the United States and must be deposited in
the National Museum. The material removed from the building and
from the area about it is to be removed to a proper distance, not less
than 100 yards from the building. Proper drainage channels must be
provided to keep the excavated area permanently clear of water.
2. UNDERPINNING WALLS
The walls where eroded at the ground level are to be underpinned
with hard-burned brick, laid in good cement mortar and extending to a
depth of at least 12 inches below the original ground level. This work
must be carried on gradually and very carefully in conjunction with the
clearing out of the debris. The under surfaces of the overhanging walls
must be carefully trimmed to afford solid horizontal bearings against
the brickwork. The face of the brickwork is to be set back at Jeast 1
inch and not more than 2 incbes from the face of the wall, and the brick-
work is to be plastered with a coating of cement mortar, 1 to 2 inches
thick, bringing it out flush with the outer wall.
3. FILLING IN OPENINGS
The broken-out lintels of openings are to be replaced by wooden lin-
tels composed of squared lumber, 2 by 4 inches in size, laid side by side
across nearly the whole thickness of the walls, with not more than 1
inch space between the boards, and of the same length as the original
lintels. ‘The broken-out walls are to be trimmed to afford solid resting
places for the new lintels, which are to occupy the same horizontal
planes that the old ones did. The openings above the lintels are to be
filled in in the same manner as the underpinning previously described,
the under wall surfaces being carefully dressed to afford solid horizontal
bearings, the brick work being set back 1 inch from the wall surfaces
and plastered with a coating of cement mortar to bring it out flush with
the wall.
4. BRACING
One wooden brace and two iron braces are to be put in, as shown
upon the plan hereto annexed. The wooden brace is to be of one
piece, or of two pieces well bolted together, of selected lumber, free from
knots and other imperfections, squared, and measuring 6 by 8 inches in
fee Bly dels
tf BFP ~~
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SQOH-3IL 4O SGN3 GNV ONINNIGH3SONN ONIMOHS ‘NINY 3HL 4O LNOYS HLNOS
XXO “Id LHOd3Y4 IWANNY HLN3314I4 ADOIONH13 40 NvaHNa
MINDELEFF] SPECIFICATIONS 337
cross section. The iron braces are to be of 1 inch diameter, best quality
wrought-iron rods. The bearing plates, four to each rod, are to be not
less than 10 inches in diameter, of sufficient strength, and securely and
permanently fastened to the braces.
5. WIRE FENCING
Such area as may be determined is to be fenced with the best quality
of galvanized iron barbed wire, strung upon posts placed 20 feet apart.
The posts are to be of mesquite, not less than 3 inches in diameter and
of a reasonable degree of straightness (not varying more than 5 inches
from a straight line). The posts are to be at least 6 feet 6 inches long
and are to be planted perpendicularly with 4 feet 6 inches clear and at.
least 2 feet below the ground surface. Three lines of double wire are
to be stretched upon and securely fastened to the posts, the first ata
distance of 2 feet from the ground, the second at 3 feet, and the third
at 4 feet from the ground. Two gateways are to be provided, at such
points as may be directed, the side posts to be of squared timber, 6 by
6 inches in eross section, and the gates to be made of sawed lumber 1
inch by 5 inches, hung upon good iron hinges, and leaving a clear space
of not less than 12 feet when open, the whole to be executed in the best
and most workmanlike manner.
6. ROO?
The building is to be crowned by a roof of corrugated iron, supported
in the manner shown in the accompanying plan and sections. The
uprights are to be of selected squared lumber 1 foot square, each in a
single piece, the lower ends planted at least 3 feet below the original
ground level, and to be braced and tied to each other, as shown in the
plan. The tie pieces are to be of selected squared lumber, 4 inches by
6 inches in cross section. The roof is to be framed and braced in the
ordinary manner, and this framing is to extend beyond the outer wall
6 feet. The covering is to be a good quality of corrugated iron roofing,
securely fastened to the framework, and painted with three good coats
of the best quality of roof paint. The whole to be constructed and
executed, in the best and most workmanlike manner, of good materials
throughout, and to be of a strength sufficient to withstand the wind-
storms to which it may be subjected.
III. PLANS AND SECTIONS—PRESERVATION OF THE CASA GRANDE
RUIN, ARIZONA. SCALE OF ALL THE PLANS AND SECTIONS,
o.1 INCH—1 FOOT
Plans and sections accompanying specifications are as follows:
Plan showing tie-rods, limits of work, and lines of ground sections.
| Plate cxvit of this report. |
Three east-and-west sections to show estimated amount of excavation
necessary. [Plate CxviII of this report. |
9
a ed
15 ETH
338 REPAIR OF CASA GRANDE RUIN ([ETH, ANN. 15
Three north-and-south sections to show estimated amount of excava-
tion necessary. |Plate cx1x of this report. |
Plan showing roof support. {Plate Cxx1t of this report. |
Two sections showing roof support. {Plate Cxx1 and plate CxXxIy of
this report. |
IV. OATH OF DISINTERESTEDNESS
I do solemnly swear that the copy of contract hereunto annexed is
an exact copy of contract made by ine personally with Theodore Louis
Stouffer and Frederick Emerson White; that I made the same fairly,
without any benefit or advantage to myself, or allewing any such bene
fit or advantage corruptly to the said Theodore Louis Stouffer and
Frederick Emerson White, or to any other person or persons; and
that the papers accompanying inelude all those relating to the said
contract, as required by the statute in such case made and provided.
(Signed) Cosmos MINDELEFF.
Sworn to and subscribed before me at Washington, D. C., this 15th
day of July, 1391.
[SEAL| (Signed) Jno. D. MCCHESNEY,
Notary Public.
V. BIDS
I
Bid for repairs on the Casa Grande ruins, in Pinal County, Arizona,
bidders to furnish all labor and materials according to specifications:
Item No. 1. Cleaning out débris, 60 cents per cubie yard.
Item No. 2. Underpinning walls, $1 per cubic foot.
Item No. 3. Filling in openings, $1 per cubic foot.
Item No. 4. Bracing walls, $200.
Item No. 5. Wire fence, 3 cents per foot complete.
Item No. 6. Roof, $2,000.
(Signed) T. L. SrOUFFER.
FE, E. WHITE.
FLORENCE, ARIZONA, January 28, 1891.
II
Bid for putting a roof on the Casa Grande ruins as per plans and
specifications furnished, $3,000.
(Signed) C. D. HENRY.
Il
Bid for fencing in the Casa Grande ruins: Furnishing the posts and
barbed wire for 100 feet of fence, 87 per 100 feet.
(Signed) C. D. HENRY.
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MINDELEFF] BIDS FORK THE REPAIRS 330
IV
Bids for restoring the Casa Grande ruins:
First. Removing debris from interior of the ruins, 320 cubie yards,
more or less, $1 per yard; 140 cubic yards from exterior of the ruins,
at 60 cents per yard.
Second. Hight hundred cubic feet of brick masonry underpinning,
more or less, at $1.30 per cubic foot.
Third. One thousand cubic feet, more or less, of brick masonry to
fill in cavities, at $1.40 per cubic foot.
Fourth. Bracing walls, as per plans, $120.
Fifth. Five hundred lineal feet of 2 by 4 square timber at 8 cents per
foot, lumber measure.
(Signed) C. D. HENRY.
V
PH@NIX, ARIZONA, February 11, 1891.
CosMos MINDELEFF, Esq.,
Tempe, Arizona.
DEAR Str: [hereby submit for your consideration, in reference to the
plans and specifications for the preservation of the Casa Grande ruins
of Arizona, bids upon the following propositions, to wit:
First. ‘*Cleaning out the débris.” For the removal of 470 cubic yards
of material, more or less, at $2.65 per cubic yard.
Second. ‘ Underpinning walls.” For 800 cubie feet of brick masonry,
more or less, laid and plastered as specified, at $4.25 per eubie foot.
Third. “Filling in openings.” For filling in cavities in walls and
restoring lintels of openings, as specified, 1,000 cubie feet, more or less,
at $2.25 per cubic foot.
Fourth. “Bracing walls.” For bracing walls, $85.30.
Fifth. ‘‘ Wire fencing.” Twenty-five dollars and twenty-five cents per
100 feet of completed fence.
Sixth. “Roofing.” As per specifications, $4,722.
Respectfully submitted.
(Signed) M. E. CLAUTON.
VI. INDORSEMENTS
’
Contract for the repair and preservation of the Casa Grande ruin, Ari-
zona, 1891
DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR,
U. 8. GEOLOGICAL SURVEY,
June 6, 1891.
Respectfully forwarded to the Secretary of the Interior, recommend-
ing approval.
(Signed) J. W. POWELL, Director.
340 REPAIR OF CASA GRANDE RUIN (ETH. ANN. 15
DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR,
June 20, 1891.
The within contract is hereby approved.
(Signed) GEO, C, CHANDLER,
Acting Secretary.
June 30, 1891. Transmitted by J. W. Powell, Director, to the Secre
tary of the Interior for file in returns office.
July 1, 1891. Returned for oath.
July 20, 1891. J. W. Powell, Director, transmits amended contract.
with bids, proposals, and all original papers attached,
VII. REPORT OF MR H. C. RIZER
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION,
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY,
WASHINGTON, November 24, 1891.
Honorable J. W. POWELL,
Director of the Bureau of Ethnology.
Sir: Complying with your order directing me to proceed to Flor-
ence, Arizona, to witness the closing up of the work under contract for
the preservation of Casa Grande ruin near that place, and to report to
you the amount and character of the work accomplished, certifying the
amount due the contractors under each item, I have the honor to
subinit the following report:
I visited the ruin first on October 20, and found the work well
advanced. Steady progress was made from said date until October 31,
the limitation expressed in the contract for prosecuting it.
In order to ascertain the exact location of Casa Grande ruin and to
aid me in the determination of the amount of work performed by the
contractors, | employed Mr Albert T. Colton, a civil engineer and the
official surveyor of Pinal county, Arizona, within the limits of which
the ruin stands. From actual measurements made by Mr Colton,
based upon official notes in his custody, he informed me the ruin was
located in the northeast corner of the northwest quarter of the south-
west quarter of section 16 of township 5 south, range 8 east. A con-
eressional township plat on which Mr Colton has marked the exact
location of the ruin is filed herewith, marked Exhibit A, and made a
part of this report [plate CxXxv}.
On October 29 Mr Colton at my instance took measurements of the
brickwork in underpinning and filling in cavities in the walls and of
the excavation done by the contractors. His estimate, based upon
these measurements, was submitted to me in writing. It is filed here-
with, marked Exhibit B, and is made a part of this report.
I find from these measurements that the contractors excavated and
removed to a point 100 yards from the ruin 570 cubic yards of débris,
271 cubie yards of which were removed from the interior and 299 cubic
PL. CXXII
UAL REPORT
FIFTEENTH ANN
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MINDELEFF] REPORT OF H. C. RIZER 341
yards from the exterior walls of the building, within an area of 10 feet
of said walls.
I also find the amount of underpinning done by the contractors to
be 919 cubic feet, and the amount of filling in openings to be 1,161
eubie feet. The underpinning is done with hard-burned brick laid in
good cement mortar extending to a depth of 12 inches below the orig-
inal ground level. The face of the brickwork is set back from 1 to 2
inches from the face of the wall and plastered with a coat of good
cement mortar, making it flush with the outer wall.
In filling in cavities more than 500 lineal feet of 2 by 4 inch squared
lumber was used to replace broken-out lintels and laid side by side
across nearly the whole thickness of the walls, with not more than 1
inch space between the boards. They occupy the same horizontal
planes as the original lintels, and the walls are trimmed to afford solid
resting places for them. The openings above the lintels have been
filled in the same manner as the underpinning, with hard-burned brick
set back 1 inch from the wall surfaces and plastered with a coating of
cement mortar, bringing it out flush with the original wall.
I further find that the contractors have placed one wooden brace
anid two iron braces as designated in the specifications. The wooden
brace is constructed of two pieces of good, clear, squared lumber 6
by 8 inches in cross section, well bolted together, secured by plates of
boiler iron three-eighths of an inch thick and 14 by 18 inches square.
The specifications provide for this brace to run from the south side of
the south wall through the center room with a plate on each side
of the south wall and one on each side of the wall on the north side of
the center room. The contractors have deviated from these require-
ments in having extended the said brace through the entire length of
the building and placed the plates that were specified for the north
wall of the center room on the respective sides of the extreme north
wall of the building. While this deviation adds nothing to the secu-
rity of the south wall, it is doubtless as effective as it would have been
had it been placed as contemplated in the plan. It may in some
degree strengthen the north wall, and I recommend that it be accepted
as in compliance with the terms of the contract. The two iron rods
called for in the specifications are of wrought iron 14 inches in diam-
eter, secured by boiler-iron plates three-eighths of an inch thick and
12 inches in diameter, securely fastened as required in the specifica-
tions. There was a necessary deviation from the plan as to the place
the rod nearest the east side of the building should be placed. Early
in the prosecution of the work a portion of the débris in contact with
the eastern wall was removed. During the night following this a
section of the south end of the east wall fell, carrying with it that
portion of the wall between the south and east rooms to which the
plan required said rod to be attached. In consequence the con-
tractors placed the rod so as to connect it with the portion of the wall
342 REPAIR OF CASA GRANDE RUIN (ETH. ANN. 15
still intact. As a brace to the south wall it is placed advantageously.
In excavation, underpinning, and filling in the contractors have
exceeded the limitations preseribed in the contract, and have therefore
performed an amount of work for the remuneration of which there is
no provision. The following table shows the amount of work author-
ized in each of the four items with reference to which the contract was
drawn and the amount actually performed by contractors:
by con-
tractors
allowance
contract
Item
a
Maximum authorized
mntract price
Performed
Excess
of
Maxir
Amount ¢
claim to
| ¢
cents | $210 $342 $132
clearing out débris. yards. yards. yards, per cu- |
1. Exeavating and | 350eubie 570eubiec | 220cubie | 60
bie yard
2. Underpinning 7d0eubie | 919 cubic 169eubie ¢lperen- 750 919 169
walls. feet. feet. | feet. bie foot.
3. Filling in cavities. 825ecubie | 1,161 en- dd6cubie Flpereu- 825 1,161 336
feet. bic feet.| feet. bie foot.
AM IBrAaceseeaceceeeseeil) awiorold)| Mi wioloid) |aaese eee $200 200 200) ee seo
and 1 and 2}
iron. | iron.
From this it will be observed that, taking the rate of compensation
provided for in the contract as a basis, the contractors have performed
work in excessof that authorized to the amountof $638 [$637|. They are
fully advised that there is no provision for the payment of this excess.
The requirements of the contract are, in my opinion, fully met in the
quality of material used and the work performed.
The preservation of the ruin is incomplete. There are six places where
lintels have disappeared and not been replaced and a corresponding
number of cavities that should be filled. Deep seams have been cut
in the walls by the action of the elements, and unless far greater pro-
vision is made for its protection the work already done will be of small
avail.
At many places where the débris came in contact with the wall dis-
integration seems to have resulted. At a slight touch it frequently
crumbles. Owing to this fact two seetions of the wall fell during the
progress of the work when the débris was removed—one from the east
wall, described above, and one from the south wall near the west
extremity. These breaches may be observed as shown in two of the six
accompanying photographs [plates Cxx, cxx1|. These photographs
<=
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MINDELEFF | REPORT OF H. C. RIZER 343
were taken ten days betore the work was completed. There being no
professional photographer in that vicinity I was compelled to take
advantage of the kind offer of Mr H. H. Burrell, an amateur photog-
rapher, who happened to be there at that time. Thus the views I
secured failed to show all the brickwork done. The coating of mortar
was not applied until after the date on which tiie views were taken, in
consequence of which the bare bricks are shown in the views.
During the progress of work in removing the débris a number of
articles of interest to the ethnologist were found at various depths and
localities. They have been packed by the contractors and will be sent
to the National Museum.
The floors in the center, north, and east rooms were found to be about
8 feet above the ground surface. The material was similar to that of
which the walls are composed. The west and south rooms appeared to
have had floors at one time on the same level, but the surfaces had dis-
integrated, and there was a mass of loose earth which was removed to
a depth of 6.9 feet below the floors of the other three rooms, where
another floor was found slightly less firm than those.
Reverend Isaac T. Whittemore, who has been designated by the.
honorable the Secretary of the Interior as the custodian of the ruin,
rendered me valuable assistance in the performance of my mission. He
has manifested a zealous concern for the preservation of the ruin and
has given time and labor to that end. There is no provision for his
just compensation, I therefore recommend that if any funds be found
available after the payment of the amount due the contractors the same
be ordered paid to Mr Whittemore for his services.
Very respectfully,
H. C. RizeEr, Chief Clerk
SUPPLEMENT
CORRESPONDENCE AND REPORT RELATING TO THE CONDITION
OF CASA GRANDE IN 1895, WITH RECOMMENDATIONS CONCERN-
ING ITS FURTHER PROTECTION
I. Letter of Reverend Isaac T, Whittemore, custodian of Casa Grande, to
the Secretary of the Interior, recommending an appropriation for further
protecting the ruin
FLORENCE, ARIZONA,
July 25, 1895.
Honorable HOKE SMITH,
Secretary of the Interior.
DEAR Sir: It is with great hesitancy that I write to add to the
burdens of one so busy and burdened as I presume you to be. But it
is not for myself but for others that I write, and will try to be laconic.
' Can you embody in your next report to Congress an appeal for an
appropriation of $7,000 or $8,00{0] to roof the Casa Grande ruin, to
fence 40 acres, and make excavations of all the mounds in the vicinity
for the purpose of learning the history of the wonderful people who
once lived here and erected the buildings and built canals?
* ¥* * * * % *
Very sincerely, yours,
Isaac T. WHITTEMORE,
Custodian Casa Grande.
Il. Indorsement of the Mr Whittemore’s by the Acting Secretary of the
Interior
DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR,
August 7, 1895.
Respectfully referred to the Director of Bureau of Ethnology for
consideration of so much of within letter as relates to the Casa Grande
ruin, and such recommendation as the facts may warrant, and report.
Wm. H. Srms,
Acting Secretary.
Ill. Letter of the Acting Director of the Bureau of American Ethnology
to the Secretary of the Interior suggesting an examination of Casa
Grande with a view of its further protection
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION,
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY,
Washington, August 28, 1895.
Srr: Your request of August 7 for a report concerning a recommen-
dation by Reverend Isaac T. Whittemore, under date of July 25, that
344
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MINDELEFF] FURTHER EXAMINATION RECOMMENDED 345
provision be made for further protecting Casa Grande ruin, near [lor-
ence, Arizona, by the erection of a suitable roof, has been under con-
sideration.
In many respects Casa Grande ruin is one of the most noteworthy
relics of a prehistoric age and people remaining within the limits of the
United States. It was discovered, already in a ruinous condition, by
Padre Kino in 1694, and since that time it has been a subject of record
by explorers and historians. Thus its history is exceptionally extended
and complete. By reason of its early discovery and its condition when
first seen by white men, it is known that Casa Grande 1s a strictly
aboriginal structure; and archeologic researches in this country and
Mexico afford grounds for considering it a typical structure for its times
and for the natives of the southwestern region. Many other structures
were mentioned or described by the Spanish explorers, but the impres-
sions of these explorers were tinctured by previous experience in an
inhospitable region, and their descriptions were tinged by the romantic
ideas of the age; very few of these structures were within the limits
of the United States, and nearly all of these situated in the neighboring
republic of Mexico disappeared long ago; there is hardly a structure
left, except Casa Grande ruin, by which the early accounts of Spanish
explorers in North America can be checked and interpreted—none
other of its class exists in the United States. Casa Grande ruin is,
therefore, a relic of exceptional importance and of essentially unique
character.
Unfortunately this structure, like others erected by the most advanced
among the native races in the southwest, is of perishable material; it
is built of adobe, or rather of cajon, i. e., of a puddled clay, molded into
walls, dried in the sun. Such walls would stand a short time only in
humid regions; but in the arid region the material is desiccated and
baked under cloudless sky and sun for many months at a time, and
becomes so hard as to resist, fairly, the rare storms of the region. It is
by reason of climatal conditions that cajon and adobe have come into
general use for building in southwestern United States, as in contigu-
ous parts of Mexico; and it is by reason of the same conditions that a
few of the ancient structures remain, and the best preserved of all is
found in the Gila valley, one of the most desert regions on the western
hemisphere. Yet the best of the cajon structuresis perishable; so long
as the roof remains and the summits of the walls are protected, disin-
tegration proceeds slowly; but when the projecting roof is removed,
the rare but violent storms attack the walls, and they are gradually
channeled and gullied by the storm waters, while the exterior surface
eradually disintegrates and falls away under the alternate wetting and
drying. Even in the most arid regions, the earth-built structures typ-
ical of the southwest are surely, albeit slowly, ravaged and destroyed.
Several years ago Casa Grande ruin was brought into general notice
throughout the United States in consequence of southwestern explora-
346 REPAIR OF CASA GRANDE RUIN [ETH. ANN. 15
tions; and in 1889, in response to a petition from several illustrious
Americans, the Congress of the United States, at the instance of Sen-
ator Hoar, of Massachusetts, made an appropriation of $2,000 for the
purpose of undertaking the preservation of this ruin. This appropria-
tion was expended in works urgently required to prevent the falling of
the walls and final destruction of the ruin; they included metal stays
for the walls, with brickwork for the support and protection of the
walls at their bases. Subsequently an area of about 480 acres, includ-
ing the ruin, was reserved from settlement by Executive order. A
custodian was also appointed, and, as this office has been informed,
has been continued down to the present. This action on the part of
the legislative and executive branches of the Government can only be
regarded as indicating a desire and continued intention to preserve the
ruin for the benefit of the people of the United States.
The expenditures thus far authorized for the preservation of Casa
Grande ruin have been made in such manner as to meet the most urgent
needs only, and without them the structure would probably have been,
before this time, beyond the reach of preservation. The preservative
works were undertaken as emergency measures, rather than as steps in
carrying out a well-considered plan. From the outset it has been
understood by architects and archeologists and others familiar with the
structure that preservation can be insured only by throwing a roof
over the entire ruin in such manner as to protect the walls from the
fierce rainstorms which occasionally occur in the Gila valley. No
lesser work will preserve the ruin more than a generation or two; and
unless this work of roofing is contemplated and is undertaken within
a few years, the emergency work will be of little avail and the money
expended therein will be lost. Accordingly, assuming a desire and
continued intention on the part of the Government to preserve this
noteworthy relic, no hesitation is felt in recommending that a suitable
roof be placed over Casa Grande ruin, at such time as may be expedi-
ent; and, in view of the rapidity with which destruction is now in
progress, there is no hesitation in saying that the work should be
undertaken at the earliest practicable date.
It should be added that neither the Director nor any of the collabo-
rators in.the Bureau of American Ethnology have visited Casa Grande
ruin for some three years, and accordingly that there are no data in
this office to indicate whether there is especially urgent necessity for
undertaking preservative work at this time; but much confidence is
placed inthe judgment of the custodian, Reverend Isaac T. Whittemore,
who is known to several collaborators in the Bureau.
The subject of the preservation of Casa Grande, in many respects
the most noteworthy ruin in the United States, is deemed important;
and if the Secretary of the Interior desires more specific information
concerning the present condition of the ruin, as a basis for further
action or judgment, it will be a pleasure to have an officer of this Bureau
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXV
J
has® ‘MW
Montez ie aaa
77
GORE
Z L
BRAN DE
16
RES.
Bysn
MAP OF TOWNSHIP 5 SOUTH, RANGE 8 EAST, GILA AND SALT RIVER BASE AND MERIDIAN (6 MILES SQUARE), SHOWING LOCATION
OF CASA GRANDE RESERVATION AND RUIN
MINDELEFF] SPECIAL EXAMINATION UNDERTAKEN 347
make a special examination of, and report on, the ruin during the
autumn.
I have the honor to be, yours, with great respect,
W J McGEER, Acting Director.
The SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR.
IV. Letter of the Acting Secretary of the Interior to the Director of the
Bureau of American Ethnology, approving the suggestion that Casa
Grande be visited with a view of determining the desirability of its fur-
ther protection
DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR,
Washington, September 12, 1895.
The DIRECTOR OF THE BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY,
Smithsonian Institution.
DEAR SiR: Lam in receipt of your letter of the 28th ultimo sub-
mitting a report upon the recommendation made by the Reverend Isaac
T. Whittemore, custodian, that provision be made for further protection
of the Casa Grande ruin near Florence, Arizona, by the erection of
a suitable roof.
In response thrreto I have to state that more specific information
concerning the present condition of the ruin and the probable cost of
providing proper protection for it is desirable in the preparation of an
estimate to be submitted to Congress with a view of securing appro-
priation for the work. To this end the Department gladly avails itself
of your offer to send an officer of your Bureau, at its expense, to make
a special examination and report on the ruin during the autumn of this
year.
Very respectfully, JOHN M. REYNOLDs,
Acting Secretary.
V. Letter of the Director of the Bureau of American Ethnology to the
Secretary of the Interior regarding the examination of Casa Grande by
Mr W J McGee
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION,
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY,
Washington, October 18, 1895.
Sir: Pursuant to your request of September 12, 1895, Mr W J
McGee, ethnologist in charge in the Bureau of American Ethnology,
will in a few days repair to Florence, Arizona, for the purpose of exam-
ining Casa Grande ruin and determining the desirability of further
works for its preservation. * * *
In accordance with terms of preceding correspondence, it is of course
understood that the cost of the work will be borne wholly by this
Bureau.
I have the honor to be, yours, with great respect,
J. W. POWELL, Director.
The SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR,
Washington, D. C.
348 REPAIR OF CASA GRANDE RUIN (ETH. ANN. 15
VI. Report of the Director of the Bureau of American Ethnology to the
Secretary of the Interior on the examination of the condition of Casa
Grande by Mr W J McGee, with a recommendation concerning its fur-
ther protection
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION,
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY,
Washington, November 15, 1895,
Str: Pursuant to a proposal made in connection with a report fron
this office relating to the ruins known as Casa Grande, near Florence,
Arizona, under date of August 28, 1895, and to the acceptance of this
proposal in a communication from the Department of the Interior under
date of September 12, 1895, Mr W J McGee, ethnologist in charge of
the Bureau of American Ethnology, has within a few days made an
examination of Casa Grande ruin with the view of determining the
need for further protection of the ruin by a roof or otherwise.
There are in this office two series of photographs representing the
ruin. The first series was taken in 1892 before the protective works
authorized by the Congress were commenced; the second series repre-
sents the work in progress. In the recent examination the present
condition of the ruin was carefully compared with the condition repre-
sented in the photographs.
On comparing the profiles of the walls, it was found that in many
cases the irregular upper surfaces retain the exact configuration of 1892,
even to the slightest knobs and rain-formed crevices; the correspond-
ence being so close as to show that the injury and loss by weathering
during the interim has been imperceptible. In some other cases, nota-
bly along the southern and eastern walls, the profiles are more exten-
sively modified; some of the points and knobs shown in the photo-
graphs are gone, some of the old crevices are widened and deepened,
and some new crevices appear; and in some parts it can be seen that
walls are lowered several inches. On the whole the modification of the
profiles of the walls is limited, yet such as to indicate that destruction
is proceeding at a not inconsiderable rate.
On comparing the sears and crevices on the sides of the walls, it was
found that, while many remain essentially unchanged, most are enlarged
and deepened. This is particularly noteworthy on the eastern and
southern walls, which are most beaten by wind-driven rains, and which
are also most modified in profile. It would appear that destruction is
proceeding more rapidly along the sides of the walls than along the
crests.
On examining the walls with respect to apparent solidity and sta-
bility, it was found that nearly all are in fair or good condition. The
only portion that would seem in special danger is the central section of
the southern exterior wall. This section seems insecure, and might at
any time be overthrown by a heavy wind following a rain storm. This
section was not, unfortunately, braced or tied to the stronger interior
wall when the protective works were carried out in 1892.
MINDELEFF] CONDITION OF CASA GRANDE IN 1895 349
On examining the structure to ascertain the effect of the protective
works of 1892 in staying the destructive processes, particularly the
undermining of the walls by spattering rain and drifting sand, it was
found that in most cases the results have been excellent. On the inner
side of the middle section of the southern exterior wall sapping is in
progress at the ground level, and also along the rows of joist openings
for the first and second stories. and in a few other places the protection
seems inadequate; but in general the anticipations of the projectors of
the protective works seem to have been realized.
The most serious of the destructive processes was sapping, and this
process has been nearly checked by the protective works. The second
was the desurfacing and subsequent eating away of the walls by beat-
ing rains and frost, and this is still in progress at a moderate rate.
The least serious process was the wearing away of the crests of the
walls by rain and winds, and this is still going on at a perceptible rate.
It is impossible to determine, and difficult even to approximate, the rate
of destruction quantitatively, especially so since it goes on cumulatively,
with constantly increasing rapidity, as the cemented surfaces are de-
stroyed and the crevices widen and deepen; but judging from the his-
tory of the ruin, and from the rate of destruction indicated by comparing
the photographs of 1892 with the present aspect, it would seem safe
to conclude that, if protected completely from vandalism, the ruin will
be comparatively little injured durmg the next five years, and will
stand perhaps half a century, without further protective works, before
moldering into dust.
In view of the slow yet ever increasing rate of destruction of the
ruin, and of its great interest as a tangible record of the prehistoric
inhabitants of this country, no hesitation is felt in recommending that
the structure be further protected, and practically perpetuated, by a
suitable roof, so designed as to shield the walls from rain and sun and
at the same time permit an unobstructed view of the ruin from any
direction.
* * * * * * *
I have the honor to be, sir, yours, with great respect,
J. W. POWELL, Director.
The SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR.
INDEX
Page
Apsort, C. C., turtleback finds of, discussed 30
ABBREVIATED KATCINAS of ‘Tusayan...-. 254, 292
ABRADED STONE IMPLEMENTS discussed. -.. 94
ABRADING, implements produced by .-.--- 27, 148
ABRADING IMPLEMENTS illustrated.......-- 104
ABSARUKE, see CROW INDIANS.
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORTS, how submitted.. xx
ADOBE CONSTRUCTION, what constitutes.... 323
ADopTION of aliens by the Dakota.......-. 214
‘AGRICULTURE, effect of, on ceremonials. . - .. 255
=A SAV AL OLY erinle sleleineici= === is1= <1ele=i<1-ineaielniel= exvi
— of Siouan indians .. 4 et)
— Siouan indians affected by ..-..---...- - 185
AKANSA, see ARKANSA.
ALEXANDER, JAMES, on Winnebago gentes. 241
ALEXANDRIA COUNTY, steatite quarries in.. 181
ALGONQUIAN types of art ...-----.--.-..-.. 16
— LANGUAGE, character of.....-.--------- Ixxxiii
=) SUG WO oconnoe =e ee Sap paaEe yeoesedcee Xxxix
ALLEN, J. A., on former range of buffalo... 173
ALLEN, WALTER, a Ponka commissioner.... 192
ALPHABET, Siouan -.-- - 208
--- 261, 267, 270
AMELIA CouNTY, steatite quarry in--..-- 107, 132
AMERICAN Horsg, a Dakota chief-..--..--. 190
AMES, OLIVER, petitions for Casa Grande
TAGE MPSS edb acetic este sod opeeedodosupésoos eli
AMUSEMENTS of the Asiniboin...--...----- 225
—— Of Si0UaN) bIPOSia--- 9 = -eenn c= - oes oan 174
ANACOSTIA, quartzite blades from. --.-..-- 7
—, rhyolite implements from
—, steatite pipe from.----....-.--- :
— VALLEY, archeology of. .......-----.-----
ANAKATCINA ceremony of the Hopi-.
ANAwiITA, Masauwith personified by-.
ANCESTRAL worship by the Hopi
ANGELL, H. N., steatite quarry on land of-
ANIMAL figures unknown in Chesapeake
iO) ER oe socnaadensspoesescoeriosesaSe 96
— substances used in art.....----.....--.-- 21
—worship defined..........--..---.-.--.-- 179
ANTELOPE-SNAKE ceremony of the Hopi... 262
ANTHROPOLOGICAL Society, turtlebacks
(ISGHEBECNDeLOLGrsa-m ema s= =e seeieee sere 30
ANTHROPOLOGY defined...-.-.------------- xviii
ANTIMONY MINES, reputed aboriginal work
HS a5cnhet one Aobe repens nab ononSHabeesoes4 116
ANTLER used in stone flaking 61,111
ANVIL STONES observed Saapoe 2aG.abel
APPOMATTOX RIVER, quarry shop sites on-- 72
ARAPAHO, study of tae -.-...-- XXXili, Ixxii, Ixxx
ARCHEOLOGY, eastern, work in..--...--..--- XX1,
XXV, XXViii, xxxiii, xxxvii,
xii, xlvii, li, lv, lix, xvi, lxili
[xxiii
—, summary of work in. --.-..-.----..---
—, supplementary to history
—, western, work in----. Xxi, XXV, XXV
xxxvii, xliii, xlvii, lii, lvi, bx, ]xiii, xvi
ARGILLITE, distribution of ---..-..-.----.--
— implements discussed
— quarries, location of.........---.---..--.
—, source of, for implements
ARIKARA visited by Lahontan .
ARIZONA, archeologic work in -
XXViii, xxxvii, xliii, x] vii, lxvi, lxx, Ixxvi
ARKANSA identified with Kwapa-. 193
| ARROW-FLAKING by the Powhatan. -. - = 62
ARROW-GAMES, study of.....-.-..----- Ixiv, Ixvii
—, see GAMES.
| ARROWPOINTS, distribution of ....-....---- 142
je— In aterial smSed tor) saan seca <=alain 85
—— Wheat: CONS LW tOS sone aeacye eee cea en el= =e 83
—, see PROJECTILE POINTS.
ARROWS in Tusayan ceremony-----.----- 281, 285
— of Chesapeake tribes.-..-....----------- 85
AR? influenced by materials. - - 23
— remains of Potomac-Chesapeake proy-
cone 20, 146 -
—, stone, influenced by geology - 137
Arts of Siouan tribes... .......-.-.-..---- 170
—, phonetic and graphic ............-.-.-.- 168
ASHES ceremonially used................-- 285
ASHLEY, EDWARD, on the Sisseton-...----- 217
—, on Wahpeton gentes.--..---..-.. ....-- 216
ASINIBOIN, account of the.......--.-..----- 222
—and Mandan hostility.-..-.- = 196
— definition and divisions........-.---..--- 161
PHILS PONY a O fe UNO sete eietata eiaieeae ee = elo 189
= NEP TA LON OL GN Ose melas ee seo ena 193
—, tribal origin of the.-..-.... 190
ASSINAPI identified with the Asiniboin.... 190
AsToR LIBRARY visited. xl
Asrronomy of the Hopi 259
AWATOBI destroyed in 1700. ...-.--------- 305, 310
AX-LIKE IMPLEMENTS described.-..-..----- 90, 92
AXES, aboriginal method of making ------- 68
PDO WIC ers Set OL ome se esa eee ee 142
—, grooved, development of G8
—, grooved, distribution of 142
—, grooved, how made 102
—, grooved, material used in making....-.- 141
5 JON pb GUE Caapconppo-neaedccnodseese 26
352 INDEX (ETH. ANN. 15
Page | Page
AXES, materials used in making 99 | Brewer, H.N., rhyolite blades found by... 76,79
— produced by flaking 26 | Brinton, D. G., cited on ikonography...-. xxvii
— remodeled for steatite working ...-.---.. 126, | —, examination of quarry-shops by.......- 52
127, 130, 131, 182-133 | —, Maya symbols interpreted by.---.....-. lix
— used in steatite working .........----. 123,132 | BROOKE GROVE FARM, steatite quarries on. 128
AYLOR, H. I., steatite quarry on farm of... 132 | BroruHerHoop among Siouan indians ...... 178
BRovi.ier, J. B., Cayuse vocabulary of ... xl
BALFour, HENRY, examination of quarry- Brown, T. E., steatite quarry on farm of.. 126
BHODS DY. cose n doa sscese aoc eeanccsse nas 52 | Brown, —, on Crow habitat in 1817........ 198
BALL GAME in Tusayan 290 | —, on Osage habitat................- Fee utp
BANDELIER, A. BRvLf#, definition and habitat.....- snesress 160
monies ...... 268 | —, see Srvca*xv.
BARBARISM defined exv | BRUNSWICK COUNTY, steatite quarries in... 132
BARRETT, WILLIAM E., petitions for Casa BryaM, O. N., collections of ...--.......- ae 18
Granderépaini. 222 cm. .onceceseo-soeee cli | Bryant steatite quarry -...- SAE eee 125
BASKETRY of Sionan tribes.....-.....--..-. 172 | BucKHORN implements used in quarrying. . 23
BASSETT PLACE, soapstone mine on..----.-. 131 | Burra.o, age of the 187
BATTERED STONE IMPLEMENTS discussed... 94 | —, former range of-. 173
BATTERING, implements shaped by.-.-.---- 26,148 | —, importance of, to Siouan indians...... 172,173
BEANS ceremonia ly grown. - -- 276,279 | BurFALO-BULL EAGLE, Minikooju gentes
PENNINGS, quartzite blades from. - 79 | PLVENDYior eno ee seek a sae eae oe -- 220
BENTLEY, THOMAS, steatite quarries re- | Burra.o CaLr on Kwapa gentes.........-. 230
Thelted th eee nceesol bene Sone oasenasc 125 | BurtaL custom of the Zufi.......-...-..-- 306
BERKS COUNTY, aboriginal quarries in..--. 78 |
BIBLIOGRAPHY, work in. - xxiii, xxvi, | 343
xxxi, xxxy, x], xlv, xlix, liv, lxi, Ixy, Lxviii 18
—, Summary of workin -- Ixxxvii
BILoxi affinity with the Siouan 159 CacHE, explanation of........
—IGiviSiONS OL uN meenseteeeaasa= eee eens 164 | — found near Baltimore
——t80CIOlOPY Of the.<--=-sscsaskemecteerceas- 243 ~— of argillite blades
—, Study of the._...........------.-<--- xxii, xxx | —, relation of, to quarry 79
—, taboo among the ............-.----=--..- i7|\ — destribeds. a. cceemes nae == ee eeses teas 78
Bro.oey defined - xXvii CACHENA, application of term 251
Bird eFFicy in Tusayan ceremony..--...-. 286 | Cappo, study of the...........--.-- 528 e ath
BLACKBIRD, an Omahachief.--.......-...-- 192 XXXiv, XXXVii, xli, xxx
BLAck DoG’s BAND of the Osage ---.-.---.. 193 CADbDOAN and Siouan early contact -.--.-.--. 187
BLACKFEET, account of the... 219 CALENDAR system of the May xx
—, habitat of the. -- - 160 —, Maya, study of... xxvi, 1, lix
BLACK HIxs, former indian occupancy of.. 190 | —, Mexican, study of ....-............-- <=- Xlvii
BLADE and celt making compared....-...-. 102 | — systems examined ........... ASS ORS ee xl
— making. experimentsin-...-...-...- sescetor 151 CALENDRIC inscriptions . -
BLADES, (lestiny of, from quarry-shops- ----- 148 CALIFORNIA, steatite quarries in -..
—, sve LEAF-SHAPE BLADES ....-...---.----- 84 —, study of tribes of.
BLAGDEN, THOMAS, on Piny branch quarries 35 = CALUMET, see PIPE.
Boas, Franz, bulletin by, on Chimook | CamprnG circle of the Kansa...-. eee ee 230
texte te: aesses cose xlvi, 1, liv, lxii, xv, xviii | — circle of the Oglala 221
BonE implements used in quarrying. --..-- 23 | — cirele of the Omaha 226
— tools used in steatite working. ..-..-.... 111 | —circle of the Osage..........-........ Rene 2383
— used in stone flaking ............--.--... 61,80 | — circle of the Ponka........-....--.------ 228
— Weapons OF VArpinia\---.5--cs-cess~-oae 8 | — circle of the Sitca*xu....-----2- 22. ce 219
Bouremont, —, Kansa mentioned by.-----. 193 | — circle of the Sisseton and Wahpeton 216
Bourke, J. G., snake-dance studies Wivenses 265 | — circle of the Sisseton.---...--....-...-. Seat
BoOWLDER and steatite quarr‘es correlated-. 123 | —, mode of, among the Dakota ......-....-. 215
— beds in Anacostiavalley...-.......-.-... 70 | CANOE, birchbark, collected ....-. sees sspe 5 xxvi
— beds near Hyattsville. .......-.--.-.-.-.. 70: || =, dug-ont, collected: 2225 02-522 o eee
— deposits near Washington. . - 32,33 | CANYON DE CHELLY, exploration of
— deposits on tidewater Potomac...-....-. 71 | —, see MINDELEFF, CosMOs.
BowLpenrs, adaptability of, for implements. 135 | CAprives, adoption of....-..-..-.----....-- exii
—, distribution of. ....-- Soe tepo see eecee —_ 66 | CARDINAL DIRECTIONS, Hopi pets of the... 266
—in Piny branch quarries............---.- 42,47 =a invocation to... 269, 289+
—, quartz, method of quarry 24 | — of the Hop’...--- 258
—, sharpened, distribution of 142 | —,sacred regard for.-...-..----.....- --- 183
—, use of, as implements......--....-...--- 25,90 | CARIB influence on southern art ...-. XXxXXvii, xl
Bows in Tusayan RereMm ON Wiese se eae 281,285 Carver, J., Ojibwa pictograph recorded by. 169
= Of ENG MOU Kitenssveerceus sas nace =nsnsoas 171 | —, Omaha hunters met by............--.-- 2, gL
ETH. ANN. 15] INDEX 353
Page | Page
CaRVER, J.,on dogs of Siouan indians..--- 170 | Curers of Tusayan..--.--------.----------- 268
—,on horses among plains tribes ------.--- 173 | CHIEFTAINSHIP among the Asiniboin..... 223-224
—,on Siouan dances-.....--.-.----------- 75,184 | CHILD-NAMING among the Mandan-.......-. 241
—,on Siouan weapons ...-.-.--.--.-------- 171 CHILDREN ceremonially flogged. --.-- 283, 284, 308
—,on the Winnebago in 1778....---..------ 196.| —, dolls distributed to 283, 288
value l LECOMIS fase ans aaaee = arena é 183 | — frightened in ceremony 282
CASA GRANDE RUIN, memoir on repairof.. cii, | —, gifts to, by katcinas .-......-....--..--. 295
315-349 | —, Osage naming of 237
CATLIN, GEORGE, on Mandan claim of antiq- | — prohibited from seeing masks -..-.--..-. 296
167 — prohibited frem seeing ceremonies .-.-.. 288
—, on native name of the Mandan... 163 | —, Siouan, games of...--.------.--..- see lyf
—, on Oto and Missouri habitat..-...-..--- 195 | CHINOOK TEXTS, memoir on..-..-. xvi, 1, liv, bxii
—, on Siouan bows....-.-- 171 | —, see BOAS, FRANZ.
—, on Siouan use of horses .-.---.--------- 174 | CHINOOKAN BIBLIOGRAPRY, preparation of . xxiii,
—, value of records of 183 | XXVJ, XXXi, XXXV
CATAWBA and Dakota affinity 159 CHISELS, aboriginal method of making..... 68
=a CiviSiON8 Of PhOsens- cece seecece see eee 165 | —, distribution of 142
—, linguistic work among the. --. 244 —, how finished 26
CAYUSsE, study of language of the....---.-. xly | —, method of hafting ..-.. PAS ASB SEOAS AAD 112
— vocabulary transcribed.......-..--.----- xl — used in working steatite..............-.- 28,
—, see WAIILATPUAN. 116, 121, 122, 123,125, 126, 127, 128
CEDAR, primitive conception of.-...----- 182,183 | CHOPAWOMSIE ISLAND, village siteson.....- 71
(EGIHA, divisions of the CHOozZETTA, a Biloxi division-.-----....-..... 164
—, history of the CIPAULOVI, ceremony at..-....-.---..-.---- 299
CIVILIZATION, Siouan tribes modified by.. 172, 185
CLAFLIN, WILLIAM, petitions for Casa
Grand emepalt ease mse e saa eae a ciii
CLAN defined. ---- - Civ, evii, 213
— system of Siouanindians.......-..--.. 177, 187
CLASSIFICATION of Bureau researches. ...-. lxix
CuiauTon, M. E., bid of, for repair of Casa
AST SN CO eee wo ate tie ea 339
| CLAws, symbolic use of. 169
CLAY, use of, in pottery - -- 21
CLEVELAND, REVEREND VW’. J., Oglala gentes
DD LAIN eC! D yg ee eee eee eee 220
—, on Sitca»xu gentes ...--.-.------..------ 218
CLIFF RUINS, researches among..--..-.--- XXXVii,
—, migration of the........-.-..--..------- 198
CELT MAKING and blade making compared. 102
CELTS, distribution of..-....-.....--..----- 142
—OVOLUMOMOLsnene si sess -ocisee es 97
—, how finished xc 26
—, miterials used in making. ..-..-... 99, 100, 141
— used in steatite working. - 133
CEREMONIAL circuit of the Hopi - 304
— objects, Sionan 172
— stones described 103
— stones, distribution of ........-....---- 142
— stones made of steatite- 109
CEREMONIALS of the Hopi..---- 55 251
— of Siouan tribes. ......-.-..-- 174
—, theistic, of Siouan indians 184
CHABIN, an Asiniboin division .........---- 161
CHAMBERLIN, T.C., examination of quarry-
ROSY yf coscanconsnacsopeas Ones nosic ces 52
CHANTING among Siouan indians. .-----..-- 184
CHARACTERIZATION of accompanying papers xciii
CHARCOAL in ancient quarry pits -.---.---- 65
CHARGER, Blackfeet gentes given by....--- 219
—,on gentes of the Two Kettles -.........- 220
CHARLEVOIX, P. F. X. DE,on Oto habitat... 195
CHARLIE HOPE STATION, steatite pits at-... 132
CHAUVIGNERIE, —, on Asiniboin habitat.... 191
—,on Winnebago habitat -..--.-..--------- 196
CHERT not adapted to pecking. --- 96
CHESAPEAKE BAY, archeologic work on.--. xxi
—, study of archeology of..----.-.--------- XxXvV
—, archeologic remains on-.---------------- Xxvili
CHESAPEAKE- POTOMAC PROVINCE, location
20
—, memoir on stone implements of.....-.--- 13
CHEYENNE, study of the.........----- Ixxii, xxx
CHICAGO, see WORLD'S COLUMBIAN EXPOsI-
TION.
CHIEFS among the Osage 235
—, Dakota, status of. 222
—, descent of, among the Dakota.--.....---- 221
—, function of, among Siouanindians..---.. 214
23
15 ETH
xiii, xlvii
—, see MINDELEFF, COosMOs.
CLIFTON QUARRY, collections from.
—, pipestem from
—— TOROATCHES AN =a ieee
CLoTuine of Siouan indians.....-.-----.--- 172
CLoup symbolized by death mask 312
— symbols in Hopi pictography . old
— symbols in Zuniand Walpi...-..-....--- 309
— symbols of meal....---.-.-...25-e20----- 285
| — symbols on Tusayan head-dress. ...--.--- 269
— symbols on Tusayan kilts .-----.....-..- 295
Ciowns (Mud-heads) in Hopi Calako..--. 297, 298
— in Hopi ceremonies. ... 261, 265, 267, 274, 285, 293
COBBLE, see BOWLDER.
CopEx CORTESIANUS cited....-- -----.-.--. 271
COLLEGE STATION, steatite vessel from 111
CoLOR SYMBOLISM of Zuiiand Moki.......- 308
Cotton, A. T., on Casa Grande reserv: 340
COLUMBIAN Exposition, see WoRLD's Co-
LUMBIAN EXPOSITION.
CoMANCHE, researches among the..-....---. xli
—, mescal ceremony of the.-.-.--..----- XXXVili
CONCHO TRIBE described... -. - XXxiv
CONFEDERACIES, how governed..-..-------- cix
CONNECTICUT, aboriginal steatite quarrying
il islslsiets ale AOD CO CEREBRO eS S06R05n60 men eee UG tLO a
354 INDEX (ern, ANN. 15
Page Page
CONNECTICUT AVENUE quarries described... 116 | DECORATION of Tusayan kiva.-............. 283
Contract for repairing Casa Grande... -. 333-335 | —, personal, in Tusayan ceremony --....--- 275,
Cook, JoserH W., on Yankton gentes ..... 217 | 278, 279, 281, 282, 283, 285, 286, 287
Cornin Tusayan ceremony .......-.--.--.-- 270; || DeirEsiof the Hopl--..------ssssesensene= 265
271, 278, 279, 281, 283, 289, 302 =A USG0f term \02< ces cnn sewap ens ee eae 253
— PLANTING, time for, by the Hopi..-..--- 258,259 DELAWARE VALLEY, archeology of.......... xxi
—, see MEAL. | De x'Iste, Kwapa village located by..-.-.. 193
CORPORATIONS in savagery --.---.------- CX, CXV | —, Ponka noted on map of woe. 192
CostTuME, ceremonial, of Tusayan.....---. 265, | —, reference by, to the Mdewaka*to*wa... 215
270, 275, 277, 278, 281, 282, 283, 287,295 | DemoLoay defined .................-----.-- xviii
~~ of Algonquian indians. .. 44 | DEMONOMY defined................---.---.- xix
— in religious ceremonies. - 267 | Demotic CHARACTERISTICS of the indians.. Ixix
CoveEs, ELLIor?, on early range of horses... 174 | DeniG, E. T., Asiniboin gentes given by.... 222
— on kinnikinic.-....... 172 | —, quoted on the Asiniboin .........-.. 222
CRADLEs of the Mandan ..........-...----- 241 | Derorn, Barriste, Oto gentes named by 240
CRANIA, see ‘TREPHINING. | DESCENT among indians ... 202
Crazy Hors, a Dakota chief....-..--.---- 190 | — among primitive peoples . .
CrEsson, H. T., work of -.............--- lxxviii — among Siouan indians...
Crive, how avenged by the Asiniboin ... 224,225 | — among the Asiniboin .....--..----------- 225
UAH POL Vie sean are Melee sie wie nae ate exiv | — among the Mandan ........-....--.-----. 241
—, punishment of, among the Hidatsa ... 242-243 |) —amonpitheRatelos sess: sees eeseee ane 244
—, punishment of, among the Iowa.....--. 239 | — of Dakota chiefs..........-...-.--------- 221
CroGHAN, George, on early Dakota habitat. 190 — of Osage chiefs 235
—, Osage mentioned by..----.-..----------- 192 DESCRIPTIVE ETHNOLOGY, work in..-.---.. lxxix
Crook, GENERAL GEORGE, a Ponka commis- | DE Soro, H., among the Kwapa........---- 193
bb Gh esosinesoessnesecee-csoceasccoecceses 192 | DEVILS LAKE, Siouan name of.........-.--- 184
CROW INDIANS, account of the. 198 Drnwippigz, WILLIAM, acknowledgments to- 18
—, an Hidatsa division ...-................. 164 | —, quarry group arranged by ...-.--.-.----. 150
—, Black Hills formerly occupied by-.----- 190 | —, work of-.- oe xxi,
—,/Pentes Of the: ----------.cee-esn==-=e nee 243 XXV, XXViii, Xxxiii, xxxviii, xli, xiii, 1, li,
=, population Of the. a2... <ccsceeeme-e== 195 liv, lv, lviii, lix, lxiv, xvi, Ixxiv, Ixxv, 113
CumAWA desoribed=,--<--.<ce<noeo= en ====== 268 | Directions, cardinal, in savagery..---- exvii, 204
CULIN, STEWART, study of games by. xxx,xxxiv, | DIRECTIONAL COLORS of Zuniand Moki..-. 308
xxxviii, xli, xliv, xIviii, liii, xi, xxxvi | DistTRIBUTION of stone art materials. .----- 21
CULPEPER COUNTY, steatite quarries in..... 132 — of stone implements...-.-.----- 134, 139, 141, 149
CULYURE STATUS of indians -.....-.-....-.- 166 District oF COLUMBIA, quarry-workshops
CusHinG, F. H., acknowledgments to -.....- 18 Ofis. 2a Seok Sacto ots ae eer oen eee 30
—, on sacrifice of dog at Zui..-........... 303 Doc, words for, and horse compared ..---.- 174
—,on the Zuni Shalako.......-............. 296 Docs as beasts of burden .-....------------ 174
—,on Zuni color symbolism 308 | — ceremonially eaten -- 170
—,on Zuni esoteric societies 310 —ceremonially killed -- Bee rik}
—, on Zuni Kak4--..-.--. 265 Dotts distributed to children -- 288, 308
—, preparation of merooir by xli | -— ceremonially made .-.-.-..-.-.....--. 283, 286, 288
—, quarry group arranged by... 150))|) — symbolism of...-ecen------h ane ees eee 264
—, steatite quarry excavated by..--.- 107,117,132 | DomesTICcATION of animals .-..-....--. xeviii, 170
mn WOR RAOL ae «08 a2 Se so esie me xxii, xxiv, xxvii, | DONALDSON PLACE, village site on.-.---.--- 69
XXX, XxXiv, xxxviii, xliii, xlvi, xlviii, | DoRAN, A. J., affidavit of-.-.-----.--------- 335
liii, lvi, lxi, lxiv, lxvi, Ixvii, lxxxvi, xci,e | —, contract with, for Casa Grande repair... 334
Cur STONE UTENSILS described .....-.....-- 105 | Dorsey, J. O., Catawba linguistic work by. 159
| —, corrects error concerning Great Spirit.. 182
DACHENHAUSEN, F. W. VON, acknowledg- —, memoir by, on Siouan sociology. xeix, 205-244
TONGS: 00 se eetea na ata eta alerts POOR OC ESSE 18 | —, on Biloxi-Siouan affinity ...-.-.--------- 159
—, collections of 125 | —, on early Teton habitat.................- 190
DakoTa and Mandan hostility......-..-...-- 196 —, onformer Siouan habitat .......--.....- 173
= DAS LOLUAO tab Gaeta ate cote tele mcleleietmere estates 189 | —, on former unification of fegiha tribes.. 191
=, descriptioniof the----ss.2---ccscesscos-> 215 —, on grouping of Siouan tipis ..-.-..-...- 172
—, divisions of the.. 160 | —, on history of Siouan tribes .-......--..- 189
—, social customs of the....... -- 22) | —, on meaning of Absaruke .........--.--. 198
—, system of ordination of the-.. 177 | —, on linguistic evidence of migration. 199
Dancks of Sionan indians ....-.........- 175,184 | —, on Omaha sociology .-..------------ 228
DaNCING SOCIETIES of the Omaha .....-..-- 214 | —, on Osage population in 1873 ---. 193
Darron, N. H., on geology of workshopsites 31 | —, on Ponka population in 1871.....-.--.-- 192
DEATH GOD, offering to.........-..--------- 301 | —, on ‘‘seven council-fires”........-.-.---- 167
— personified at Tusayan...........s..0--- 303 | —, on Siouan divisions........-..---------- 159
—, see MASAUWOH. | —, on Siouan government.........--.------ 188
ETH. ANN. 15] INDEX 355
Page Page
Dorsey, J. O., on Siouan ordination. ...-..-- 178 | FEATHERS, symbolic use of.........---..--- 169
—, on Siouan organization .-.-.-.---------- 187 | FELLOWHOOD among the Kansa......-..--. 232
—, on Siouan totems and shamans..--.---.- 184 | FETICH WORSHIP by Siouan indians -......- 184
—, Siouan language studied by.-.-..--.----- 168 | Frricues, petrifactions regarded as ........ 277
——wketoh oflite Of-e scen==-in-- 4-2 les= = 207 | —, sacred character of.....-----..--....-..- 182
—, Tonty’s Kwapa villages identified by... 193 | Fewkes, J. W., memoir by, on Tusayan
—, value of researches of......--.--.------- 183 KA LQUORS testasereee ee ieee ate eer
—— WOPkKOLeccassscease== . Xxii, xxv, xxx, | FIGURES, engraved, on tablets - -
xxxiv, xxxix, xli, xliii, xliv, xlv, ii, lvii, | Figurine in Tusayan ceremony
1xi, lxiv, lxvii, bexiii, lxxix, lexxili, xevii | FINANCIAL STATEMENT of the Bureau .----- xcii
Dow .inG, THOs., JR, acknowledgments to-. 17 Fire, origin and use of .------..-- XxXviii, Ixxxvi
=, COLLECTIONS: Olja amen ante wle eln === emis sinew ale 697-125))|, —suseiof, iui quarryin py ------s-~-conceee on 23
—, quartzite blades found by --....--------- #9) | SKE Goplof ‘Tnsayan’:--72-2-2--22-----2- 263, 265
DOWLING PLACE, chipped stones found on. - 69 | Fire-MAKING by the Hopi..-..--....-...... 263
Drake, 8. G., on Asiniboin population. --. 191 FIsKE, JOHN, petitions for Casa Grande re-
—, on Crow habitat in 1834..-.............- 198 Ese coon Ssa6 ateanes soos ORS SOOCEDEEDOASS cil
DRAMATIC ELEMENT in Tusayan ritual....-- 253 FLAKED-IMPLEMENTS described .....--....- 80
DRAMATURGY among Siouan tribes.-.-..-.-- 169 | = TUCE. GisGUSSOG= == nesses ocmesseacescene 148
Rms discussed...---.-..--------.--5-.--- 85 | —, manufacture of ......--..-....-..--- 56 29
4 GhIS aT hs CONS eee ssesasseerecsnos 142 | FLAKED-STONE DEPOSITS near Washington. 19
— used as projectile points- 83 | FLAKED-STONES confounded with imple-
—, see PERFORATOR. LOIS eee eee see ee ee 53
Drum of the Paiute indians 2 276 | FLAKING, implements produced by -- 25
— usedin Tusayan ceremony. 278, 280, 282, 285, 297 | =ofigtone GISCuSssedn. cece ese eenee een ae ee 95
DUMBARTON HEIGHTS, quarry-shops of.... 62,116 | —, stone, experiments in .-....-....-..---.- 151
Dunsak, U.S.J., quarry figures prepared by - 44 | —, stone, processes of........--....--- 57, 59, 80, 81
Dorratz, LE P., on Oto habitat.......-.... 195 | == stone, tools Sed unis sepeeeriaeeae seeeee ee 58
Duran, Dreco, cited on the Teotleco....--- 272 | FLETCHER, ALICE C.,on Omaha music -..... 176
—onsthe| Celi? aye see ee eee eee en aane eames 161
EADES MILLS, village site at..--....------.. 79 | — on thunderbird and cedar among Omaha
EAGLE plume decorations ....-.-.-.--.----- PA) |) ETO EN Te Bane eS Gon eseeeo ooeE=masotee 183
— ‘how regarded .--..-.....---..----------- 171 | —, value of researches of .........----.----- 183
—, see FEATHERS. Fuint, aboriginal quarries of-.-.........--. 23
Eaman, C. B., witness to Casa Grande con- —, distribution of--.-.--....--.. 73
UTR sochoskodcod aS SeSbSssesSbsenoonsecnS 334 | —, how adapted to implement mz 84
Eartu GoppEss of the Hopi .--. 312 | — implements discussed -.-.-. 89
ErriGcies in Calako ceremony..-.---.--.---- 296 | — implements, sparsity of 78
ELABORATE KATCINAS of Tusayan.-.-....- 254,268 | — not adapted to pecking. .......--.......- 96
ENDURANCE, see FLOGGING. > — quarries described =... --=--. .-----=0> -- 7
Eoxoro, identified with Arikara ........-. 190 | —, source of, for implements.-.--..----...-. 140
Eororo, personification of ..........-.--... 297 | —, transportation of, by floods....-......-- 22
EssanaPFE, identified with the Asiniboin... 190 | — used for flaking .........---------------- 29
ESTHETOLOGY classified .........--.---.---. xix | — used for implement making ..-.......-.-. 135
MmHNOVOGY Gefnedts.o--o-s-se see en eee xviii | —, use of, in aboriginal art.........-....-.. 24
EVEN-HIS-HORSE-IS FEARED, a Dakota chief. 190 | FLoGGING in Tusayan ceremonies.....--- 294, 304
Evo.vtion of hammerstone making ------- 103 | FLoops as agents of stone transportation. - 22
— of stone-implement making ..-.--- 101-102, 144 | Foon, dogs used as.------.......-..-.--<.- 171
Excavations in Piny branch quarries... 38, 44,45 | — offering at Tusayan .. 301
— in Dumbarton heights quarry -.------.... 64 | — of Siouan indians ......--..-- 170
EXPLORATION by the Bureau....-.----.----. lxx | — presented at Tusayan ceremony ---..-.--- 295
| Four CoRNERS, steatite quarry at-.--..--.- 125
FACIAL PAINTING in Hopi dances ......----- 265 | Fowkr, GERARD, acknowledgments to----- 18
FAILURES in implement making...-....---- 27 | —, bulletin by--...-..--.. ly, lviii, Lxii, Lxv, xviii
—, see REJECTS. —, on Culpeper steatite pit.........-....--. 107
FAIRFAX COUNTY, steatite quarries in....-. 131 | —, report by, on aboriginal quarries. ....--- 7
—, see CLIFTON QUARRY...---..-..---------- 108 | —, report by, on Virginia workshop..--.--- 100
FALLS CHURCH steatite quarries -.--..-.-... 131s | workiohe ose Xxi, XXV, xxviii, xxviii, xxv
FASTING among Siouan indians. .-..--...---- 184 | FoxskIns in Hopi ceremonies =. 1263:
FEAST, ceremonial, in Tusayan ....-...--- 293, 294 267, 275, 278, 281, 282, 286, 287, 296, 297
FEASTING among Siouan indians - . 184 | FRACTURING, implements produced by-..--- 25
— societies of the Omaha..........-- 214 | Frazer, J. G.,on masking of the dead. ..... 312
FEATHERED plums in Pawikkatcina 300 | FREEMAN PLACE, village site on..------.--- 69
— strings of Tusayan....-..---.- 268, 281, 284, 289 | FROGMORE CREEK, cache found on..-...---- 76
FEATHERS in Tusayan ceremony... -------- 275,
276, 277, 278, 279, 281, 283, 285, 286,296 | GALLATIN, ALBERT, on the term Sioux. .-.--- 158
356 INDEX [eTH. ANN. 15
Page Page
GaMEs of Siouan indians.................-. 175 | Habitat of Siouan tribes.................. 186
—, preparation of memoir on.......-.... xli,xliv | Hapvey, L. F., Kwapa linguistic work of. xlviii
—, Significanceof..----...-----o... nee lxxxvi | HArvinG of stone implements.........-.. 112, 113
—, studyof........ xxx, xxxiv, xxxviii, xlviii,lxi | —, shape of implements based on mode of-. 98
GARLICK, C. A., cooperation of, in repair of
Casa Grande ... -- 327
GatTscHET, A. S., C ork
by... 159, 244
—, on Biloxi-Sionan affinit 159
—, on linguistic evidence of migration. 199
—, work of. xvi,
Xxxi xv, xxxix, xli, xliii, xliv, xlix:
xl vii, liii, lvii, lxi, lxiv, ]xvii, lxxix, lxxxii
IGENS dafinell oo 2. oosenct concen aes wsasas civ, 213
GENTEs of the Mdewaka"to"wa"._.-........ 215
GENTILE assembly of the Inke-sabé........ 227
— system of Siouan indians - 177,187
GEOGRAPHIC distribution of stone imple-
ments .... 20
GEOLOGIC distribution of stone. 135
GEOLOGY and art....-- 137
— of Anacostia valley -........-----.....-. 69
— of Dumbarton heights-.-..-....-..-......- 63
— of Piny branch quarry-sites............. 37
— of Potomac-Chesapeake province ...... 22, 146
— ofworkshop sites... .-< /-5--5-525cscnceos
GEORGIA, aboriginal steatite quarrying in.. 106
Germs, Hopi goddess of......... ---......- 259
GESTURE SPEECH, see SIGN LANGUAGE.
GHOST DANCE, preparation of memoir on.. xxvii
=. SUUC VOL PNG! oss sewisaa on sic on soon XXxxiy,
XXXViii, xliii, x] vii, lii, lx, lxiv, Ixvii
GIFTs among the Asiniboin ......-.-/...... 225
—, exchange of, among the Kansa.......... 232
—, marriage, among the Hidatsa..........- 242
GiLBerT, G. K., examination of quarry-
31
Hanaiwiat!, a Hopi personage... 265, 280, 281, 297
HAIR-DRESSING among the Hopi . 265
—in Hopi ceremony ............- 275
HAIR PLUCKING among Siouan indians... --. 185
HALE, E. E., petitions for Casa repairs...... ciii
HALE, Horatio, linguistic work of-........ xevii
—, on former Siouan habitat.....-......... 173
—, on linguistic evidence of migration..-.. 199
—, Siouan language studied by ....--...... 168
—, on Tutelo and Dakota resemblance ..-.- 159
HALus LANDING, pestle found at............ 103
HAMILTON, REV. WM., Ilowagentesgivenby. 238
HAMMERSTONES at South mountain poe 75
== (OSCTIDEO cee mee cee a aaa eee --- 103,104
—, distribution of... - 141,142
— found at Little falls........-..-.-...-.-5- 68
HANDS, symbolic use of..................-- 263
Hakior, T., on Virginia indian costume. -. 44
HARPERS FERRY, flint implements found
AOE eens ein Re een ete Seek A 78
Harris, W. T., petitions for Casa Grande
Re) AL ae crea Saeco sas ons ceili
HATCHET-LIKE TOOLS deseribed..........-. 90
HAYDEN, F. V., Asiniboin gentes given by. 223
—, Hidatsa studied by ...............---.-. 242
HEAD-DRESS in Tusayan ceremony... 269, 282, 283
HEAD-WASHING ceremony 300
HECASTOTHEISM defined. 178
HELMET, see HEAD-DRESS
HEMENWAY, MARY, petitions forCasa Grande
73) Wf Se A ee Aa See See reite ns — ceili
—, philanthropic work of.-...............- c
HEMENWAY EXPEDITION, researches by, at
AVI EE NFA = Sosa ee Re Re 251
HLENNEPINe LOUIS, on Asiniboin habitat.... 190
—, Oto met by.---.....-.......- Seeenteeemee 195
Henry, C. D., bids of, for repair of Casa
Grande coe asses seee ae eae eee rae 338-339
HERALDS among the Kansa .-......-..----- 232
HeEtzEL, MARGARET, on the Clifton quarry. 113
HETZEL-HUNTER QUARRY, sce CLIFTON
QUARRY.
Hewirt, J.N. B., work of ... - Xxiii,
XxxXvi, xXxxi, xxxv, xl, xli, xlv,
xlix, liii, xi, lxiv, lxvii, lxxxiv
| Hiparsa, account of the...............-.-.- 197
—— GLVISiOUS (Ol UNG. -s—= < evisces es eemeeee= 164
—, Mandan incorporated by the. ........... 197
—, migration of the..................------ 198
—, scalp custom of the.....--...-------.--- 241
—, scarification among the................. 169
= SOCLOlO Sy OF thes. aeacesecnae seer ooeeeee 242
HIEROGLYPHS, work in...........-.--- lxiii, Ixvi
—, see MAYA CODICES; PICTOGRAPHY.
HIGHLAND COUNTY, flint quarries in......-.- 77
HIGHLAND QUARRY-SHOPS . us
History of Siouan tribes. 189
Hircencock, C. H., examination of quarry-
SHOpS Dy een o-eeeee eee Ce eee eee 52
RHODE DYieceee eee es eee er eee eee 52
GILL, De L. W., acknowledgments to...... 18
—, discovery of Piny branch quarries by.. 35
—, study of mica-quarrying by .......-.--- 106
GILLYS CREEK, character of stones along... 72
GLACIAL MAN, existence of ..---....-....... xxi
GLUTTONY in Tusayan ceremonies. ... 293, 294, 303
GODS 186 Of terminso.oeon nese oecmeseaes 253
Goopeg, G. Brown, aid rendered by. xei
—, examination of quarry-shops by. 52
GOUGE used in steatite working. - 130
GouRD ladle in Tusayan ceremony 281
— used in Tnsayan ceremony-:--.......---- 279
—, see RATTLE.
GOVERNMENT among primitive peoples... .. evii |
— among Siouan indians ......-.......-.. 188, 214
— in savagery affected by hunting.-....... exvi
GRANITE, adaptability of, for pecking. --... 96
GRAPHIC ART of Siouan tribes...-...---...- 168
Grass, JOHN, on Blackfeet gentes ..-.....- 219
GRAVIER, J., Kwapa villages mentioned by. 193
GREAT Spirit defined ...............---.... 181
—, fallacy concerning .-.-....---..-....-.. 182, 313
GRINNELL, G. B., on horses among the Pie-
OD o-oo en en were enema ness sacoce Ww
GrOs VENTRES, application of name. 197
GUICHAINVILLE, M. DE, manuscript collec-
HG) esse seos sa soooeoggacdcoctice Geen lvi
Hoar, G. F., interest of, in Casa Grande. cii, 346
ETH. ANN. 15] INDEX Bot
Page Page
Ona Wie WOEK: Ofsccaacennnascss xxii, xxv, | IMPLEMENTS, leaf-blade-.-.-..-.---.....-.-..- 82
Xxix, xxxiii, xxiv, xxxviii, xlii, xliii, | —, process of flaking..............--.-- 57, 80, 147
xvii, lii, lvi, Lx, Lxiii, lxvii, xxix, xcii | —,of Siouan tribes................-.--..--- 171
Hoes, bowlders used for-.-..---..------.----- 142 | —, unfinished, in Piny branch quarries -.... 37,
— produced by flaking . . = 26 | 38, 43, 46, 49
— used in steatite working.-......-..------ 111 | INcEsT in savagery defined.-............-.- exiii
HorrMan, W.J., discussion of turtlebacks INCISED stone utensils described - 105
Dy eiectoteete sine ete Sailer eet oie ete 30 | INCISING, implements produced by 27,149
explora tionyW yess ae taa malate meee Ixxiii | Instirutions of Siouan indians.-..-..-...- 176
— WOLF KIOLS « aiesiee ee one ae ee xxiii, xxvi, | IowA, a Zoiwe‘re division.--.-...........-- 162
XXXi, xxxvi, xl, xli, xlv, xlvi, lxxx, Ixxxv | —, early habitat of the......-...-.-....---. 195
HOHE, meaning of term..---.-....--------- 222 | —, gentile organization of the ...--........ 238
HOLLAND, MR, steatite quarry on place of.. 130 | —, origin of term .-......-...-.-..------.--- 168
Homes, J. A., examination of quarry-shops | Iroquois, study of the .....--........-..... xxiii
IDYseee seer eeee meee seep eon ssencrencsese 52 | —, study of language of ................... xxvi
Hoimes, OLIvER W., petitions for Casa —, study of the
Grande Tepalls. =<. <-1---2-- ~~ sas oe eili | ISANYATI, see SANTEE.
Homes, W.H., bulletin on ancient quarry. liv, | IsH-ra-suN-pDA, divisions of the -- ea) 162
lviii, xv, lxviii | Issar1, identified with Santee. ............. 190
—, characterization of monograph by - xciii,xciv | IrscHEABINE, an Asiniboin division.--..... 161
—,Memoir by, on stone implements.- xciy, 13-152
—, monographs prepared by .----.---...-. lxxviii | JAMES, EDWIN, on Omaha divisions --....-. 161
—, resignation of....-.....---....--- lxiii, xxviii | —, on the term Chancers..-........-.--.--- 162
—, review of archeologic work by.... Ixxiii, xciv | JAMES RIVER VALLEY, shop-sites in.-.....- 72
ay WHOL Ob a eral aoe aoe ad im xis nt xxi, xxiv, xxv, JASPER, aboriginal quarries of -....-....... 23
XXVii, xxviii, xxxiii, xx xvii, xli, xlii,xlvi, | —, development of implements from....... 144
xlvii, 1, li, liv,lv, lviii, lix, bxiii, lxvi, xei —, how adapted for implement makin, 84
HOLMES RUN, steatite quarries on....--.--. 131 —, implements of, discussed....-..........-
HOMOEOBS, tradition: of) .<- 22... -scccccencne lxxi | —, source of, for implements
HONEY, anointment with..--...---......--- 289 | —, transportation of, by floods.............
HONGA-SHA-NO, divisions of the... 161 | — used for implement making.
Hopi, see TUSAYAN. — quarries, location of ................-..--
Hory, see ANTLER; BUCKHORN. JATONABINE, an Asiniboin division ........ 161
HORSE acquired by prairie tribes --......-- 173 | JEFFERYS, THOMAS, on Oto habitat......... 195
—, early range of the .--.....-..-.....-.-.- 173 | —, on Winnebago habitat .-----.-..-....... 196
—, sacred regard for the...--.-....-..-...-- 185 Joutel, —, Kwapa villages located by... ... 193
—, words for, and dog compared ......-....- 174 JUMANO, study of the........-..-.------. xxix, lii
Hosprranroy of the Hopi ..-.--=---<.<.<-5. 302 JUNIPER used in Tusayan ceremony ..--. 280, 283
HOTCANGARA, see WINNEBAGO. : | AUSTICH, principles of=.--~-..----<.----- exi, exiii
Hovsss of Siouan indians-..............-. 172
HvsseELt, L., pottery found by ...--...-.-- 312 | KAKA, see Koko.
HUMAN FIGURES unknown in Chesapeake | Kansa, a (fegiha division -.-.-..........-.- 162
StonG@artioss-cesess-ws~ so sesesesccs cones 96 | —, draft animals among the. ....-.--.--.--- 174
HUMAN REMAINS in Virginia mound ....... 100 | —, early history of the.....- 193
HUMISKATCINA compared with Zufidance.. 307 | —, gentile organization of the-- 230
HUNKPAPA definition and habitat. ......... 161 | —, Kwapa incorporated by the. 195
Sof OP TANCY 2s oe se eee eens ees oes eee 221 | —, population. ofthe .....-.-----s2-c<-.-=-. 193
Hunt, Jerr, witness to Casa Grande con- | IKANZE, see KANSA.
Lae ceca ee ee ee aes ones 334 Katcrna, application of term...-.-. ci, 251, 264, 265
Honter, H. C., acknowledgments to. ..----- 18 | —, previous descriptions of .-...-.......... 264
HunTER, WILLIAM, collections of..-...-.-.- 17,71 | —, Tusayan, memoir on.............--. ©, 245-313
HUNTER BROTHERS, owners of Clifton quarry li | Katcrva’s RETURN, ceremony of.......----- 273
HUNTING, effect of, on tribal government.... exvi | Kessey, F.C., witness to Casa Grande con-
— feast of Siouan indians'-.-....-.-.....-.. 184 UNE) Neeson coc os erates See CBSO SN OSOHOS 334, 335
Horst, Rey. Joun F., linguistic collection Kessey, J. H., affidavit of ----..-- -- 335
GERE BRE cceROCee San aaaROE SuSE Doe SOEeeEEE -- lxviii | Kerru, A.,on South mountain rhyolite... .. 74
HYATTSVILLE, quarry-shop near....--...--. 70 | Kenaua, Louis A., archeologic work of.... 17
—, cited on steatite quarry -........-...... 117
IBERVILLE, P.LE M., on the Iowa and Oto... 195 | Kentucky, shell mounds in............... XXViii
THANKTO*WAN, see YANKTON. Key, JOHN, on Tutelo gentes --......--...-- 244
THANKTON WANA, see YANKTONAI. KILTs, ceremonial, of Tusayan ......---.. 263, 295
IMPLEMENT making, experiments in-.....-- 151 | Kin NAMEs of Siouan indians ---............ 177
— working at quarry-shops .-.....--.--..-- 52 | KINNIKINIC, see PIPE; SMOKING.
IMPLEMENTS and flaked-stones confounded. 53,80 | Krvo, Eusestus, Casa Grande visited by. 323, 345
— broken in flaking .......-..-.......---+-- 55 | KINSHIP groups in tribal society -...-....... civ
358 INDEX [ETH. ANN. 15
Page | Page
Kinsuip, how promoted among primitive LIGHTNING, primitive conception of.. 180, 182, 183
MOOVIOR Donen -tawaxxceeeen ace ame pes ssaceane evili | — symbols in Hopi pictography ........... 311
— NOMENCIAMULO .. 2.6... eee e enw enee nas 176,204 — symbols on Hopi kilts == 205
—of Tusayan villagers............-.------ 252 | LINGUISTIC MANUSCRIPTS of the Bureau.... xxxv
— organization systemized.........-..-.... 200 | —, arrangement of....... xxxix, xl, xliv, xly, xlvi
— rule among Siouan tribes.............--- 218 | Lineuistics classified....-.........-......- xix
— system of the Biloxi .................... 243 | —, work in......... Xxii, XXV, XXX, XXXiv, xxxix,
— system of the Hidatsa................... 243 xliv, xl viii, liii, lvii, lxi, Ixiv, lxvii, Ixxxii
Kiowa, investigation of the. --- xxii, | LITTLE FALLS, ancient settlements at.. 67
XXiX, XXXiii, xxxviii, xli, xxx | —, pestle and sinker from-.......... - 103
Kiowan and Siouan early contact.......... 187 —, steatite quarries at... 124
Kurk, CHARLES, chisel-pick found by-.... 128,129 | —, stone-implement work at ..........-...- 100
Kirk, Mrs CHARLES, collections of. 125 | Lopae, location of, among the Asiniboin... 224
Kirk, RicHArD, steatite quarry on place of. 128 | — of Siouan indians........................ 172
Krvs, celebrations performed in --- 206 | —of the Winnebngo.---..--. 2. -co-aascee- 241
—, ceremonial renovation of........-..--. 286, 287 | Lona, S. H., on domestic animals among
—, paraphernalia prepared in.............- 292 plains tribes! s-0-5--s-<--67 eae e eee eee 174
Knives, aboriginal use of ........ -..---.-- 84 | —, on Sionan use of dogs 171
= DIRCER NSOG'SB <2 occ accnacec nae tecaes eee 84 | LoneralL, Purp, work of.. xxxv, xxxix, lxxxiv
—, stone, distribution of...................- 142 | Love, W. H., acknowledgments to -......- 18, 76
— produced by flaking........-......--.... 26 —, collections of. 79
—mised for acal ping. 2...) ..snaceen as eeesee 171 | —, rhyolite blades found by..... 76
Koko and Katcina compared. ............-- 265 | LumHourz, Cart, ethnologic work of...-. Ixi,
—, reference to meaning of.....----..-...-. 307 Ixiii, xiv, Lxviii, itedks, lxxxv
KoKoKc!I and Anakatecina compared. 303, 306-307 | LuruaMIAN linguistic affinities........_. xlix, liv
KOSHARE described.........-...--. eee ses 268 |
Korcnimst, a Hopi priestess. -...-........- 262 | McBeTu, Miss K. C., Nez Percé nianu-
Krum, HENRY, steatite quarry on farm of. 127 script presented by os Sd, oxy
KWwAPA account of-the--2-s.s—e-nee- aeeeee McBeth, Miss 8. L., Nez Pereé grammar
—, a@Jegiha division. --.
—, gentile organization of ‘the.
— language, study of .
— OLS Ofsth Osean ass aoa emcee ee eeeene
—. study of the
KyA’/KLv, a Zuni personage 312
LAHONTAN, A. L. DE D. DE, on Asiniboin
habitat. coe =e cleiceseesel= sme ee eee 190-191
—~, LOMO hi DY rales nisi ee cite seen eneee cosas 195
LALAKONTI ceremony of the Hopi..-...-.... 262
La Merarriz, —, Arkansa noted by -.- 193
LANG, J. C., archeologic collections of .. 18
LA SALLE, R. C., on the Kwapa in 1681. 193
LAVA, transportation of, by floods. --. 22
LEAF-BLADE IMPLEMENTS ........-.- : 82
LEAF-SHAPE BLADES in quarry-shops. 54
— used as tools. 84
LEHIGH COUNTY, aboriginal quarries in-.... 78
LENOX LIBRARY visited................--.. xl
LEVERS used in steatite working........... 111
LEWIs AND CLARK among the Omaha....... 191
— among the Ponka..........-....... 192
—, Crow indians met by - 198
—, Hidatsa visited by. 197
—, Kwapal met by... -.sosssse---cee4 195
—, Mandan villages named by 163
— on Mandan house remains............... 196
— on Mandan migration....-.......-...-..- 196
— on Mandan villages in 1804............-. 197
— on Siouan use of dogs reneeatboosaeosc=e 171
— on Teton horse stealing. ....-.-... - 178
—on Yankton and Yanktonai habitat - 190
—., value of records of.........-.....
LIBRARY, arrangement of the
—, coudition of the
. i, lvi, xeii
XxXxi, Ixxxv
McGEE, W J, acknowledgments TOveee Ss 18
—,; appointment of . = <2) -—= ----eeeeenn eee xix
—, directed to examine Casa Grande....-_-. 347
—, examination of Casa Grande by......... 329
—,examination of Casa Grande recom-
mended byiesse.cc.e cee se eee eee ae 344-347
—, examination of quarry-shops by.......-- 52
—, memoir by, on Siouan indians.. xevii, 153-204
—, on District of Columbia archeology... -. 31
—, on geology of workshop sites........... 31
—, report on Casa Grande by...... 348-349
—, sketch of J. Owen Dorsey by.........-- 207
—, source of implement material traced by. 101
—, work of XXiV, XXVi, XXxi,
XxxvV, xlvi, lviii, lix, lxii, lxxiv, Ixxx
| McGuire, J. D., acknowledgments to... ... 17
—,/ CAGES LONNO Dyan naeeeecea= sees aaeaaee 79
—, collections Of. 2.2.22 2ccacsmacasssecuseene 89
—, rhyolite found by ..........--.....-.---- 74
—, on ancient steatite quarries........... 107, 125
MACKALL, —, steatite quarry on farm of... 130
MADISON CouNTY, steatite quarries in...... 132
Manoc, a Monakan division. .............. 164
MAIMING practiced by Siouan tribes 169
MAKATAPT, identified with the Dakota... -. 190
MALAY and Maya terms compared........ Ixxxiv
—, see POLYNESIA.
MALLERY, GARRICK, work of...-.-...-. XX, XXiv,
XXix, Xxxxvi, Xli, xlii, xlvi, 1,
liv, lviii, xii, lxv, lxxii, xxxi
MALLETS used in steatite working. .......- 111
MAMZRAUTI, a Hopi ceremony...-........-.- 262
j | MANAHOAC, divisions of the.............-.- 164
MANDAN, account of the .....---......-.... 196
—, Givisions of thésa-.-2---ss<s- esses eceeee 163
S
ETH. ANN. 15] INDEX 859
Page Page
MANDAN, scarification among the...-...-.. 169 | Maya calendar system, preparation of mem-
—, sociology of the::-5:+..2----------s-s<- 241 OID OW reretetetone ote rere ate seater ieee ame
—, Teton horse stealing from.......-.--... 173 | — codices, work on .................---- XX, xX
— tradition of eastern origin..........-.--.- 187 S xxvii, xxxvi, 1, lv, lix, lxiii, xvi, lxxviii
IMA-NI-DO defined=..2=.-=--5--cc~ te --occene 182 | —year, memoir on... xlii, xlvi, xlvii, xlix, liv, ]xii
MANKIND, characteristics of ..........----- xvii | MDEWAKA*TO" WA’, sociology of the-.. 215
MANUFACTURE of stone implements. ....--. 24,94 | MEAL, ceremonial use of ..........-. 270, 272, 273,
Manuscripts, classification of. xei 275, 277, 280, 283, 284, 285, 286, 294, 295, 297
—, see LINGUISTIC MANUSCRIPTS. —, see CORN.
MARIA FURNACE, rhyolite deposits at... 74,75 | MEDICINE-MEN, functions of........ ex
MARQUETTE, J, on the Kwapa in 1673... 193 | Merponrsky, a Monakan division 164
—, Osage mentioned by 5 192 | MENoMINI, memoir on the . x
==, COGIC lth Ase Choc aneB ae eR eee RcOeSeSEne 195 | —, study of the
MARRIAGE among the Asiniboin.....--.- 225, 226 XXVi, XXXi, Xxxvi, xl, xlv, lxxiii
—among the Dakota.-...........--.---..... 222 | —, vocabulary of the. recorded.........-.. ]xxxv
— among the Hidatsa........-....-..- Sbodsa 242 | Mercer, H. C., examination of quarry-
AMON PD DOVKCANS Bates ec iseeiace sae eas ae 232 SHOPS Yisoas eect eee ae eee =e ese Je aciee 52
—Jamonp the Mandanea=- cece sai - sence 241 | —, jasper quarries discovered by ....-.-.. 89, 140
— among Siouan indians.....-.....-....... 178 | MESCAL CEREMONY, study of........-..-. XXXViii
— among various pueblos.......-...---.--- 252 | MEXICAN and Hopiceremonies compared .. 259
— customs of the Biloxi -- 5 244 | Mica used i utensil making..-.-... =) 105.
—, evolution of .......---..: . 201-203 | M1GRATION, early, of Siouan tribes 189, 198
— inclan or gens prohibited. - 203 | MILES, GENERAL N. A., a Ponka commis-
NBA AP OL Vie seem en -eisiaaisnce mceineeccaie exiii BIONORAr ceeennas mise seeisa seocee cee tee 192
MARYLAND, see POTOMAC-CHESAPEAKE PROVINCE. | MINDELEFF, COSMOS, paper by, on repair of
Masauw0h, a Hopi death god ......------ 263 CasalGranderuin-e-tos-sseese eeec ee cii, 315-349
Mask for the dead at Tusayan -.......-.-... 312 | —, summary of work of....-.--..--.--. Ixx, Ixxvi
=OtmEumiskateinaece -- sap e alec ne waco = 307 | — works of-= on-scene - oe) EX) GV,
— of Pawikkatcinu figured..-.--. 299, 300, 301, 302 | XXVili, Xx xiii, xxxvii, xli, xliii, x]v, xlvii,
SS VIED OLISTN OM wjatateiatarelclatalaieisielms'=/=teiajsia™ =iel= 292 1, lii, liv, lvi, lviii, Lx, Lxii, bxiii, xv, Ixvi
— used in Tusayan ceremony... .--..----- 281 | MINDELEFY, V., report by, on Casa Grande. 327
MASKED PERSONAGES in ceremonials. .... - 293 | MinrKooJu, gentes of the..-..-............ 220
MASKED TABLET of the Hopi...-..-.--..-.. 262 | Mrnirart, a name of the Hidatsa-........-.- 197
Maskerre of Anakatcinamanas. --- 295 | MINNECONJOU definition and habitat .....-- 161
Masks, Hopi, described.......-..-..-..-- 263,296 | MINNE-WAKAN sacredly regarded ......---. 184
—, how made for the Calako............-..- 296 | Missourt, a Tciwére division .-.-.......... 162
— in Hopi ceremonials...---. 267, 276, 278, 279, 288 | —, gentes.of the......-..-.--....-.--..-.--. 249
— prepared for ceremonies..-.-.--.----.-- 282, 292 MircHELL, MAry M., acknowledgments to - 18
ren Ov atlOln Obee em =\s< == =e( eee sini 273,275,296 | MoccasiN CREEK, character of stones along. 72
ETSY MO DOMGIUSGIO te as sais asecsatseis i= | Mocrezuma. L. O., work of... xliv, xlviii, xxxvi
Mason, Oris T., aid rendered by...----.-.- Mocrosi, a Biloxi division .-..............- 164
—, examination of quarry-shops by Mock, —, cited on Teutonic mythology.... 254
—, on the Clifton quarry.....-..--... | Mo#eTAN, a Monakan division...........-. 164
—, steatite quarry visited by..-.-..---...--. Mokt, see Hopr; TUSAYAN.
MASSACHUSETTS, aboriginal steatite quar- | MonaKAN, divisions of the..-....-.. - 164
TAMMY e556 0 ce peeEpEe cee SenESe SOS SoSe55 96 | —, use of flint by the .--................... 140
MATERIALS, art influenced by.......-.-..-- 23. Monocacy CREEK, rhyolite quarries on. ... 79
— used in stone battering.....-...-.......- 96 | MonrH-NamEs of the Hopi........-...-..-- 256
—, utilized'in stone art.-----.-..-.........- 21 Moon, Osage sacred regard for the. ........ 183
MATTHEWS, WASHINGTON, destruction of | — worship of, by the pueblos ..--....--..-- 259
Miduteamotesiof==-5. ..sscos-s5-62s-cee ns 242 Mooney, JAMES, bulletin by . lviii, xii, lxv, lxviii
—,on Hidatsa name of the Crow..--......-. 198 | OX PLOTAMOW D Vieaeie a lamaiae ates ails ate xxii
Nn) EDGE an Soe pon comeae Saeced 197, 242 | —, on eastern Siouan tribes. ----- 159, 160, 198, 244
Matts used in steatite working--.--....--- 111 | —, on origin of ‘Grand Tuc”. .-...-..---.- 192
MAXIMILIAN, PRINCE, Asiniboin gentes e=—eworkiof <s2s2 sce. EHO RODSORGOCURAeAA XXil, XXv,
PatiGIN | Wf coc seaceSseeSebaae Sees eOBeceeCsS . 229 | XXVii, XXix, XX XxXxvii, xli, xliii, xlvi,
—, Hidatsa studied b 242 | xvii, lii, lvi, lx, Ixiv, lxvii, lxxix, lxxx, xci
— on Asiniboin divisions -. 161 | Morean, L. H., on Crow indian gentes.... 243
— on Mandan house remains .....-------.. 1963s "—- one Dakota housess=saseeeissesece eee ee 172
— on Mandan sociology .-..---....-..--.---- 241 | —, on Hidatsa gentes .......-...-...--..-.. 242
— on native name of the Mandan.........- 163 | —, on kinship nomenclature ..-....-...-- 176, 204
— on Siouan use of dogs....-...----------- 171 | —, on Mandan gentes.-...-...-...-....---. 241
— on Siouan use of horses..-. .--.-------- 174 | Morrti-on, A.L., report by,on Casa Grande 526-327
=v alneroterecOLd 8:0 bree eames eee een 183 | Morrar and pestle collected..........----- XXxi
Maya and Malay terms compared......-. Ixxxiv | — described and figured...........----.--+- 103
360
Mortars, distribution of ............---.--
— found at Little falls
—= NOW ADISNGM v= -.00cc-c2ene weno Sandan
Morrvary customs of the Hopi
—of the Kansa
MOUND INVESTIGATION, work in... - see
xxiv, xxvii, xxxvi, xlii
Movunt VERNON, quarry-shop blades at.... 79
—, Village sites near ..............----2-<-- 71
MULLERS, distribution of .................. 141
OW INEM aecacs oanodaee cenaaaea saa 26
Moniz, M. A., preparation of memoir by- xxxi, xli
MURDER, see CRIME.
Murray, H. M., archeologic collections of- 18
Mosic of Siouan indians.-.........-.----..- 175
MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS of Tusayan..-..-- 269, 270
MUSKHOGEAN TRIBES, phratries of .--.-..-- exxi
Myrno.oey, development of....--.------.- 178
— of Sionan indians. ....-...----..------- 182, 185
—, summary of work in .-. : -. Ixxxv
eg WOLKAD sco cece nena asa xxii, XXV, XXX, XXxiv,
XXXViii, xliii, xl viii, liii, ]vi, lxi, lxiv, lxvii
NadAcnalya ceremony of the Hopi....-...- 263
NaAcocHTANK, quarry work byinhabitantsof 71
NApOWESSIOUX, meaning of ....-.-.----..- 158 |
NawvuatL and Tusayan ceremony com-
TRE) See eta SenSADiSe Sears esr se se 274, 287
—and Tusayan gods compared ......-....-- 268
— ceremony of Teotleco ...........-.--..-. 272
NAKWAKWOCI, see FEATHERED STRING ..... 280
NAMES, personal and clan............-..--. eviii
—, personal, change of -...-. 232
NatAcka ceremony of Tusayan - - 274, 288
NATCHEZ, atudy of the:-- <1) -ecccnccessoue xl
NATURAL PHENOMENA, sacred significanceof 182
Navauno and Hopi beliefs compared. -....... 266
NAVAL OBSERVATORY, ancient quarry at... 31, 66
NECKLACES in Tusayan ceremony-...---. 282, 297
NEWCOMERSTOWN GRAVELS, observationson xxi
New HaAmppDew, flint quarries near......... 77
New HAmpsuire, aboriginal steatite quar-
ones e a cert poncce= ne Carer < dag See H eo 106
New JERSEY, see PoToMAac-CHESAPEAKE
PROVINCE.
Nez Percé and Cayuse languagescompared x1
— linguistic manuscripts obtained .. xxxi, lxxxv
NICOLLET, JEAN N., Winnebago met by..-. 196
NIMANKATCINA, description of -..........-- 292
—, time for celebrating --- 259
NINE DAYS’ CEREMONIES of the Hopi ...... 260
Ni-v’-1T’a-Tcl, see MIssouRt.
No-HEART, Minikooju gentes given by..... 220
NOMENCLATURE of Siouan tribes . 166
NORDENSKIOLD, G, work of, cited mosemlist
NorvtH CAROLINA, aboriginal quarrying in. 106
—, archeologic work in....--..-......-..... 19
Novrt,J.J., aid rendered by....-.-.. 1xi, Ixxxiv
INO MBERS ARCLEC enn en ances seen veannease sos exvii
——SACreO OL USB V OU. -2252-sscerenneses coe 261
NUNTANEUCK, a Monakan division......... 164
OBSCENITY in Tusayan ceremonies....-..... 204
OGHER used for painteaee- <5 --soennadeesoa-- 21
OCHPANITZLI. a Nahuatl ceremony.®...... 274, 287
INDEX
(eTH. ANN. 15
OJIBWA pictograph recorded by Carver.... 169
—, study of the..............-. -++ xxvi, lxxiii
OLNEY, steatite quarries near ..-....-..-.-- 128
OMAHA, account of the. - 226
—,a @ehiga division ...........-.-.ss--0-s- 161
—,music of the... 176
—, origin and early history ......-..---.... 191
—, population of the ...-.........-..-.-..-- 192
—, status of chiefs among the............-. 222
—, thunderbird and cedar among the....... 153
OOHE-NO*PA, see TWO KETTLES.
ORDINATION among Siouan indians... -...... 172
defined oc. cas ccscc-ene= ed suedauaaeene
ORGANIZATION of Siouan indians
ORIENTATION by the Hopi
| —, see CARDINAL DIRECTIONS.
ORNAMENTS, distribution of . 142
— in ceremonial costumery- - 275
—, stone, how finished. . - 26
| OSAGE, divisions of the........-...-----.--- 162
— early history of the. --<-s-cess--<sneme= 192
—, gentile system of the...........--.--..-. 233
—, horse capture among the. --.......--.... 174
—,Kwapa incorporated by the......-....-.. 195
—OFigin OftOlM a... 5-2seere cn -sasamaasdees 168
—, population of the 193
OTaoPABINE, an Asiniboin division ........ 161
OTO, a Loiwe're division --....-.- . 162
—, early habitat of the--- » 195
—, gentes of the......-...-...- - 240
—, Kwapa incorporated by the---.........-. 195
—, population of the.-.-....-.-.----....---- 195
OTOPACHGNATO, an Asiniboin division. .... 161
Orrawa, study of the.............--- xxvi, lxxiii
OWLS, how regarded........---------------- 171
Anos definedis.ccscq2 acumen sae ade eee 261
— in Hopi ceremonies......-.-.--.------- 261, 267
—, season for making ...........-.-....---. 258
Paint of Tusayan indians .-....-.....--- 275, 301
—, see DECORATION.
PAINTING, body, by Siouan tribes 169
— by Siouan indians .--.............-- 176
PAalvTeE, Hopi disguised as............---.- 275
PALEOLITHIC FORMS, see REJECTS.
PALEOLITHIC IMPLEMENTS and quarry rejects
COMPATGM || oman cereete sete tetera 30
PALEOLITHIC MAN in Potomac valley : 15
PALEOLITHIC PERIOD in Europe .-.. 15
PALULUKONTI ceremony described ......... 291
PALULUKONUG, see SNAKE, PLUMED.
PARAPHERNALIA, dance, where kept-......-- 206
PARKMAN, FRANCIS, petition for Casa Grande
SST ee Rep eceiccee oc ciii
PASKAGULA, a Biloxi division...... .....- -- 164
PASS CREEK, archeologic remains on-.. lix, 100, 102
PATUXENT, quartz tools found on the 137
--, steatite quarries on the ......-.-.-.- - 18
PACTIWA and Siiliimobia masks compared.. 309
PAWIKKATCINA, ceremony described........ 299
a
ETH. ANN. 15] INDEX 361
Page
PEACE-PIPE among Siouan tribes. .-...-..--- 169
PECKED IMPLEMENTS, materials used for- --- 97
OL ALIO UAC Sao oot miele eaten siete cereus 26, 103
PEDEE, divisions of the.-.......-...-------- 165
PENICAUT, —, Osage mentioned by-.-------- 192
PENNSYLVANIA, see POTOMAC-CHESAPEAKE
PROVINCE.
PEORIA LANGUAGE, stuily of -------.- XXiii, Xxvi,
XXNi, XXXV, XXxXix, Xliv, xlix, Ixi, xxii
PERFORATORS discussed. --......----------- 85
— produced by flaking .............-..----- 2
Perrot, N., on Asiniboin habitat ...-....-- 191
PERSONAL DECORATION by Siouanindians.. 169
PERTHES, BOUCHER DE, investigations of -- 15
PESTLES described and figured - --- 103
a Cistribublon Olesen see nes <2 aa stole 141, 142
— found at Little falls = 68
=O yabibetts) Coane cessor ee Epos cere 26
PETRIFICATIONS, how regarded by the Hopi. 277
Pets in Hopi mythology . ----.----..------- 266
PuILuips, W. A., archeologicexperimentsby — 56
PaHILups, W. HALLETT, acknowledgments to 17
rE COMGCTIONS bieter-teleleiats'=aretatalotetcta tates cate 72, 88, 99 |
—, quartzite blades found by--.-....-----.--- 79
—, steatite-working tools found by ---..--- 125
PHILOSOPHY, primitive, defined.......--.--- 178
PHONETIC ART of Siouan tribes..--..------- 168 |
PHRATRIES among the Dakota .- 221
— (Gil | = oe eee ee - ¢xxi
PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS, Siouan. - 3 185
PHYSITHEISM defined ..-....-.------------ 179, 180
Picks, bowlders used for 142 |
ST OIStMD OU MONO tesemnid as <aedan ae emma eteto= 142
=== GSN DOU setae eee tele lomaeioeleiematarsealn 90,92 |
— produced by flaking. ....-....--...-..... 26
— used in working steatite --...--.-.------ 28,
111, 120, 121, 122, 126, 127
PICTOGRAPHY among Siouan indians -.--- 168, 176
—, preparation of monograph on... XX,
Xxiv, xxix, Ixvi
ey OD Kel tetas aim inte XX, XXiv, Xxix, lxxxi
—, see HIEROGLYPHS.
PICTORIAL representation of katcinas-.--.- 264
Pike, ALBERT, Natchez vocabulary of...-.. x]
PrkeE, Z. M.,on Winnebago villagesin 1811. 196 |
PIKEs used in steatite working -..-..--.--- 111
PILiinG, JAMES C., summary of work of. Ixxxvii
—— WORK O fameateeme cee sicianiae cis XxXiii, Xxvi, xxxi,
xxxv, x], xli, xlv, xlvi, xlix, liv, Lxi, lxviii
IPTAPAS BLOG yOu tNG secs me a= 2a te one one Xxix
PIMAN SYNONYMY, preparation of...
PINY BRANCH QUARRIES described
samo) LV:
«- 31, 33, 52
et ECA cht OMAGH LD lores ale te ota etter 36
PIny BRANCH VALLEY, geology of. -.--- c 32 |
PIPE CEREMONY among the Osage -..-...--. 236 |
PIPES; distribution of --.-=--.5-22-2--..--- 142 |
"MACS OLSLERUILO -~iocowlebawieeidcsecellsew ees 109
=, WO si Dee tle eeigs enone ecco ce SoGeH 26
Of SiOUANUNGIGNS =. <ssess—els tea = alcerod 172 |
—, steatite, from Anacostia. ....-..-.--.---.- 133 |
—, steatite, from North Carolina and Ten- le
TLOSSCO. oe cco - ce wniee ewicciencinavs cies sssece sn 133
—, see PEACE-PIPE. |
PIPESTONE QUARRY sacredly regarded...... 184 |
Prro tribes described .-.......-....-...---- xxii |
Page
Pits, artificial, in Piny branch quarries..-.- 50,51
PITTED STONES described ......-.--..------- 103
Pormr or Rocks, rhyolite blades found at-. 76
Pont PLEASANT, argillite rejects from. --. 90
POLICEMEN among the Asiniboin-..--...--. 224
—, function of, among Siouan indians....-. 214
Po.tarD, J.G., bulletin by.......----.--. XXXVi,
xl, xl vi, xlix, liv
POLLEN, ceremonial use of.-..--.......----- 289
POLYGAMY, see MARRIAGE.
POLYNESIA, see MALAY.
POLYNESIAN loan words...-.....--.--..----- Ixiv
PonKA, a (@egiha division ........-..-.----- 162
—, early history of the............-...-..-. 192
—, gentile system of the-. 228
—, population of the.......-- 192
—, status of chiefs among the.-..-- --- 221
—, thunderbird and cedar among the. 183
POPES CREEK, bowlder deposits on 71
PopuuLatTIon of the Asiniboin..-........--. 191
—, of Dakota confederacy.-...-.......----- 190
—— Of The SIOURNIStOCK n= see eee ease en's 166, 199
PoRTER, —, on Crow habitat in 1829........ 198
—, on Osage habitat.-...........-.-----.--. 192
— OM Oto habitat cess seena anne cess sansa 195
Port TOBACCO RIVER, bowlder deposits on- 71
PorawaTomi and Dakota early contact..-. 190
Poromac, character of stone toolson the... 137
PoOTOMAC-CHESAPEAKE PROVINCE, archeol-
ogy of...- 71
—, characteristics of 134
—, stone implements of.......-...-----.---- 13
POTOMAC VALLEY, shop sites in.-.....------- 66
Porrery found at Little Falls -..-......... 68
— of clay and steatite compared .-.....-.-- 132
—+ Of SiOUAT tLIDOS'\-= «<< = wa= = ane saan 171
—, preparation of memoir on ....-.--..--- XXvViii,
X¥xXxvii, xli, xlii
POTTERY, study Of 5.565 .2-s05-ccese--0-= li, lv, lix
PouALak, identified with the Dakota. -..... 190
PowAm0, description of the.......-. Bw exe:§
—, personages in the........--...-- - 290
PowELL, J. W., acknowledgments to - 18
—, classification of primitive beliefs. . -.. els
—, early records of indians collated by-.--.- 186
—, examination of quarry-shops by-.--.---- 52
— on classification of sociology.. 199, 200, 201, 203
POWHATAN INDIANS, early habitat of....... 134
—, stone flaking by the..........--........- 62
——, WORPODS Ol. ceeas meses cowanemeccecce sac 85
PRAYER-PLUME offering at Tusayan .-...--. 301
PRAYERSTICKS in Pawikkatcina 300
— in Powamit ceremony -- 275
Of) HO EOP listecrereteinictelate meta stam ele ala) efaraiai 289, 296
—, see PAHO.
Prescort, P., on Dakota chieftainship.- . --. 222
PRIESTHOOD-OF-THE-BOW of Zuni-....-.---. 285
— of Zuni and Moki compared....----.-.... 304
Puiests of Zuni and Moki compared..-...- 311
—, Tusayan, functions of........-....----- 293
, see MEDICINE-MAN.
Processes of implement mannfacture...... 58
| Propuct of the quarry-shops...-.-.------- 53
PROJECTILE POINTS discussed . 84
—— MOTI SOURS oman iaercee sic cm icscicisis slsicieelsis 83
362 INDEX [eTH. ANN. 15
Page Page
PROJECTILE POINTS produced by flaking... . 26 | QUARTZITE implements discussed.......-... 86
PROPERTY, disposal of. . - cix,cxiv | — not adapted to pecking. ................. 96
mn C1 VIRIONON. om enw eande esc coroce= cence exiv | —, transportation of, by floods. ............. 22
— regulation, Siouan ...............--...--. 177 | — used for drills..... sa malsen ceiuls sawn oe een 85
— rights among the Asiniboin ............- 225 | — used for flaked-tool making............ 29, 100
— rights in barbarism...................... exvi | — used for implement making.............. 135
Provuprit, S. V.. acknowledgments to-...... 17 |
—,on District of Columbia archeology...-. 31 | Races of people defined........-.---.----. xvii
—, turtlebacks discussed by.....-.-.- = 30 | Racine in Hopi ceremonies-............--.. 261
PSYCHOLOGY, Work in ...-.-..-.. .. lxxxvi | RacIneG KATCINA in Tusayan ......---...... 298
PsyCHOTHEISM defined .....____. . 179,181 | Rain, Hopi prayers for. . 261
PUBLICATIONS, catalog of . . xxxiv | —, Symbolic prayer for....... 312
—, progressof........... — symbols in Hopi pictography 311
xxxvi, x], xlvi, xlix, liv, lxii, lxv, lxviii | — symbols on Tusayan kilts ............... 295
—, summary of progress of...........--- Ixxxviii | RAtN CHIEF, functions of the -.............. 311
PUEBLO CULTURE, geographic extensionof.. 252 | RA1N-CLoupD symbols on Hopi kilt. ....-.... 263
PUEBLO SETTLEMENTS identified. ..---...--- xxii | RAIN Gops of the Hopi ..--..--......-...... 312
PURIFICATION ceremonies in Tusayan...... 298 | RATTLES, gourd, in Tusayan ceremony-.--. 283,
Putnam, F. W., examination of quarry- 286, 287
BDODA DY cre c---s-ccesc ese sceseeeeeeceeane 52 | —in Tusayan ceremony..............---... 282
— Of MROr DOMES. <eacos aeons aac canes eet 285
QUAPAW, see KwaPa. —(0f the HOpi sane o<-2 sare seers 263
QUARRIES of Thyolite ... 5... oes -cconcecucss 75 | —, turtleshell, in Tusayan ceremony....-.. 281,
— of the Highland ............ 72 , 287, 296
— of the Potomac lowland -.... 147. ~-Rav, CHARLES, steatite quarry visited by... 117
—, steatite, distribution of. 106 RECEPTION ceremony at Tusayan - - 301, 302
—, steatite, researches in ...........-...... 113 | Rep CLoup, a Dakota chief ...-............ 190
QuaRRY, relation of, to cache 79 REDEAGLE, GEORGE, on Kwapa gentes.----- 230
— blades, destiny of... 5. -2----scs<s-canccs 62 || REDIKNIVES alluded to. -.-.----5---o.e see 84
— blades, distribution of........-..-....... 79 | REGIMENTATION, memoir on, by J. W.
QUARRYING, aboriginal, method of. 23, 44, 48, 49, 50 TBO Wel en. enema ee a civ
— OL ateatitenc ae. scc seep eee neseccnaccees 106
QUARRY-PITS, distribution of............-.. 64
QUARRY-SHOPS, Character of work at .....-. 53
—, work of, illustrated............---...... 150
—— bulletin onles=-sessecceeece 1, li, liv, lviii, Lxii
—— "Character of refuse Oleccscnncesseenesees 52
= GISEEIDU WON Ole . se sieaio=aceoseeeeeaee se
— near Riggs mill .-.. 70
— of District of Columbia - 30
— on Dumbarton heights. 62
ON bANY) DIAN Chesaaeseereaacaee cesses 33
= TOOUCL OL thO\.-s. 22-20 oenseeceoce ae 53
SG OCLS Ol ete came elses elaine satel -tomeiarseieteetete 147
=, LOSOATCNES IN --.< nee sjo scene Gnoctechsasics xlvii
—, see WORKSHOP.
QUARRY SITES, distribution of implements
Diy sea secss ocak asatecee ease eee 142, 143
QuAnTz, character of. --<.. <2. <2 ccennsecnane 83
—, character of deposits of 24
— implements discussed ............. 87
— notadapted to pecking... 96
— quarried by aborigines . . 23
— used for drills...
— used for flaking...... 2
— used for implement making............. 135 |
—, use of, in aboriginal art.........-......- 24
—, transportation of, by floods..-...-....... 22
— pebbles, developmentofimplementsfrom 144
— pebbles on tidewater Potomac. .-......... 72
QUARTZITE, adaptability of, for flaking... .. 61
——1 DAMES; SOULCE Of cemacriecse ce emaces waomn= 79
— bowlders in Piny branch quarries. . 43
— bowlders near Washington city... - 138
~——t CHATACLEL Ol eesincwuncecceus scenes secs 23, 24, 83
53 |
85 |
REGIONAL DIVISIONS in tribal society. exvii, exviii
—, see CARDINAL POINTS; DIRECTIONS,
ReJects confused with implements -....... 80
distr DUO NOL eee eee eee ee 137, 138, 142
—, number of, in Piny branch quarry. ....- 57
—of quarry-shops 55, 57, 147
RELIGIOUS BELIEFS of the Hopi and Zuni. 312, 313
—of the Zuni
— of indians
—, see PHILOSOPHY.
REMOVAL Of Bureau quarters. xxvii, xxxii, xxxvi
| REPAIR of Casa Grande ruin, paper on .--.... cui,
215-249
Reports by Bureau collaborators... ....--. xx
RESERVATIONS of Dakota indians ...-...... 190
RETURN KATCINA of Tusayan ...-...-..---. 268
REYNOLDS, ELMER R., acknowledgments to. 17
—, soapstone quarries studied by .-......- 116, 118
—, studies of steatite quarrying -. soos | uktys
RueEes, W.J., ancient quarry on land of... 52
RHODE ISLAND, aboriginal steatite quarry-
BL) ete ee pe ele ae 106, 107
RuYOLITE, aboriginal quarries of --. 23
=< CHATACLORO beeen eet ean cetera 73, 84
—, development of implements from. ...--- 144
— implements discussed -..-......--..--.-- 88
— quarries discussed...............--.----- 73
—, source of, for implements......-....... - 140
= BEC tOt OSS eceaeeseas ee acca ese ee 85
— used for flaking 29
— used for implement-making 125
—, use of, in aboriginal art........-.. 24
Ruys-Davis, T. W., quotation from. .-..-- exviii
Riaes, A. L., on Mdewaka"to"wa® gentes. 215, 216
ETH. ANN. 15] INDEX 363
Page Page
RicGs, A. L.,on meaning of Wagluqe-.---- 219 | SHAHAPTIAN bibliography, preparation of.. xlv,
Riaes, 5. R , on Mdewaka"to"wa® gente 215 xlix, liv, lxi
--, on Dakota soldier's lodge - 221 | SHALAKO and Hopi ceremony compared.... 296
—, on former Siouan habitat .............-. 173 | SHALER, N.S., cited on the butfalo......... 173
—, on Siouan totemic system-.-...-......-- 221 | SHAMANS, Siouan reverence for ...-....-..- 184
—, Siouan language studied by .....-....-- 168 | SHAWNEE vocabulary, construction of ..... liii
—, preparation of monograph by...--......- xxii, | — language, study of. vii, lxi, lxiv, Ixvii, lxxxiii
XXV, XXX, Xxxiv,]xix | SHEA, J.G.,on Winnebago and Illinois hos-
R1GGs MILL, quarry-shop near. .--.-..------ 70 (bin feccaame asec se 95° Aedes oo so oepoe assed 196
Rizer, H. C., map of Casa Grande reserve | SHELL FIELDS of Atlantic slope. . oe 19
BED INL CLOG ND yjeta = = maletaim alm = Seine aia n= 330 | SHELL KNIVEs alluded to....-...----------. 84
—, report by, on Casa Grande. .-. 321, 328, 340-343 | SHELL MOUNDS, collections from. ......--. XXVili
ROBINSON, REVEREND JOHN, Oglala gentes | —, investigation of .....-..-........ Boos Sa Say
obtained by = 220 | SHIELD, ceremonial, of Tusayan .......-.-. 269
Rock CREEK VALLEY, ancient quarries in .. 661) — sun) of Rusayantess--.c-s2-2- 222 === 269, 271
MP EOLO PaO Lieenmintjnmsmiseslacrs cialeine se steae icine 32 | SHOCKOE CREEK, character of stones along. . 72
ROSE HILL steatite quarry------..-.-. 107, 108,116 | SHOEMAKER steatite quarry........-..-.-.- 124
RUDE FLAKED IMPLEMENTS discussed. -..... 90 | SHOVEL-LIKE TOOLS in steatite working... 111
SIA, preparation of memoir on.... xxii, xxv, xxx
SAcibabitatim (Olesen aamie-cennecieasas 196 | SrBLEy, G. C., on Kwapa habitat in 1805.... 193
Sac AND Fox, Kwapa dispersed by ---..---. 195 | SIGALOWADA SuTTA, quotation from... exix
SACRIFICE among Siouan indians.......---. 184 | SIGN LANGUAGE among Siouan indians 168
Saint CosME, —, on smallpoxamong Kwapa. 193 | _, work in.. XX, XXiv, xxix, xxxvi,
SALAMOBIAS of the Zuili......---+-.--.-.--. 308 xlii, xlv, xlvi, 1, liv, lviii, lxii, xv, Ixxxi
SALISHAN bibliography, preparation of .... xxvi,
XXxi, XXXV
SAND used in Tusayan ceremony.......-- 279, 288
— mosaics in Hopi ceremonies. - -
SANs ARCS, definition and habitat 160
SANTEE divisions and habitat .............. 160
—, early habitat of the-.........--.----.--. 190
—, former status of the.-..---.............. 215
—, whites massacred by the.-.....--.-.-.-. 190
SARA, divisionsofthe-, .-..-----c--s.ccens5 165
SAUCY-CHIRF on Osage social customs... .--- 235
SAUSSAYE, —, on animism and religion..... 254
SAVAGERY defined...........--.- eC GUTHOOOS cxv
SAVILLE, M. H., quarry excavated by. 107
Say, THOs., on dogs among plains tribes... 171
—, on Kansa marriage custom . 232
—, value of records of.-.-.-.-.....-..--.--- 183
SCALPING KNIFE of the Sioux. .-..--...-..-.-. 171
Scaps, disposal of, by the Mandan........ 241
—, symbolic use of..--.-...--.-....-..----. 169
SCARIFICATION among the Kansa..-...-..-.. 232
— among Siouan tribes .........--.---..--- 169
ScHootcrart, H. R..on Osage population... 193
—, on Winnebago divisions -...-.-..-.-.--. 163
SCHOOLEY’S MILL, steatite quarry at..-.... 125
SCHUMACHER, PAUL, on California steatite
QUaTTIOS=~-~ea~-o == -6-= === Ss 5. ake
ScraPERs discussed....-....--.--.---.----- 85
=A CIBET DUOMO Lv. cies secinniaa ae eiv a cleins seie e 142
— produced by flaking -.-......-.-. 26
ScULPTURE, pipe, of Siouan indians -. ae l76
SEASONS of Tusayan ceremonials..- - 254, 255
Seeps planted in Tusayan kiva......--.--.- 279
— presented by Hahaiwiiqti-.........-.- 281, 282
SELER, EDWARD, on Nahuatl ceremony..-.- 287
—, Maya symbols interpreted by......-..--. i
SEQUENCE of Tusayan ceremonials.
SERI marriage customs. --.
SEVEN COUNCIL-FIRES, application of term.. 167
— of the Dakota 221
SHAHAPTIAN and Waiilatpuan affini : xlv,
xlix, liji, lyxxiv
SIHA-SAPA, see BLACKFEET.
SINKER from Little Falls..............-..-- 103
SINKER-LIKE OBJECTS of steatite.....-..-... 133
SINKERS, distribution of....-.. See enencecoe 142
— made; ofisteatite.- <5 ------.----<<10----5 109
SfocALako ceremony described .-...-....-. 296
| SIOUAN, definition of term.......-...-....-- 157
— cults, preparation of memoir on... xxxix, xliv
— indians, memoir on xevii, 152-204
— sociology, memoir on-......-..-..--- xcix, 205-244
— tribes, eastern, memoir on, cited lii,
1vi, lviii, 1x, Ixxxi
S1ovux, adaptation of the term..-.-....--. 157, 158
Srpapu offering at Tusayan 301
SISITONWAN, see SISSELON.
SISSETON, account of the. . 216
— definition and habitat.-...-.......-..--- 160
| SITCANXU: accountiof the. -..---..----.---=- 218
SitcoMovI, ceremonial at...........-..--.-- 299
SITLINGTON, JOHN, flint deposits on land of. 78
SIrTING BULL, a Dakota chief. .....-..--.-- 190
SKIN VESSELS of Sionan tribes...........--. 172
SLATE, transportation “, by floods.--....-. 22
—used for tablets 103
SLAVES, how regarded...-....-..--.- exii
| —, lack of, among Siouan tribes. .-.-.- 215
SLEIGH BELLS in Tusayan ceremony - = 287
SMALLPOX among the Asiniboin.-.-.-.--. 191, 225
— among the Hidatsa.........-.......... 197, 198
— among the Kwapa--- - 193, 195
—among the Mandan... - 196,197
—among the Omaha. z 191
— among the Ponka..-:-.--.-.-.----+.---0- 192
—among the Winnebago.............-.--- 196
—, effect of, on Siouan tribes.............-- 199
SMILLIE, T. W., acknowledgments to.....-. 18
SMITH, JOHN, region explored by.--..----. 20, 135
—, on Powhatan stone flaking....-...-...-. 62
—, on use of stone knives..-- 84
—, on Virginia arrowpoints. -.. 84, 85
—, on Virginia indian costume. 44
SMOKING among Siouan indians.-..-..--..-- 172
364 INDEX (ETH. ANN. 15
Page Page
SMOKING assembly of the Hopi.....-....-.. 261 | STICKNEY, WILLIAM, a Ponka commissioner. 192
—, ceremonial, of Tusayan......----- 289,300,302 | SroicisM among Siouan indians..--...-.-.- 170
—, see Pire; ToOBAcco. STONE, use of, in aboriginal art. 21
SNAKE plumed, in Maya codex 271 | —, utilization of, for implements. - 146
—, plumed, in Zuni ceremonies 309 | —,art researches in ........ « li, lv, lix
SNAKE LOPE mysteries unknown at — implements, character of.........-...---. 21
LA it RES 2 SSS ee AERP eee
SNAKE DANCER, time for performing.-..--.
SNAKE EFFIGY in Tusayan ceremony.....-
SOAPSTONE, see STEATITE.
SociAL customs of Siouan tribes..-..-. ...
— organization, Siouan..-.........-......-.-
SocroLocy classified.............- -..-....-
—=, Indian, featuresiOf. <<. seccccscecsccecae
—, Siouan, memoir on.........--.-. xcix,
—, work in -. xxiii, xxvi, xxxi, xxxv, xl, xlv, xxx
—, see REGIMENTATION.
| Srupss, C.
SOMATOLOGY, Siouan. 5... .. 25655 -e naa secne 185
SonGs, indian, study of. ~ Xxxviii
SopHIOLoey, classified .............--.-...- xix
South CAROLINA, aboriginal steatite quar-
DYN GANS crest wraltn ta nica ia ai oan elena seclmeia 106
SOUTH MOUNTAIN, rhyolite deposits in--.... 29, 74
SOUTH RIVER, implement caches on-..-...--. 79
SoyALUNA ceremony described...-...---- 260, 268
SPANISH saddles used in mask making ---.- 263
SPEARHEADS, distribution of .--.-.---..---- 142
—, what constitutes.....--25..0.c0--0200--- 83
—, see PROJECTILE POINTS.
SPECIALIZED BLADES discussed .-.......---. 84
SpEcIMENS found at Casa Grande. 330-332 |
SPIDER WOMAN of the Hopi 5 312
DSPIBIT, US Ol COLUM. caw = =~ eles eceeisise eae 253
see GREAT SPIRIT.
Sporrep TAIL, a Dakota chief -..-..-...--.- 190
SPRUCE in Tusayan ceremony..-...-...---- 271,
287, 292, 296, 302
= BVI OMS OL -fonen nama atatatinl siete rat 288, 301
SQUASH-FLOWER emblem in Tusayan cere-
TAO NE Esconorspesen ao neness Rot b0cear 271, 286, 287
SQUIER AND DaVIs cited....-.......-----.-- Xxiv
STABLER, FRANCES D., collections of. 125, 130
SraFr of Pawikkateina-.----.- 55 ae eaOL
Srars, primitive conception of. 182, 183
STEATITE, aboriginal use of .............--. 23
S—MIBtCIMIUION Olessescccecosescces esteem 106
—, how worked
—, implements used for cutting. ...
68, 82, 111, 141
—, method of quarrying ........--.-..----- 108
— objects found at Little Falls...... Sees 68
— quarries, investigations in - li, 113
— utensils discussed. . 106
—, various articles of ... 133
— vessels, distribution of.............--..-- 142
STEPHEN, A. M., cited on the Soydluna.. --. 268
—, Powdmt studies by..........-...---.--- 274
—, snake-dance studies by .--.....--.---.-. 265
—, Tusayan researches of ...........-.-.... 251
STEVENSON, JAMES, cited on Navaho sand
phi nbnat ee Ee eogcer er seessos eases 266
STEVENSON, MaTiLpA C., on Zuni ceremo-
MA Sieeadaisele eal 265, 308, 309, 310, 311, 312
—,on Zui color symbolism ..........-....- 308
= WON KC OLses cosine aemata aes cae XXii, XXiv, xxv,
XXX, XXXiv, xxxviii, xli, xliv, xlvi,
xl viii, liii, lvi, Ixi, lxiv, Ixvii, lxxxvii, xci
— implements of the Potomac-Chesapeake
province, memoir on... xxv, Xxxvii, xciv, 13-152
270 | SrourFEr, T. L., bid of, for Casa Grande re-
SNARE presented by Hahaiwiiqti......--. 28], 282 |
1) eer ee pa ee hee Oa = eee ase, 328, 338
—, contract with, for Casa Grande repair... 334
STRAW ceremonially used..-....-.......--- 287
H., on Pennsylvania steatite
quarry
SupAvoRtIgs of Siouan indians...........-.-
| SUN, primitive conception of the.-.---.
—, ceremonies determined by the..
— ceremony of Tusayan. 272
— dance witnessed....-- - Xxxiii
Sun-PRIESTS of Tnsayan -- 258
SUN-SHIELD of Tusayan......-...-.------- 269, 271
Sun syMBoLof Tusayan...... Serene 272, 286
SuN worsulP by the pueblos ....--.--.----- 259
SUSQUEHANNOCK, arrows of the..........-- 85
-—, use of jasper by the. ......--------..---- 140
SWASTIKA, symbolism of the.......-..---.- yest
—, significance of the-............--..---- exviii
SWEAT LODGES of Siouan indians .--.-...-. 172
| Swirt, H., on gentes of the Blaekfeet..-. 219, 220
—, on gentes of the Two Kettles...-...-... 220
—, on gentes of the Minikooju. 220
SWIMMING by Siouan indians. -- 172
SYMBOLIC paraphernalia. .--.-.- aie 169
— scarification and maiming ---....-..--..- 169
SYMBOLISM in Siouan art...--....----.----- 176
| —of Zuni and Moki compared..........--. 309
— of Hopi helmets .............-.......-.- 253
— OT Hopitclte Ses oucien ae ase se aaa sees 295
—, see CLOUD SYMBOL.
SYNONYMY, work in-....--...-.... Xxii, XXv, xxix,
XXxili, Xxxiv, xxxvii, xxxviii, xlii, xliii,
xlvi, xlvii, lii, lvi, lx, lxiii, lxvii, xxix
TABLETS, perforated, described. -...-.-...--- 103
TABOO, absence of, among the Tutelo...--- 244
— among indians.........-...-...-..-. - 202-204
— among Mandan relatives - 241,242
— among Siouan indians -...- - 176,177
— of anthon -in-law by the Hidatsa cL eueceee 243
— of parents-in-law~--........------------- 225
—of salt and meat. - 284
TANINTAUEI, an Asiniboin fiaeion aici 161
TARAHUMARI language, work on .-.---- lxi, lIxxxv
TATTOOING among Siouan tribes... -------- 169
LOIWE’RE, divisions of the .........--..---- 162
—, migration of the............------..---- 198
TECHNOLOGY classified - . xix
| TeN BrRoeEck, P. S. G., cited on Tusayan
clowns ...---.-- 310
—, Tusayan coreuouial dascritied by 264
‘TENNESSEE, shell mounds in......... XXV, Xxviii
TEOTLECO and Tusayan god compared..-.. 268
— ceremony of Mexico . 27
TETON, account of the ...--...-.---.....--- 218
—, Black hills formerly occupied by-...---.- 190
ETH. ANN. 15] INDEX 365
Page Page
TETON definition and divisions-..---.-.--. 160 | UTENSILS of cut stone...---..-....-...----- 105
—raids on the Ponka. .- 192)}|| tof} Siouan tribes.-.----2-2-----+-5-22----- 171
Tewa, cosmology of the - 304 |
THANKSGIVING DANCE at Zuhiand Moki... 305 | VALENTINE, M. H., archeologic collections
THEARCHY of Siouan indians.-.-.--.-.---.- 184 | Ofisc ties ionan eee oes Sask eae ote 18
THOMAS, Cyrus, archeologie work of - 19 | VALENTINE, M. S., collections of. 72
—, cited on Maya codex. -......-.---------- 271 | VALLIERE, A., Kwapa gentes given by 229
—, on Polynesian loan words -..--..--.---- lxivy | VEGETAL SUBSTANCES used in art. £ 21
—, preparation of memoir by .---.---------- xli | VERENDRYE, --, Mandan visited by.......-- 196
WOLD. O fie eee cine = xx, xxiv, xxvii, | VERMONT, aboriginal steatite quarrying in 106, 107
xxxvi, xli, xlii, xlvi, 1, lv, lix, lxiii, lxvi | VILLAGE SITEs near Clifton quarry-..--.--- 116
—, summary of work of ...----..--.------ lxxvii | — in James valley --------.-.--..---------- 72
Tuomas, Mrs E. P., steatite collection of.. 125 | —near Little falls .......--.---.----.------ 68, 69
Tuomas, Mary B., collection of....-...---- TSM | e— ON THERE OLOM ACs enema atone a an 139
THOMPSON, BENJAMIN, steatite quarry on VINAZA, CONDE DE, bibliographic work of,
DRS er ceed cosas esse sos easesanss 126 et ass is ote co peso geo ge xxxV, Ixxxviii
THUNDER, primitive conception of... 180, 182,183 | VIRGINIA, see POTOMAC-CHESAPEAKE PROV-
== sacrediregarditoleaaecee= annem == === 184 INCE.
TIME, determination of, for ceremonials.-.. 258 | VOLCANIC ROCK, adaptability of, for peck-
— MokidivisionGt--o-==-=------—-=-==-i- 255 THY eS Sena Snood = Se ase a te ee Hea 96
— reckoning among Siouan tribes ---.-.--. 169 |
Tip1 owned by women...-..-.--------------- 222 | WAHPETON, account of the...-...-.----.--- 216
—, sacred, of the Omaha..........--.-.---. 226 | — definition and habitat --.----- 160
IvPoNudetinediest amen a2 ssa as sees 261 | WAIILATPUAN and Shahaptian affinity -- -. - xlv,
— in Tusayan ceremonies. -...---.---.----- 262 | xlix, liii, Ixxxiv
—, symbolism of the- 267 | WA-KA-DA defined ........-.----------.- 182-183
=“useohitheer <a cescs saseccesceimnes me 295 | — of the Siouan indians-.........-.--...--- xeix
Trro‘wa, see TETON. W AKASHAN BIBLIOGRAPHY, preparation of.. x1,
Tiwa tribes described .-------------------- xxii xli, xl, xlvi, xlix, liv, Lxii, Ixv
Topacco offering at Tusayan .........----- 301 | WaALaM-OLUM, Asiniboin position in-....-- 190
eof Sionanindians') == <-.scceseelseensees 172 | WALLACE, C. M., archeologic collections of. 18,72
Toots used in flaking. --..--..--.---------- 53 | WALPI, origin of name ...---.----.--.------ 27
— used in quarrying..-..-.----:------s++-- 93 | WALTHER, HENRY, work of. xxi, xxv, xxviii, xxv
— used in steatite working --.------.---- 119-123 | WANDs used in Tusayan ceremony... --- 269, 270
—, see IMPLEMENTS. WAQPE-KUTE, account of the--..------------ 216
TORTURE among Siouan tribes.--.....--. 170, 184 || WAQPE-TONWAS,s¢e WAHPETON.
Tonty, H. bE, Kwapa villagesmentioned by. 193 Wakc ous of the Sioux --...--------------- 171
ToTEMs, Siouan reverence for... .-.---.--- 184 War customs of the Asiniboin.. 224
TRANSPORTATION by water among Sioux... 172 | — of the Osage.-.---------------- 237
=eohimaterialsssers: -oc-<-2oeeece te ccnasece 73,75 | — of the Santee. ---.------ 222
=solquarryibladest 2 ----aeeeaacaceeene= 62 | — of the Winnebago 241
= Gy2 Saya ait RTT Sea see 136, 140 WAR DANCE of the Siouan indians .----.--- 184
aya GRAS So eaenoee eee eeeen 99 | —at Zuni and Tusayan........-...-.-..--- 305
TRAVEL, Siouan mode of ......-.---------- 172-173 | WA® Gop of Tusayan..-.------------------ 268
Trees, in Piny branch quarry ......-.----- 44 | WARRIOR celebration of the Hopi-.--..--- 260, 268
TREPHINING, preparation of memoir on. xxxii,xli | — Sentes among Siouan tribes .--..---------. 214
TRIBAL NOMENCLATURE, Siouan, discussed.. 166 | —» Siouan initiation of-.---.-.-----.------- 175
TRUMBULL, J, H., on the term Sioux -- 157 | — Society of Tusayan...------------------- 263
TScHANTOGA, an Asiniboin division........ LOD || sl 826 OLMICEMEN-
TuBart language, work on...---.--------- lxxxv | WASHINGTON CITY, aboriginal quarries near. 15,29
TURTLEBACK forms explained ----...-- lix, 30,138 | — flaked-stones near en -- 13,19
TURTLESHELL, see RATTLE. WATOPACHNATO, an Asiniboin division.... 161
TUSAYAN, ancient villages of...----.---- Ixxi, 305 WaAYLANDS MILLS, steatite quarry near.... 132
TUSAYAN, see Horr. WEAapons of Siouan tribes. ...--..-..-.--. 171
TUSAYAN KATCINAS, memoir on.....---- c, 245-313 WESER, FRANCES, acknowledgments to - --- 18
TusKARORA, study of language of.....----- xxiii | WHETSTONES found at Little falls..-.....-. 68
TUTELO and Dakota resemblance. 159 | Wurtppina of children in Tusayan cere-
—, Clans of the --..-.-.---.--..- 244 283, 284
—, divisions of the 164 | — see FLoacrne.
Two KErtes, gentes of the 209 | WuisTLes of Tusayan -.------------------- 289
—shabitepor the-s-- =e ee 161 | WHITE, FATHER, on spears of Maryland
Tytor, E. B., animistic theory of....---.--. 253 ATIC ELT See eee ee eee ene ei 85
WuitE, F. E., bid of, on Casa Grande re-
UNDERWORLD of the Hopi.-.---.----------- ~ 258 PAIN eae ese ae eee ie = 328, 338
URINE DRINKING among indians. ....-.--- 294,303 | —, contract with, for Casa Grande repair.. 334
366 INDEX (ETH. ANN. 15
Page Page
Wuirremorg, I. T., appointed custodian of WoMEN, status of, among the Mandan...... 241
Casa Grande ...... 329 | —, tipis the property of .................... 177
—, compensation of, recommended ......... 343° Woop, ALVIN, on Osage gentes............. 235
—, cooperation of, inrepairof Casa Grande. 327 | WoopeN IMPLEMENTS used in quarrying.. 23, 111
—, judgment of, regarding CasaGrande... 346
—, on further protection of Casa Grande.. 344
Wuirtier, J. G., petitions for Casa Grande
GT Osho Se SBa tone Ano a SBOE CSAS ADSAOn cili |
Wicuita, study of songs of the.....----. xxxvili |
WICOMICO RIVER, bowlder beds on.........- 71
WiLkes, B. B., steatite quarry on farmof.. 132 |
WIiiaMs, A. G., affidavit of .............. 335
—. contract with, for Casa Grande repair.. 334
WILuiAms, G. H., report on rhyolite by ---. 74
WILLIAMSON, T. S., on early Dakota habi-
[Fhe Se SR oe ASO eee 35 190
Wixson, THOMAS, archeologic collection of 18
—, examination of quarry-shops by ---..---
—, on District of Columbia archeology.....
—, paleolithic man discussed by-..-----.---
Witson, W.F., steatite quarry on farm of.. 127
Wiunyps, Hopi notion concerning. -..---.----- 303
Orne LOU Gaananals cies eaen ea ee een 303
—, primitive conception of ........---.----- 182
—, sacred regard for...............-----..-- 183
WINNEBAGO, account of the ........--.----- 195
——s PAVISIONS ODibNO) === =~ = 02 -oeneee ese oe ease 162
= EON LOS OL BHO we nein as alae aes oven c/o chetaaieieers 240
—, migration of the........................ 198
— dictionary, work on..-..-...--..----- lxiv, lxvii
— myths recorded
— texts collected............ xxV, liii, xi, Ixxxiv
WINTER ceremonies of Tusayan ....-...... 254
WITCHCRAFT in savagery--.----------..--- exiv
WoMEN prohibited from seeing masks - ---. 296
—, status of, among the Asiniboin. - - 224
—, status of, among the Dakota... we 222
—, status of, among the Kansa.........-...- 232
2)
WorksHOpP, quarry, near Washington city. . 15
Worvp’s CoLUMBIAN Exposition, Bureau
Oxhibitiatee-seeeen ee een aeaeseen eee eae xxi,
xxii, xxiv, xxvii, xxviii, xxx, xxxii, xci
WORSHIP, use Of term:-..-..-<.-2sse-e-une- 253
| WRENSHAWL, J. H., collections of. 72
WRITING, pictography the germ of. 5 169
Wiwireimt!, a Hopi ceremony......--.-. 263
YANKTON, account of the...................
— definition and habitat
—, former habitat of the........
YANKTONAI, account of the ................ 217
—, definition and divisions..-.............. 160
— former habitat of the..........-.....-... 190
—, migration of the.....-.-....-..5..5..... 198
YELLOWSTONE RIVER occupied by theCrow. 198
Yucca fillets in Tusayan ........-.-..---.- 287
— in Tusayan ceremony ...-.-.-----.-----. 283
ZAKIAH CREEK, implements found on ...... 71
ZOOLOGICAL PARK, ancient quarry in..----- 66
ZOOTHEIGM CGhned ---55.6=-oseasaae === sae 179
ZeNI and Hopi ceremonies compared. ----- - 265,
296, 303, 304, 306-307
—, ceremonial reception of, at Tusayan - -. 301
—, studies of the...
xliv, xlviii
Se KO, KV Ky, KL,
, liii, vi, lxi, xiv, Ixvii, Ixxxvii
—, influence of civilization on........---- 304, 305
— personages adopted in Tusayan. .--.-.-. 297
—, phratries of the -..--..:-...........-... exxi
—, religious beliefs of the. 267
—, sacrifice of dog at......-.............-.- 303
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